| ALGERIA People's Democratic Republic of Algeria Al Jumhuriyah al Jaza'iriyah ad Dimuqratiyah ash Sha'biyah Joined United Nations: 8 October 1962 Human Rights as assured by their constitution Click here Updated 07/12/10 |
| CAPITAL |
| POPULATION |
| CHIEF OF STATE |
| SELECTION PROCESS |
Algiers
34,586,184 (July 2010 est.)
Abdelaziz Bouteflika
President since 28 April 1999
President since 28 April 1999
President elected by popular vote for a five-year term (eligible
for a second term); election last held 9 April 2009
Next scheduled election: April 2014
for a second term); election last held 9 April 2009
Next scheduled election: April 2014
HEAD OF GOVERNMENT
SELECTION PROCESS
Ahmed Ouyahia
Prime Minister since 23 June 2008
Prime Minister since 23 June 2008
Prime Minister appointed by the president
| DECLARATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS |
| ETHNIC GROUPS |
Arab-Berber 99%, European less than 1% note: almost all Algerians are Berber in origin, not Arab; the minority who
identify themselves as Berber live mostly in the mountainous region of Kabylie east of Algiers; the Berbers are also
Muslim but identify with their Berber rather than Arab cultural heritage.
identify themselves as Berber live mostly in the mountainous region of Kabylie east of Algiers; the Berbers are also
Muslim but identify with their Berber rather than Arab cultural heritage.
| RELIGIONS |
Sunni Muslim (state religion) 99%, Christian and Jewish 1%
| GOVERNMENT STRUCTURE |
Republic; 48 provinces (wilayat, singular - wilaya); Legal system is socialist, based on French and Islamic law; judicial review of
legislative acts in ad hoc Constitutional Council composed of various public officials, including several Supreme Court justices;
has not accepted compulsory ICJ jurisdiction
Executive: president elected by popular vote for a five-year term (no term limits- per new constitutional amendment); election
last held 9 April 2009 (next to be held in April 2014); prime minister appointed by the president
Legislative: Bicameral Parliament consisting of the National People's Assembly or Al-Majlis Ech-Chaabi Al-Watani
(389 seats - formerly 380 seats; members elected by popular vote to serve five-year terms) and the Council of Nations
(Senate) (144 seats; one-third of the members appointed by the president, two-thirds elected by indirect vote; members
serve six-year terms; the constitution requires half the council to be renewed every three years)
elections: Council of the Nation - last held on 29 December 2009 (next to be held in December 2012); National People's
Assembly - last held on 17 May 2007 (next to be held in 2012)
Judicial: Supreme Court
legislative acts in ad hoc Constitutional Council composed of various public officials, including several Supreme Court justices;
has not accepted compulsory ICJ jurisdiction
Executive: president elected by popular vote for a five-year term (no term limits- per new constitutional amendment); election
last held 9 April 2009 (next to be held in April 2014); prime minister appointed by the president
Legislative: Bicameral Parliament consisting of the National People's Assembly or Al-Majlis Ech-Chaabi Al-Watani
(389 seats - formerly 380 seats; members elected by popular vote to serve five-year terms) and the Council of Nations
(Senate) (144 seats; one-third of the members appointed by the president, two-thirds elected by indirect vote; members
serve six-year terms; the constitution requires half the council to be renewed every three years)
elections: Council of the Nation - last held on 29 December 2009 (next to be held in December 2012); National People's
Assembly - last held on 17 May 2007 (next to be held in 2012)
Judicial: Supreme Court
| LANGUAGES |
Arabic (official), French, Berber dialects
| BRIEF HISTORY |
The fertile coastal plain of North Africa, especially west of Tunisia, is often called the Maghreb (or Maghrib). North
Africa served as a transit region for people moving towards Europe or the Middle East. Thus, the region's inhabitants
have been influenced by populations from other areas. Modern Algeria is mainly Arabic-speaking, but a large minority still
speak the indigenous Berber language, surviving from Neolithic times. Early inhabitants of the central Maghreb left behind
significant remains including remnants of hominid occupation from ca. 200,000 B.C. found near Saïda. Neolithic
civilization (marked by animal domestication and subsistence agriculture) developed in the Saharan and Mediterranean
Maghrib between 6000 and 2000 B.C. This type of economy, so richly depicted in the Tassili-n-Ajjer cave paintings in
southeastern Algeria, predominated in the Maghrib until the classical period. The amalgam of peoples of North Africa
coalesced eventually into a distinct native population, the Berbers lacked a written language and hence tended to be
overlooked or marginalized in historical accounts. Since the 5th century BC, the indigenous peoples of northern Africa
(identified by the Romans as Berbers) were pushed back from the coast by successive waves of Phoenician, Roman,
Vandal, Byzantine, Arab, Turkish, and, finally, French invaders. Phoenician traders arrived on the North African coast
around 900 B.C. and established Carthage (in present-day Tunisia) around 800 B.C. During the classical period, Berber
civilization was already at a stage in which agriculture, manufacturing, trade, and political organization supported several
states. Trade links between Carthage and the Berbers in the interior grew, but territorial expansion also resulted in the
