| ALBANIA Republic of Albania Republika e Shqiperise Joined United Nations: 14 December 1955 Human Rights as assured by their constitution Click here Updated 09/03/10 |
| CAPITAL |
| POPULATION |
| CHIEF OF STATE |
| SELECTION PROCESS |
Tirana (Tirane)
3,639,453 (July 2010 est.)
Sali Berisha
Prime Minister since 10 September 2005
Prime Minister since 10 September 2005
President elected by the People's Assembly for a five-year term
(eligible for a second term); four election rounds held between 8 and
20 July 2007
Next scheduled election: July 2012
(eligible for a second term); four election rounds held between 8 and
20 July 2007
Next scheduled election: July 2012
HEAD OF GOVERNMENT
SELECTION PROCESS
Prime Minister appointed by the President
| DECLARATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS |
| ETHNIC GROUPS |
Albanian 95%, Greek 3%, other 2% (Vlach, Roma (Gypsy), Serb, Macedonian, Bulgarian) (1989 est.)
note: in 1989, other estimates of the Greek population ranged from 1% (official Albanian statistics) to 12% (from a Greek
organization)
note: in 1989, other estimates of the Greek population ranged from 1% (official Albanian statistics) to 12% (from a Greek
organization)
| RELIGIONS |
Muslim 70%, Albanian Orthodox 20%, Roman Catholic 10%
note: percentages are estimates; there are no available current statistics on religious affiliation; all mosques and churches were closed in
1967 and religious observances prohibited; in November 1990, Albania began allowing private religious practice
note: percentages are estimates; there are no available current statistics on religious affiliation; all mosques and churches were closed in
1967 and religious observances prohibited; in November 1990, Albania began allowing private religious practice
| GOVERNMENT STRUCTURE |
Emerging democracy with 12 counties (qarqe, singular - qark); Legal system has a civil law system; has not accepted compulsory ICJ
jurisdiction; has accepted jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court for its citizens
Executive: President elected by the People's Assembly for a five-year term (eligible for a second term); Prime Minister appointed by the
President; four election rounds held between 8 and 20 July 2007 (next election to be held in 2012);
Legislative: Unicameral Assembly or Kuvendi (140 seats; 100 members are elected by direct popular vote and 40 by
proportional vote to serve four-year terms)
elections: last held 28 June 2009 (next to be held in 2014)
Judicial: Constitutional Court, Supreme Court (chairman is elected by the People's Assembly for a four-year term), and multiple
appeals and district courts
jurisdiction; has accepted jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court for its citizens
Executive: President elected by the People's Assembly for a five-year term (eligible for a second term); Prime Minister appointed by the
President; four election rounds held between 8 and 20 July 2007 (next election to be held in 2012);
Legislative: Unicameral Assembly or Kuvendi (140 seats; 100 members are elected by direct popular vote and 40 by
proportional vote to serve four-year terms)
elections: last held 28 June 2009 (next to be held in 2014)
Judicial: Constitutional Court, Supreme Court (chairman is elected by the People's Assembly for a four-year term), and multiple
appeals and district courts
| LANGUAGES |
Albanian (official - derived from Tosk dialect), Greek, Vlach, Romani, Slavic dialects
| BRIEF HISTORY |
Some scholars consider that Albanians are direct descendants of an Illyrian tribe that was named "Albanoi," which was located in
modern-day Albania. Other scholars dispute this and claim that Albanian derives from a dialect of the now-extinct Thracian
language and that the Albanians are not autochthonous. Some others believes the majority of the Illyrians were conquered and/ or
assimilated by the invading Slavic tribes after the fall of the Roman Empire. The perception of Illyrian as centum language was based
on analysis of Venetic language in northern Italy which scholars believed was related to Illyrian language. The Illyrians were Indo-
European tribesmen who appeared in the western portion of the Balkan Peninsula about 1000 B.C., a period coinciding with the
end of the Bronze Age and beginning of the Iron Age. They inhabited much of the area for at least the next millennium.
Archaeologists associate the Illyrians with the Hallstatt culture, an Iron Age people noted for production of iron, bronze swords with
winged-shaped handles, and domestication of horses. The Illyrian kingdom of Bardhyllis became a formidable local power in the
fourth century B.C. He fought against Greek settlers and Macedonia, a powerful kingdom to the southeast. In 358 B.C., however,
Macedonia's Phillip II, father of Alexander the Great, defeated the Illyrians and assumed control of their territory as far as Lake
Ohrid. Alexander himself routed the forces of the Illyrian chieftain Clitus in 335 B.C. and Illyrian tribal leaders and soldiers
accompanied Alexander on his conquest of Persia. In the Illyrian Wars of 229 and 219 B.C., Rome overran the Illyrian settlements
in the Neretva River valley. The Romans made new gains in 168 B.C., with Roman forces capturing Illyria's King Gentius at
Shkodër, which they called Scodra, and bringing him to Rome in 165 B.C. A century later, Julius Caesar and his rival Pompey
fought their decisive battle near Durrës (Dyrrachium). Rome finally subjugated recalcitrant Illyrian tribes in the western Balkans
during the reign of Emperor Tiberius in A.D. 9. Illyrians distinguished themselves as warriors in the Roman legions and made up a
significant portion of the Praetorian Guard. Several Roman emperors were of Illyrian origin, including Gaius Decius, Claudius
Gothicus, Aurelian, Probus, Diocletian, and Constantine the Great. Christianity came to Illyrian-populated lands in the first century
A.D. Saint Paul wrote that he preached in the Roman province of Illyricum, and tradition holds that he visited Durrës. In 379, under
emperor Theodosius I, as part of the Prefecture of Illyricum Orientale, the southern region was divided into three provinces: Epirus
Vetus, with capital at Nicopolis (modern Preveza), Epirus Nova, with capital at Durrës, and Praevalitania, with capital at Shkodër.
Each city formed an archdiocese. The fall of the Western Roman Empire and the age of great migrations brought radical changes to
the Balkan Peninsula and the Illyrian people. Barbarian tribesmen overran many rich Roman cities, destroying the existing social and
economic order and leaving the great Roman aqueducts, coliseums, temples, and roads in ruins. The Illyrians gradually disappeared
as a distinct people from the Balkans, replaced by the Bulgars, Serbs, Croats, Bosnians and Albanians and their lands were
gradually overtaken by them. In the late Middle Ages, new waves of invaders swept over the Albanian-populated lands. In the
fourth century, barbarian tribes began to prey upon the Roman Empire, and the fortunes of the Illyrian-populated lands sagged. The
Germanic Goths and Asiatic Huns were the first to arrive, invading in mid-century; the Avars attacked in A.D. 570; and the Slavic
Serbs and Croats overran Illyrian-populated areas in the early seventh century. In the 9th century, the Bulgars conquered much of
the Balkan Peninsula and extended their domain to the lowlands of what is now central and southern Albania. But the Byzantine
emperor Basil II, nicknamed the “Bulgar-slayer”, counterattacked in 1014. The Byzantine forces smashed the Bulgarian army,
seized the Adriatic ports, and conquered Epirus, which lies south of Albania. The first historical mention of Albania and the
Albanians as such appears in an account of the resistance by a Byzantine emperor, Alexius I Comnenus, to an offensive by the
Vatican-backed Normans from southern Italy into the Albanian-populated lands in 1081. In the same year, the weakness of the
Byzantine empire let northern Albania slip under Serbian control. Ottoman supremacy in the Balkan region began in 1385 with the
Battle of Savra but was briefly interrupted in the 15th century, when Gjergj Kastrioti, an Albanian warrior known as Skanderbeg,
allied with some Albanian chiefs and fought-off Turkish rule from 1443-1478 (although Kastrioti died in 1468). Upon the Ottomans'
return, a large number of Albanians fled to Italy, Greece and Egypt and maintained their Arbëresh identity. Many Albanians won
fame and fortune as soldiers, administrators, and merchants in far-flung parts of the empire. As the centuries passed, however,
Ottoman rulers lost the capacity to command the loyalty of local pashas, who governed districts on the empire's fringes, which
threatened stability in the region. The Ottoman rulers of the nineteenth century struggled to shore up central authority, introducing
reforms aimed at harnessing unruly pashas and checking the spread of nationalist ideas. Albania would be a part of the Ottoman
Empire until the early 20th century. Albanian leaders formed the League of Prizren in 1878 with the backing of sultan Abdulhamid
II, through which they pressed for territorial autonomy and defending their lands from the onslaught of their neighbours. After
decades of unrest a major uprising exploded in the Albanian-populated Ottoman territories in 1912, on the eve of the First Balkan
War. When Serbia, Montenegro, and Greece laid claim to Albanian lands during the war, the Albanians declared independence.
The European Great Powers endorsed an independent Albania in 1913, after the Second Balkan War. They were assisted by
Aubrey Herbert, a British MP who passionately advocated their cause in London. As a result, Herbert was offered the crown of
Albania, but was dissuaded by the British prime minister, H. H. Asquith, from accepting. Instead the offer went to William of Wied,
a German prince who accepted and became sovereign of the new Principality of Albania. The young state, however, collapsed
within weeks of the outbreak of World War I.Before this, Albanians rebelled against the German prince and declared the
independence of their country from the jurisdiction of the great powers and established throughout the country a Muslim regime
under the leadership of a local warrior, Haji Qamil. Albania achieved a degree of statehood after World War I, in part because of
the diplomatic intercession of the United States. The country suffered from a debilitating lack of economic and social development,
however, and its first years of independence were fraught with political instability. Unable to find strength without a foreign
protector, Albania became the object of tensions between Italy and the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes (the later
Yugoslavia), which both sought to dominate the country. During World War II, Albanian fascists supported Italy in its invasion on
Greece in October 1940. Some Albanians took a part in muslim formations which helped German SS force in repression on
Yugoslavian and Albanian resistance movements. Communist partisans fought Italian and German occupation forces as well as
various nationalist Albanian partisans. However, they were victorious in World War II and took over the country which became
communist immediately after that. Enver Hoxha and Mehmet Shehu emerged as the dominant figures in Albania after five years of
political turmoil following the end of World War II. They began to concentrate primarily on securing and maintaining their power
base, and secondarily on preserving Albania's independence and reshaping the country according to the precepts of Stalinism. Soon
after Hoxha's death, the government began to seek closer ties with the West in order to improve economic conditions, and initial
democratic reforms were introduced including multi-party elections in 1991. Pursuant to a 1991 interim basic law, Albanians ratified
a constitution in 1998, establishing a democratic system of government based upon the rule of law and guaranteeing the protection
of fundamental human rights. Albania approved its constitution through a popular referendum which was held in November 1998,
but which was boycotted by the opposition. Although Albania has made strides toward democratic reform and maintaining the rule
of law, serious deficiencies in the electoral code remain to be addressed, as demonstrated in the June 2001 parliamentary elections.
Aside from internationally acceptable statistics, Albania shows incredible infastructural and economic improvement. Construction is
at a current boom in Albania as villas, apartment complexes, offices, restaurants, and hotels are multiplying at a frantic rate. Also,
due to black market trade and through other venues, Albania currently boasts the highest percentage of Mercedes-Benz
automobiles of any European nation.
Source: Wikipedia: History of Albania
modern-day Albania. Other scholars dispute this and claim that Albanian derives from a dialect of the now-extinct Thracian
language and that the Albanians are not autochthonous. Some others believes the majority of the Illyrians were conquered and/ or
assimilated by the invading Slavic tribes after the fall of the Roman Empire. The perception of Illyrian as centum language was based
on analysis of Venetic language in northern Italy which scholars believed was related to Illyrian language. The Illyrians were Indo-
European tribesmen who appeared in the western portion of the Balkan Peninsula about 1000 B.C., a period coinciding with the
end of the Bronze Age and beginning of the Iron Age. They inhabited much of the area for at least the next millennium.
Archaeologists associate the Illyrians with the Hallstatt culture, an Iron Age people noted for production of iron, bronze swords with
winged-shaped handles, and domestication of horses. The Illyrian kingdom of Bardhyllis became a formidable local power in the
fourth century B.C. He fought against Greek settlers and Macedonia, a powerful kingdom to the southeast. In 358 B.C., however,
Macedonia's Phillip II, father of Alexander the Great, defeated the Illyrians and assumed control of their territory as far as Lake
Ohrid. Alexander himself routed the forces of the Illyrian chieftain Clitus in 335 B.C. and Illyrian tribal leaders and soldiers
accompanied Alexander on his conquest of Persia. In the Illyrian Wars of 229 and 219 B.C., Rome overran the Illyrian settlements
in the Neretva River valley. The Romans made new gains in 168 B.C., with Roman forces capturing Illyria's King Gentius at
Shkodër, which they called Scodra, and bringing him to Rome in 165 B.C. A century later, Julius Caesar and his rival Pompey
fought their decisive battle near Durrës (Dyrrachium). Rome finally subjugated recalcitrant Illyrian tribes in the western Balkans
during the reign of Emperor Tiberius in A.D. 9. Illyrians distinguished themselves as warriors in the Roman legions and made up a
significant portion of the Praetorian Guard. Several Roman emperors were of Illyrian origin, including Gaius Decius, Claudius
Gothicus, Aurelian, Probus, Diocletian, and Constantine the Great. Christianity came to Illyrian-populated lands in the first century
A.D. Saint Paul wrote that he preached in the Roman province of Illyricum, and tradition holds that he visited Durrës. In 379, under
emperor Theodosius I, as part of the Prefecture of Illyricum Orientale, the southern region was divided into three provinces: Epirus
Vetus, with capital at Nicopolis (modern Preveza), Epirus Nova, with capital at Durrës, and Praevalitania, with capital at Shkodër.
Each city formed an archdiocese. The fall of the Western Roman Empire and the age of great migrations brought radical changes to
the Balkan Peninsula and the Illyrian people. Barbarian tribesmen overran many rich Roman cities, destroying the existing social and
economic order and leaving the great Roman aqueducts, coliseums, temples, and roads in ruins. The Illyrians gradually disappeared
as a distinct people from the Balkans, replaced by the Bulgars, Serbs, Croats, Bosnians and Albanians and their lands were
gradually overtaken by them. In the late Middle Ages, new waves of invaders swept over the Albanian-populated lands. In the
fourth century, barbarian tribes began to prey upon the Roman Empire, and the fortunes of the Illyrian-populated lands sagged. The
Germanic Goths and Asiatic Huns were the first to arrive, invading in mid-century; the Avars attacked in A.D. 570; and the Slavic
Serbs and Croats overran Illyrian-populated areas in the early seventh century. In the 9th century, the Bulgars conquered much of
the Balkan Peninsula and extended their domain to the lowlands of what is now central and southern Albania. But the Byzantine
emperor Basil II, nicknamed the “Bulgar-slayer”, counterattacked in 1014. The Byzantine forces smashed the Bulgarian army,
seized the Adriatic ports, and conquered Epirus, which lies south of Albania. The first historical mention of Albania and the
Albanians as such appears in an account of the resistance by a Byzantine emperor, Alexius I Comnenus, to an offensive by the
Vatican-backed Normans from southern Italy into the Albanian-populated lands in 1081. In the same year, the weakness of the
Byzantine empire let northern Albania slip under Serbian control. Ottoman supremacy in the Balkan region began in 1385 with the
Battle of Savra but was briefly interrupted in the 15th century, when Gjergj Kastrioti, an Albanian warrior known as Skanderbeg,
allied with some Albanian chiefs and fought-off Turkish rule from 1443-1478 (although Kastrioti died in 1468). Upon the Ottomans'
return, a large number of Albanians fled to Italy, Greece and Egypt and maintained their Arbëresh identity. Many Albanians won
fame and fortune as soldiers, administrators, and merchants in far-flung parts of the empire. As the centuries passed, however,
Ottoman rulers lost the capacity to command the loyalty of local pashas, who governed districts on the empire's fringes, which
threatened stability in the region. The Ottoman rulers of the nineteenth century struggled to shore up central authority, introducing
reforms aimed at harnessing unruly pashas and checking the spread of nationalist ideas. Albania would be a part of the Ottoman
Empire until the early 20th century. Albanian leaders formed the League of Prizren in 1878 with the backing of sultan Abdulhamid
II, through which they pressed for territorial autonomy and defending their lands from the onslaught of their neighbours. After
decades of unrest a major uprising exploded in the Albanian-populated Ottoman territories in 1912, on the eve of the First Balkan
War. When Serbia, Montenegro, and Greece laid claim to Albanian lands during the war, the Albanians declared independence.
The European Great Powers endorsed an independent Albania in 1913, after the Second Balkan War. They were assisted by
Aubrey Herbert, a British MP who passionately advocated their cause in London. As a result, Herbert was offered the crown of
Albania, but was dissuaded by the British prime minister, H. H. Asquith, from accepting. Instead the offer went to William of Wied,
a German prince who accepted and became sovereign of the new Principality of Albania. The young state, however, collapsed
within weeks of the outbreak of World War I.Before this, Albanians rebelled against the German prince and declared the
independence of their country from the jurisdiction of the great powers and established throughout the country a Muslim regime
under the leadership of a local warrior, Haji Qamil. Albania achieved a degree of statehood after World War I, in part because of
the diplomatic intercession of the United States. The country suffered from a debilitating lack of economic and social development,
however, and its first years of independence were fraught with political instability. Unable to find strength without a foreign
protector, Albania became the object of tensions between Italy and the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes (the later
Yugoslavia), which both sought to dominate the country. During World War II, Albanian fascists supported Italy in its invasion on
Greece in October 1940. Some Albanians took a part in muslim formations which helped German SS force in repression on
Yugoslavian and Albanian resistance movements. Communist partisans fought Italian and German occupation forces as well as
various nationalist Albanian partisans. However, they were victorious in World War II and took over the country which became
communist immediately after that. Enver Hoxha and Mehmet Shehu emerged as the dominant figures in Albania after five years of
political turmoil following the end of World War II. They began to concentrate primarily on securing and maintaining their power
base, and secondarily on preserving Albania's independence and reshaping the country according to the precepts of Stalinism. Soon
after Hoxha's death, the government began to seek closer ties with the West in order to improve economic conditions, and initial
democratic reforms were introduced including multi-party elections in 1991. Pursuant to a 1991 interim basic law, Albanians ratified
a constitution in 1998, establishing a democratic system of government based upon the rule of law and guaranteeing the protection
of fundamental human rights. Albania approved its constitution through a popular referendum which was held in November 1998,
but which was boycotted by the opposition. Although Albania has made strides toward democratic reform and maintaining the rule
of law, serious deficiencies in the electoral code remain to be addressed, as demonstrated in the June 2001 parliamentary elections.
Aside from internationally acceptable statistics, Albania shows incredible infastructural and economic improvement. Construction is
at a current boom in Albania as villas, apartment complexes, offices, restaurants, and hotels are multiplying at a frantic rate. Also,
due to black market trade and through other venues, Albania currently boasts the highest percentage of Mercedes-Benz
automobiles of any European nation.
Source: Wikipedia: History of Albania
| ECONOMIC OVERVIEW |
Albania, a formerly closed, centrally-planned state, is making the difficult transition to a more modern open-market economy.
Macroeconomic growth averaged around 6% between 2004-08, but declined to about 4% in 2009. Inflation is low and stable. The
government has taken measures to curb violent crime, and recently adopted a fiscal reform package aimed at reducing the large
gray economy and attracting foreign investment. The economy is bolstered by annual remittances from abroad representing about
15% of GDP, mostly from Albanians residing in Greece and Italy; this helps offset the towering trade deficit. The agricultural sector,
which accounts for over half of employment but only about one-fifth of GDP, is limited primarily to small family operations and
subsistence farming because of lack of modern equipment, unclear property rights, and the prevalence of small, inefficient plots of
land. Energy shortages because of a reliance on hydropower, and antiquated and inadequate infrastructure contribute to Albania's
poor business environment and lack of success in attracting new foreign investment needed to expand the country's export base.
The completion of a new thermal power plant near Vlore has helped diversify generation capacity, and plans to upgrade
transmission lines between Albania and Montenegro and Kosovo would help relieve the energy shortages. Also, with help from EU
funds, the government is taking steps to improve the poor national road and rail network, a long-standing barrier to sustained
economic growth.
Source: CIA World Factbook (select Albania)
Macroeconomic growth averaged around 6% between 2004-08, but declined to about 4% in 2009. Inflation is low and stable. The
government has taken measures to curb violent crime, and recently adopted a fiscal reform package aimed at reducing the large
gray economy and attracting foreign investment. The economy is bolstered by annual remittances from abroad representing about
15% of GDP, mostly from Albanians residing in Greece and Italy; this helps offset the towering trade deficit. The agricultural sector,
which accounts for over half of employment but only about one-fifth of GDP, is limited primarily to small family operations and
subsistence farming because of lack of modern equipment, unclear property rights, and the prevalence of small, inefficient plots of
land. Energy shortages because of a reliance on hydropower, and antiquated and inadequate infrastructure contribute to Albania's
poor business environment and lack of success in attracting new foreign investment needed to expand the country's export base.
The completion of a new thermal power plant near Vlore has helped diversify generation capacity, and plans to upgrade
transmission lines between Albania and Montenegro and Kosovo would help relieve the energy shortages. Also, with help from EU
funds, the government is taking steps to improve the poor national road and rail network, a long-standing barrier to sustained
economic growth.
Source: CIA World Factbook (select Albania)
| POLITICAL CLIMATE |
Politics of Albania takes place in a framework of a parliamentary representative democratic republic, whereby the Prime Minister is
the head of government, and of a multi-party system. Executive power is exercised by the government. Legislative power is vested
in both the government and parliament, the Assembly of the Republic of Albania (Kuvendi i Republikës së Shqipërisë). Since 1991,
the introduction of pluralism, the party system is dominated by the Democratic Party of Albania and the socialist (post-communist)
Socialist Party of Albania.
Executive power rests with the Council of Ministers (cabinet). The Chairman of the Council (Prime Minister) is appointed by the
President; ministers are nominated by the President on the basis of the Prime Minister's recommendation. The People's Assembly
must give final approval of the composition of the Council. The Council is responsible for carrying out both foreign and domestic
policies. It directs and controls the activities of the ministries and other state organs.
The Assembly has the power to decide the direction of domestic and foreign policy; approve or amend the constitution; declare war
on another state; ratify or annul international treaties; elect the President of the Republic, the Supreme Court, and the Attorney
General and his or her deputies; and control the activity of state radio and television, state news agency, and other official
information media
Source: Wikipedia: Politics of Albania
the head of government, and of a multi-party system. Executive power is exercised by the government. Legislative power is vested
in both the government and parliament, the Assembly of the Republic of Albania (Kuvendi i Republikës së Shqipërisë). Since 1991,
the introduction of pluralism, the party system is dominated by the Democratic Party of Albania and the socialist (post-communist)
Socialist Party of Albania.
Executive power rests with the Council of Ministers (cabinet). The Chairman of the Council (Prime Minister) is appointed by the
President; ministers are nominated by the President on the basis of the Prime Minister's recommendation. The People's Assembly
must give final approval of the composition of the Council. The Council is responsible for carrying out both foreign and domestic
policies. It directs and controls the activities of the ministries and other state organs.
The Assembly has the power to decide the direction of domestic and foreign policy; approve or amend the constitution; declare war
on another state; ratify or annul international treaties; elect the President of the Republic, the Supreme Court, and the Attorney
General and his or her deputies; and control the activity of state radio and television, state news agency, and other official
information media
Source: Wikipedia: Politics of Albania
| INTERNATIONAL DISPUTES |
The Albanian Government calls for the protection of the rights of ethnic Albanians in neighboring countries, and the peaceful
resolution of interethnic disputes; some ethnic Albanian groups in neighboring countries advocate for a "greater Albania," but the
idea has little appeal among Albanian nationals; the mass emigration of unemployed Albanians remains a problem for developed
countries, chiefly Greece and Italy
resolution of interethnic disputes; some ethnic Albanian groups in neighboring countries advocate for a "greater Albania," but the
idea has little appeal among Albanian nationals; the mass emigration of unemployed Albanians remains a problem for developed
countries, chiefly Greece and Italy
| REFUGEES AND INTERNALLY DISPLACED PERSONS (IDPS) |
None reported.
| ILLICIT DRUGS |
Increasingly active transshipment point for Southwest Asian opiates, hashish, and cannabis transiting the Balkan route and - to a
lesser extent - cocaine from South America destined for Western Europe; limited opium and expanding cannabis production;
ethnic Albanian narcotrafficking organizations active and expanding in Europe; vulnerable to money laundering associated with
regional trafficking in narcotics, arms, contraband, and illegal aliens
lesser extent - cocaine from South America destined for Western Europe; limited opium and expanding cannabis production;
ethnic Albanian narcotrafficking organizations active and expanding in Europe; vulnerable to money laundering associated with
regional trafficking in narcotics, arms, contraband, and illegal aliens
| HUMAN RIGHTS STATEMENTS, ANALYSIS AND CRITIQUES |
2009 Human Rights Report: Albania
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
March 11, 2010
The Republic of Albania is a parliamentary democracy with a population of approximately 3.6 million. The constitution vests legislative
authority in the unicameral People's Assembly (parliament), which elects both the prime minister and the president. The prime minister
heads the government, while the presidency has limited executive power. On June 28, the country held parliamentary elections, which
the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR)
described as marking progress over past elections, but not fully realizing international standards. While ODIHR found that the elections
met most of the country's democratic commitments, observers noted problems, including misuse of government resources by both sides
for campaign purposes, shortcomings in training and preparations for vote counting, and evidence of proxy voting, media bias, and
pressure on public sector employees to participate in campaign events. The opposition Socialist Party (SP) boycotted parliament after
September, calling for an investigation into alleged electoral fraud. Civilian authorities generally maintained effective control of the
security forces.
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
March 11, 2010
The Republic of Albania is a parliamentary democracy with a population of approximately 3.6 million. The constitution vests legislative
authority in the unicameral People's Assembly (parliament), which elects both the prime minister and the president. The prime minister
heads the government, while the presidency has limited executive power. On June 28, the country held parliamentary elections, which
the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR)
described as marking progress over past elections, but not fully realizing international standards. While ODIHR found that the elections
met most of the country's democratic commitments, observers noted problems, including misuse of government resources by both sides
for campaign purposes, shortcomings in training and preparations for vote counting, and evidence of proxy voting, media bias, and
pressure on public sector employees to participate in campaign events. The opposition Socialist Party (SP) boycotted parliament after
September, calling for an investigation into alleged electoral fraud. Civilian authorities generally maintained effective control of the
security forces.
- There were reports that police severely beat and mistreated suspects during interrogation and detention.
- Police corruption and impunity persisted.
- Government corruption remained a serious and unresolved problem.
- Discrimination against women, children, homosexual persons, and minorities were problems.
- Trafficking in persons also remained a problem.
30 July 2010
Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women
Forty-sixth session
12 – 30 July 2010
Concluding observations of the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women
Albania
Introduction
2. The Committee expresses its appreciation to the State party for its third periodic report, which was well structured and in general
followed the Committee’s guidelines for the preparation of reports, with references to the previous concluding observations, although it
lacked references to the Committee’s general recommendations, was overdue, and provided limited sex-disaggregated statistics and
qualitative data on the situation of women in the areas covered by the Convention, in particular in respect of women from disadvantaged
groups. The Committee expresses its appreciation to the State party for its oral presentation, the extensive written replies to the list of
issues and questions raised by the Committee’s pre-session working group and the further clarifications to the questions posed orally by
the Committee.
Positive aspects
5. The Committee notes with satisfaction the accession, on 23 June 2003, to the Optional Protocol to the Convention.
6. The Committee also notes with satisfaction that, in the period since the consideration of the previous report, the State party has
ratified or acceded to the following international instruments:
a. Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights;
b. Second Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, aiming at the abolition of the death penalty;
Principal areas of concern and recommendations
10. The Committee recalls the obligation of the State party to systematically and continuously implement all the provisions of the
Convention and views the concerns and recommendations identified in the present concluding observations as requiring the priority
attention of the State party between now and the submission of the next periodic report. Consequently, the Committee urges the State
party to focus on those areas in its implementation activities and to report on action taken and results achieved in its next periodic report.
The Committee calls upon the State party to submit the present concluding observations to all relevant ministries, to the Parliament
(Assembly – Kuvendi), and to the judiciary, so as to ensure their full implementation.
Parliament
11. While reaffirming that the Government has the primary responsibility and is particularly accountable for the full implementation of the
obligations of the State party under the Convention, the Committee stresses that the Convention is binding on all branches of
government, and it invites the State party to encourage its Parliament (Assembly – Kuvendi), in line with its procedures, where
appropriate, to take the necessary steps with regard to the implementation of the present concluding observations and the Government’s
next reporting process under the Convention.
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Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women
Forty-sixth session
12 – 30 July 2010
Concluding observations of the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women
Albania
Introduction
2. The Committee expresses its appreciation to the State party for its third periodic report, which was well structured and in general
followed the Committee’s guidelines for the preparation of reports, with references to the previous concluding observations, although it
lacked references to the Committee’s general recommendations, was overdue, and provided limited sex-disaggregated statistics and
qualitative data on the situation of women in the areas covered by the Convention, in particular in respect of women from disadvantaged
groups. The Committee expresses its appreciation to the State party for its oral presentation, the extensive written replies to the list of
issues and questions raised by the Committee’s pre-session working group and the further clarifications to the questions posed orally by
the Committee.
Positive aspects
5. The Committee notes with satisfaction the accession, on 23 June 2003, to the Optional Protocol to the Convention.
6. The Committee also notes with satisfaction that, in the period since the consideration of the previous report, the State party has
ratified or acceded to the following international instruments:
a. Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights;
b. Second Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, aiming at the abolition of the death penalty;
Principal areas of concern and recommendations
10. The Committee recalls the obligation of the State party to systematically and continuously implement all the provisions of the
Convention and views the concerns and recommendations identified in the present concluding observations as requiring the priority
attention of the State party between now and the submission of the next periodic report. Consequently, the Committee urges the State
party to focus on those areas in its implementation activities and to report on action taken and results achieved in its next periodic report.
The Committee calls upon the State party to submit the present concluding observations to all relevant ministries, to the Parliament
(Assembly – Kuvendi), and to the judiciary, so as to ensure their full implementation.
Parliament
11. While reaffirming that the Government has the primary responsibility and is particularly accountable for the full implementation of the
obligations of the State party under the Convention, the Committee stresses that the Convention is binding on all branches of
government, and it invites the State party to encourage its Parliament (Assembly – Kuvendi), in line with its procedures, where
appropriate, to take the necessary steps with regard to the implementation of the present concluding observations and the Government’s
next reporting process under the Convention.
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Freedom In The World 2010 Report
Political Rights Score: 3
Civil Liberties Score: 3
Status: Partly Free
Overview
Prime Minister Sali Berisha retained his post after his Democratic Party won parliamentary elections in June. However, the opposition
Socialist Party mounted protests to demand a recount and boycotted the new parliament through the end of the year. Albania achieved a
major goal in April, when it formally joined NATO; it filed an application to join the European Union later that month.
Berisha’s government was plagued by allegations of corruption and abuse of office in 2008, including a case stemming from a weapons
depot explosion that killed 26 people and destroyed hundreds of homes in March. Nevertheless, the PD secured a narrow victory in the
June 2009 parliamentary elections, which were held under a new electoral code passed in late 2008. The ruling party took 68 seats in the
140-seat parliament and eventually formed a coalition government with four much smaller parties: the Socialist Movement for
Integration, a PS splinter group that won four seats; the Republican Party, with one seat; the Union for Human Rights, an ethnic Greek
party, with one seat; and the Union for Justice and Integration, a party representing the Cham minority, with one seat. This left the PS,
with 65 seats, in opposition. It boycotted the new parliament, which convened in September, and mounted a series of street protests to
demand a fraud investigation and a partial ballot recount. Berisha countered that the courts had approved the results. The opposition
boycott continued at year’s end.
Albania was formally welcomed into NATO in April 2009, and later that month it filed its application to join the European Union (EU),
with which it already had a Stabilization and Association Agreement. However, EU accession remained uncertain and would not come
before 2015.
Albania is an electoral democracy. International observers of the 2009 parliamentary elections hailed improvements in a number of areas,
but also cited problems including media bias, abuse of state resources, political pressure on public employees, and flaws in the tabulation
process. Under a new electoral code passed in late 2008, the unicameral, 140-member Kuvendi Popullor (People’s Assembly) was
elected through proportional representation in 12 regional districts of varying size. All members serve four-year terms. The prime
minister is designated by the majority party or coalition, and the president—who does not hold executive powers but heads the military
and plays an important role in selecting senior judges—is chosen by the parliament for a five-year term.
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Political Rights Score: 3
Civil Liberties Score: 3
Status: Partly Free
Overview
Prime Minister Sali Berisha retained his post after his Democratic Party won parliamentary elections in June. However, the opposition
Socialist Party mounted protests to demand a recount and boycotted the new parliament through the end of the year. Albania achieved a
major goal in April, when it formally joined NATO; it filed an application to join the European Union later that month.
Berisha’s government was plagued by allegations of corruption and abuse of office in 2008, including a case stemming from a weapons
depot explosion that killed 26 people and destroyed hundreds of homes in March. Nevertheless, the PD secured a narrow victory in the
June 2009 parliamentary elections, which were held under a new electoral code passed in late 2008. The ruling party took 68 seats in the
140-seat parliament and eventually formed a coalition government with four much smaller parties: the Socialist Movement for
Integration, a PS splinter group that won four seats; the Republican Party, with one seat; the Union for Human Rights, an ethnic Greek
party, with one seat; and the Union for Justice and Integration, a party representing the Cham minority, with one seat. This left the PS,
with 65 seats, in opposition. It boycotted the new parliament, which convened in September, and mounted a series of street protests to
demand a fraud investigation and a partial ballot recount. Berisha countered that the courts had approved the results. The opposition
boycott continued at year’s end.
Albania was formally welcomed into NATO in April 2009, and later that month it filed its application to join the European Union (EU),
with which it already had a Stabilization and Association Agreement. However, EU accession remained uncertain and would not come
before 2015.
Albania is an electoral democracy. International observers of the 2009 parliamentary elections hailed improvements in a number of areas,
but also cited problems including media bias, abuse of state resources, political pressure on public employees, and flaws in the tabulation
process. Under a new electoral code passed in late 2008, the unicameral, 140-member Kuvendi Popullor (People’s Assembly) was
elected through proportional representation in 12 regional districts of varying size. All members serve four-year terms. The prime
minister is designated by the majority party or coalition, and the president—who does not hold executive powers but heads the military
and plays an important role in selecting senior judges—is chosen by the parliament for a five-year term.
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In search of shelter
Leaving Social Care In Albania
20 May 2010
1. INTRODUCTION
The right to adequate housing is a right guaranteed in international law, a right recognized as being “of central importance for the
enjoyment of all economic, social and cultural rights”.1 The denial of this right strikes particularly hard the most vulnerable members of
society. Adults who have spent their childhood in institutional care in Albania are one such group. This report is part of Amnesty
International’s Demand Dignity campaign, which aims to end the human rights violations that drive and deepen global poverty.
Poverty is one of the main reasons for the placement of children in institutional care in Albania, and the state does little to help them
escape poverty. The state’s failure to adequately protect their rights, and in particular to give young people leaving social care the
support they need to make the transition to independent life has consequences that are all too predictable. Many achieve poor grades or
drop out of school without acquiring the skills and qualifications that would enable them to live independently. As adults, they are likely to
be homeless and to be at risk of extreme poverty and social exclusion.
Care leavers - The poverty trap
A., in his early 20s, was placed in an orphanage in Shkodër in northern Albania, together with two siblings, when he was three years-old,
after his parents separated and the children were abandoned. When he completed compulsory primary school, he was sent to the
Forestry School, a vocational boarding school. According to his account: “I wasn’t given any preparation for leaving the orphanage. One
day, when I came back from school, they told me I had to leave. They never asked me whether I wanted to go to Forestry School, they
just brought me there. It was the orphanage secretary who told me where I was going.” In June 2009, when Amnesty International met
him, he had recently completed his secondary studies and was still living in a school dormitory room, which he shared with his brother
and several other young care leavers. He would have liked to continue to university, but said he had not achieved high enough grades. He
explained: “I have found work as a carpenter and today was my first day.... I don't know if they will pay my social insurance, it’s a
small company. I don’t have a contract. They pay me 500 lek a day [appr. €3.60, or €80 a month], it’s not enough to rent
accommodation on my own.”2 He feared that in September he would have to leave the dormitory as new students arrived, and that the
only available accommodation would be a dilapidated adjacent school building, where a floor has been given over to housing a group of
homeless adult orphans, some now well into middle age.
Click here to read more »
Leaving Social Care In Albania
20 May 2010
1. INTRODUCTION
The right to adequate housing is a right guaranteed in international law, a right recognized as being “of central importance for the
enjoyment of all economic, social and cultural rights”.1 The denial of this right strikes particularly hard the most vulnerable members of
society. Adults who have spent their childhood in institutional care in Albania are one such group. This report is part of Amnesty
International’s Demand Dignity campaign, which aims to end the human rights violations that drive and deepen global poverty.
Poverty is one of the main reasons for the placement of children in institutional care in Albania, and the state does little to help them
escape poverty. The state’s failure to adequately protect their rights, and in particular to give young people leaving social care the
support they need to make the transition to independent life has consequences that are all too predictable. Many achieve poor grades or
drop out of school without acquiring the skills and qualifications that would enable them to live independently. As adults, they are likely to
be homeless and to be at risk of extreme poverty and social exclusion.
Care leavers - The poverty trap
A., in his early 20s, was placed in an orphanage in Shkodër in northern Albania, together with two siblings, when he was three years-old,
after his parents separated and the children were abandoned. When he completed compulsory primary school, he was sent to the
Forestry School, a vocational boarding school. According to his account: “I wasn’t given any preparation for leaving the orphanage. One
day, when I came back from school, they told me I had to leave. They never asked me whether I wanted to go to Forestry School, they
just brought me there. It was the orphanage secretary who told me where I was going.” In June 2009, when Amnesty International met
him, he had recently completed his secondary studies and was still living in a school dormitory room, which he shared with his brother
and several other young care leavers. He would have liked to continue to university, but said he had not achieved high enough grades. He
explained: “I have found work as a carpenter and today was my first day.... I don't know if they will pay my social insurance, it’s a
small company. I don’t have a contract. They pay me 500 lek a day [appr. €3.60, or €80 a month], it’s not enough to rent
accommodation on my own.”2 He feared that in September he would have to leave the dormitory as new students arrived, and that the
only available accommodation would be a dilapidated adjacent school building, where a floor has been given over to housing a group of
homeless adult orphans, some now well into middle age.
Click here to read more »
Albania: Anti-Bias Law a Victory
Groundbreaking Inclusion of Sexual Orientation, Gender Identity Shows Commitment to Rights and Freedoms
February 16, 2010
(New York) - The anti-discrimination bill approved by Albanian lawmakers on February 4, 2010, is an important step toward ensuring
equality for all, Human Rights Watch said today in a letter to Prime Minister Sali Berisha. The bill, which Albania's government had
proposed and promoted, is designed to protect Albanians from all forms of discrimination, including on the grounds of sexual orientation
and gender identity.
"Albania's government has shown leadership in the fight for equality," said Boris Dittrich, advocacy director in the lesbian, gay, bisexual,
and transgender program of Human Rights Watch. "The bill's inclusive provisions, if carried out properly, will help build an open society
where all can live freely."
For over a year, Human Rights Watch has worked to support changes in Albanian law that would offer anti-discrimination protections in
keeping with international standards. In February 2009, Human Rights Watch organized a roundtable discussion in Tirana with 10
Albanian human rights organizations to talk about the issue.
The groups pointed to high levels of homophobia in Albanian society and a dire lack of legal protections. They concluded that a broad
anti-discrimination law that would expressly protect lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender Albanians against unequal treatment should
be a top priority for government action.
Human Rights Watch reinforced this message in meetings with government officials, including Berisha. Albanian human rights
organizations prepared a first draft of the bill, and discussed its contents with the government. It was passed with the prime minister's
full support.
Article 1 of the bill defines equality, and includes sexual orientation and gender identity among the reasons equality should not be
infringed upon. Article 3 defines discrimination, incorporating every ground mentioned in article 1.
In its letter, Human Rights Watch urged Albanian authorities to ensure that the new Office of the Commissioner for the Protection of
Equality and the Ministry of Labor have the staff and expertise needed to lead the fight against discrimination.
"This law is an important promise - but it is just the beginning," Dittrich said. "Now the government needs to see that its provisions are
realized and enforced."
Click here to read more »
Groundbreaking Inclusion of Sexual Orientation, Gender Identity Shows Commitment to Rights and Freedoms
February 16, 2010
(New York) - The anti-discrimination bill approved by Albanian lawmakers on February 4, 2010, is an important step toward ensuring
equality for all, Human Rights Watch said today in a letter to Prime Minister Sali Berisha. The bill, which Albania's government had
proposed and promoted, is designed to protect Albanians from all forms of discrimination, including on the grounds of sexual orientation
and gender identity.
"Albania's government has shown leadership in the fight for equality," said Boris Dittrich, advocacy director in the lesbian, gay, bisexual,
and transgender program of Human Rights Watch. "The bill's inclusive provisions, if carried out properly, will help build an open society
where all can live freely."
For over a year, Human Rights Watch has worked to support changes in Albanian law that would offer anti-discrimination protections in
keeping with international standards. In February 2009, Human Rights Watch organized a roundtable discussion in Tirana with 10
Albanian human rights organizations to talk about the issue.
The groups pointed to high levels of homophobia in Albanian society and a dire lack of legal protections. They concluded that a broad
anti-discrimination law that would expressly protect lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender Albanians against unequal treatment should
be a top priority for government action.
Human Rights Watch reinforced this message in meetings with government officials, including Berisha. Albanian human rights
organizations prepared a first draft of the bill, and discussed its contents with the government. It was passed with the prime minister's
full support.
Article 1 of the bill defines equality, and includes sexual orientation and gender identity among the reasons equality should not be
infringed upon. Article 3 defines discrimination, incorporating every ground mentioned in article 1.
In its letter, Human Rights Watch urged Albanian authorities to ensure that the new Office of the Commissioner for the Protection of
Equality and the Ministry of Labor have the staff and expertise needed to lead the fight against discrimination.
"This law is an important promise - but it is just the beginning," Dittrich said. "Now the government needs to see that its provisions are
realized and enforced."
Click here to read more »
Statement by H.E. Mr. Ferit Hoxha Permanent Representative of the Republic of Albania to the United Nations
General Debate of the 2010 NPT Review Conference
New York, 6 May 2010
Ladies and gentlemen,
Albania fully associates itself with the Statement of the European Union. However, I would like to make some remarks in my national
capacity.
The NPT, based in its three main pillars, disarmament, non- proliferation and peaceful use of the nuclear energy, remains a cornerstone
and an irreplaceable framework of world's peace and security. Albania is truly committed to this fundamental mechanism and to its
further strengthening.
The IAEA safeguards system is fundamental for the nonproliferation regime. The verification instruments of the IAEA need to be strictly
observed and further strengthened. The Comprehensive Safeguards Agreements and the Additional Protocol are very important tools for
the preservation of the worlds peace and stability and the fight against nuclear terrorism. Since 1988, Albania has a Comprehensive
Safeguard Agreement with the IAEA and has signed the Additional Protocol, which ratification is in the very final stage.
Albania has taken practical steps towards strengthened the fight against illegal trafficking of nuclear and radioactive material. We have
upgraded and improved our legal framework in the field of export controls of arms and dual use materials; we have upgraded border
check points infrastructure with the necessary modern detection equipment.
Albania attaches great importance to the inalienable right of the peaceful use of the nuclear energy, as it is affirmed by the article IV of
the Treaty. However, this right is intrinsically linked with the necessity for strict compliance with the obligations of the Article I, II, and
III of the Treaty. To this effect, the IAEA verification instruments need to further be strengthened.
Click here to read more »
General Debate of the 2010 NPT Review Conference
New York, 6 May 2010
Ladies and gentlemen,
Albania fully associates itself with the Statement of the European Union. However, I would like to make some remarks in my national
capacity.
The NPT, based in its three main pillars, disarmament, non- proliferation and peaceful use of the nuclear energy, remains a cornerstone
and an irreplaceable framework of world's peace and security. Albania is truly committed to this fundamental mechanism and to its
further strengthening.
The IAEA safeguards system is fundamental for the nonproliferation regime. The verification instruments of the IAEA need to be strictly
observed and further strengthened. The Comprehensive Safeguards Agreements and the Additional Protocol are very important tools for
the preservation of the worlds peace and stability and the fight against nuclear terrorism. Since 1988, Albania has a Comprehensive
Safeguard Agreement with the IAEA and has signed the Additional Protocol, which ratification is in the very final stage.
Albania has taken practical steps towards strengthened the fight against illegal trafficking of nuclear and radioactive material. We have
upgraded and improved our legal framework in the field of export controls of arms and dual use materials; we have upgraded border
check points infrastructure with the necessary modern detection equipment.
Albania attaches great importance to the inalienable right of the peaceful use of the nuclear energy, as it is affirmed by the article IV of
the Treaty. However, this right is intrinsically linked with the necessity for strict compliance with the obligations of the Article I, II, and
III of the Treaty. To this effect, the IAEA verification instruments need to further be strengthened.
Click here to read more »
TRANSLATED FROM ALBANIAN BY GOOGLE TRANSLATE
Quo Vadis Civil Society
Written by Elsa Ballauri Monday, 12 July 2010
Civil society is one of the terms for which are currently worth to discuss during the talk. The phenomenon of her (re) appeared in the
U.S. in early 1990 and as usually happens in the new time, new phenomena can hardly even take place. The issue of civil society is
linked to the Albanian reality, in Albanian politics and psychology and her handikapi constant is a direct consequence of this situation.
Yet, by purpose and principles that have shaped the movement of civil society, its situation is so worrying now to discuss on this topic,
it is a necessity.
It has been many years and if we start a discussion on civil society from scratch, this is painful ... even if you start it from the middle.
Biggest producers of negative energy against Albania, the Albanians themselves, it also has generated major obstacles in the civil society
sector. Civil society has had a life with many zig, which raised and lowered depending on the country's historical moments. With no
experience in, it approaches and leaves its mission depending on interest.
Started early so passionate, even volunteering praktikoi very well, one of the elements necessary to create solid and long-term value.
Later, mostly, it cenoi in the mission, but not completely. This is a natural process, which enables selection. At this point, unfortunately
not succeeded selection often purpose: it started precipitojnë organizations and other actors, who attended the sacred principles of their
mission, but the values shocking anti-Albanian politics and society is hosting mainly boggling things quickly. These phases have occurred
several times, mostly whenever tronditej deep politics. Thus civil society unable to perform the role of the leader's wise to solve
conflicts, but ngatërrua insoluble conflict itself. This phenomenon also occurs in other countries in Eastern Europe and with the right
Croatian scholar, Srdan Dvornik, representatives of civil society calls "free society actors.
There are several important issues, which unfortunately have not changed much content for years.
First, the relationship of civil society to politics. Of course we have a new stage, even for years. In the early '90s, civil society policy
declared its enemy, organizations often have had to fight concept. Negative result: people often civil society actors were taught to
prejudice the other one style of politics. Such a thing happening now.
Politics realized the importance of civil society gradually (from the pressures of her own, the tasks were given to foreigners, etc.) and
from one year to really see a positive trend, which formally progressing very well. From collaborators, governments often civil society
partners.
Civil society has unfortunately faded its role controversial and critical. It should avoid the role of "the existence of emergency conditions,
must understand that it will be a permanent member of the Albanian democratic society to make proper place yourself in your desktop,
where all sit down.
Click here to read more »
Quo Vadis Civil Society
Written by Elsa Ballauri Monday, 12 July 2010
Civil society is one of the terms for which are currently worth to discuss during the talk. The phenomenon of her (re) appeared in the
U.S. in early 1990 and as usually happens in the new time, new phenomena can hardly even take place. The issue of civil society is
linked to the Albanian reality, in Albanian politics and psychology and her handikapi constant is a direct consequence of this situation.
Yet, by purpose and principles that have shaped the movement of civil society, its situation is so worrying now to discuss on this topic,
it is a necessity.
It has been many years and if we start a discussion on civil society from scratch, this is painful ... even if you start it from the middle.
Biggest producers of negative energy against Albania, the Albanians themselves, it also has generated major obstacles in the civil society
sector. Civil society has had a life with many zig, which raised and lowered depending on the country's historical moments. With no
experience in, it approaches and leaves its mission depending on interest.
Started early so passionate, even volunteering praktikoi very well, one of the elements necessary to create solid and long-term value.
Later, mostly, it cenoi in the mission, but not completely. This is a natural process, which enables selection. At this point, unfortunately
not succeeded selection often purpose: it started precipitojnë organizations and other actors, who attended the sacred principles of their
mission, but the values shocking anti-Albanian politics and society is hosting mainly boggling things quickly. These phases have occurred
several times, mostly whenever tronditej deep politics. Thus civil society unable to perform the role of the leader's wise to solve
conflicts, but ngatërrua insoluble conflict itself. This phenomenon also occurs in other countries in Eastern Europe and with the right
Croatian scholar, Srdan Dvornik, representatives of civil society calls "free society actors.
There are several important issues, which unfortunately have not changed much content for years.
First, the relationship of civil society to politics. Of course we have a new stage, even for years. In the early '90s, civil society policy
declared its enemy, organizations often have had to fight concept. Negative result: people often civil society actors were taught to
prejudice the other one style of politics. Such a thing happening now.
Politics realized the importance of civil society gradually (from the pressures of her own, the tasks were given to foreigners, etc.) and
from one year to really see a positive trend, which formally progressing very well. From collaborators, governments often civil society
partners.
Civil society has unfortunately faded its role controversial and critical. It should avoid the role of "the existence of emergency conditions,
must understand that it will be a permanent member of the Albanian democratic society to make proper place yourself in your desktop,
where all sit down.
Click here to read more »
SPEECH OF PEOPLE’S ADVOCATE
AT THE MEETING OF THE MEDITERRANEAN OMBUDSMEN’S ASSOCIATION
Athens, Greece 14-15 December 2009
Since its initial activity in 2000, the Institution of the Albanian People’s Advocate has shifted the focus on the monitoring of the detention
and pre-trial detention centers. We have always considered the premises where a person’s freedom is restricted as the premises where
human rights are threatened most. The infringement of those rights more frequently occurs “inside the walls”, disguised and isolated,
than in public, visible and monitorable by everyone.
In respect of the Principles of Paris, we have acquired a positive experience during ten years since the creation of our Institution,
and we have produced very good outcomes in terms of the control of detention and pre-trial detention centers, discovery of violations
and submission of recommendations for the punishment of the officials involved in incidents of violence and abuse.
In application of the Optional Protocol of the Convention against Torture (OPCAT), ratified by the Albanian State by Law no 9094 dated
3.07.2003, in early 2008 the Parliament of Albania assigned to the Albanian People’s Advocate the function of the National Referral
Mechanism Against Torture (NRMAT) on the basis of a special law. This was done in the framework of its active role and positive
experience.
In addition to the controls we have carried out in terms of complaints or different incidents within the detention or pre-trial
detention centers, for two years, our activity is focused on the periodic visits or inspections of all premises where torture, inhuman or
degrading treatment may be exercised. Only during 2009, the People’s Advocate organized about 150 visits, inspections or special
controls in the detention and pre-trial detention centers and other similar institutions. We have also promoted the rights and treatment that
individuals must enjoy in those centers.
People’s Advocate believes that the increase of Ombudsmen’s authority in relation to the public administration often depends on the level
of their access to the state bodies. This access is deemed too valuable if it is particularly provided beyond the dark walls of human
isolation where restriction of the individual’s liberty must not abusively imply the denial of other rights.
The increase of the active role of Ombudsman and his broader access to those premises must be viewed not only as part of the reform
in the institutions’ legal acts and bylaws but also as an obligation of the latter to respect human rights and values of democracy in the
respective states.
I believe that true values of the Ombudsmen are embodied in their strong will to carry out their mission within all potential legal means.
This goodwill is a novelty which, either in the national, regional framework and beyond, must be welcomed and encouraged in order to
advance our holy mission for the protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms.
Click here to read more>>
AT THE MEETING OF THE MEDITERRANEAN OMBUDSMEN’S ASSOCIATION
Athens, Greece 14-15 December 2009
Since its initial activity in 2000, the Institution of the Albanian People’s Advocate has shifted the focus on the monitoring of the detention
and pre-trial detention centers. We have always considered the premises where a person’s freedom is restricted as the premises where
human rights are threatened most. The infringement of those rights more frequently occurs “inside the walls”, disguised and isolated,
than in public, visible and monitorable by everyone.
In respect of the Principles of Paris, we have acquired a positive experience during ten years since the creation of our Institution,
and we have produced very good outcomes in terms of the control of detention and pre-trial detention centers, discovery of violations
and submission of recommendations for the punishment of the officials involved in incidents of violence and abuse.
In application of the Optional Protocol of the Convention against Torture (OPCAT), ratified by the Albanian State by Law no 9094 dated
3.07.2003, in early 2008 the Parliament of Albania assigned to the Albanian People’s Advocate the function of the National Referral
Mechanism Against Torture (NRMAT) on the basis of a special law. This was done in the framework of its active role and positive
experience.
In addition to the controls we have carried out in terms of complaints or different incidents within the detention or pre-trial
detention centers, for two years, our activity is focused on the periodic visits or inspections of all premises where torture, inhuman or
degrading treatment may be exercised. Only during 2009, the People’s Advocate organized about 150 visits, inspections or special
controls in the detention and pre-trial detention centers and other similar institutions. We have also promoted the rights and treatment that
individuals must enjoy in those centers.
People’s Advocate believes that the increase of Ombudsmen’s authority in relation to the public administration often depends on the level
of their access to the state bodies. This access is deemed too valuable if it is particularly provided beyond the dark walls of human
isolation where restriction of the individual’s liberty must not abusively imply the denial of other rights.
The increase of the active role of Ombudsman and his broader access to those premises must be viewed not only as part of the reform
in the institutions’ legal acts and bylaws but also as an obligation of the latter to respect human rights and values of democracy in the
respective states.
I believe that true values of the Ombudsmen are embodied in their strong will to carry out their mission within all potential legal means.
This goodwill is a novelty which, either in the national, regional framework and beyond, must be welcomed and encouraged in order to
advance our holy mission for the protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms.
Click here to read more>>
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Bamir Topi
President of the Republic since 24 July 2007
President of the Republic since 24 July 2007
| TRAFFICKING IN PERSONS |
None reported.