enslavement or military recruitment of some Berbers and in the extraction of tribute from others. The Carthaginian state
declined because of successive defeats by the Romans in the Punic Wars, and in 146 B.C. the city of Carthage was
destroyed. As Carthaginian power waned, the influence of Berber leaders in the hinterland grew. By the 2nd century BC,
several large but loosely administered Berber kingdoms had emerged. Berber territory was annexed to the Roman Empire
in A.D. 24. Increases in urbanization and in the area under cultivation during Roman rule caused wholesale dislocations of
Berber society, and Berber opposition to the Roman presence was nearly constant. The prosperity of most towns
depended on agriculture, and the region was known as the “granary of the empire.” Christianity arrived in the second
century. By the end of the fourth century, the settled areas had become Christianized, and some Berber tribes had
converted en masse. The greatest cultural impact came from the Arab invasions of the 8th and 11th centuries AD, which
brought Islam and the Arabic language. The effects of the most recent (French) occupation — French language and
European inspired socialism — are still pervasive. The introduction of Islam and Arabic had a profound impact on North
Africa (or the Maghreb) beginning in the seventh century. The new religion and language introduced changes in social and
economic relations, established links with a rich culture, and provided a powerful idiom of political discourse and
organization. From the great Berber dynasties of the Almoravids and Almohads to the militants seeking an Islamic state in
the 1990s, the call to return to true Islamic values and practices has had social resonance and political power. The first
Arab military expeditions into the Maghrib, between 642 and 669, resulted in the spread of Islam. The final triumph of the
700-year Christian reconquest of Spain was marked by the fall of Granada in 1492. Christian Spain imposed its influence
on the Maghrib coast by constructing fortified outposts and collecting tribute. But Spain never sought to extend its North
African conquests much beyond a few modest enclaves. Privateering was an age-old practice in the Mediterranean, and
North African rulers engaged in it increasingly in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries because it was so
lucrative. Algeria became the privateering city-state par excellence, and two privateer brothers were instrumental in
extending Ottoman influence in Algeria. At about the time Spain was establishing its presidios in the Maghrib, the Muslim
privateer brothers Aruj and Khair ad Din—the latter known to Europeans as Barbarossa, or Red Beard—were operating
successfully off Tunisia. For 300 years, Algeria was a province of the Ottoman Empire under a regency that had Algiers
as its capital (see Dey). Subsequently, with the institution of a regular Ottoman administration, governors with the title of
pasha ruled. Turkish was the official language, and Arabs and Berbers were excluded from government posts. In 1671 a
new leader took power, adopting the title of dey. In 1710 the dey persuaded the sultan to recognize him and his
successors as regent, replacing the pasha in that role. Although Algiers remained a part of the Ottoman Empire, the
Ottoman government ceased to have effective influence there. European maritime powers paid the tribute demanded by
the rulers of the privateering states of North Africa (Algiers, Tunis, Tripoli, and Morocco) to prevent attacks on their
shipping. The Napoleonic wars of the early nineteenth century diverted the attention of the maritime powers from
suppressing what they derogatorily called piracy. But when peace was restored to Europe in 1815, Algiers found itself at
war with Spain, the Netherlands, Prussia, Denmark, Russia, and Naples. Algeria and surrounding areas, collectively
known as the Barbary States, were responsible for piracy in the Mediterranean Sea, as well as the enslaving of Christians,
actions which brought them into the First and Second Barbary War with the United States of America. North African
boundaries have shifted during various stages of the conquests. The borders of modern Algeria were created by the
French, whose colonization began in 1830 (French invasion began on July 5). To benefit French colonists, most of whom
were farmers and businessmen, northern Algeria was eventually organized into overseas departments of France, with
representatives in the French National Assembly. France controlled the entire country, but the traditional Muslim
population in the rural areas remained separated from the modern economic infrastructure of the European community.
Algerians endured 132 years of colonial subjugation. In the earlier part of the French colonization, native Muslims and
Jews were viewed as French nationals, but not French citizens. However, in 1865, Napoleon III allowed them to apply
for full French citizenship, a measure that few took, since it involved renouncing the right to be governed by sharia law in
personal matters, and was considered a kind of apostasy; in 1870, French citizenship was made automatic for Jewish
natives, a move which largely angered the Muslims, who began to consider the Jews as the accomplices of the colonial
power. A new generation of Muslim leadership emerged in Algeria at the time of World War I and grew to maturity
during the 1920s and 1930s. Various groups were formed in opposition to French rule, most notable the National
Liberation Front (FLN) and the National Algerian Movement. In March 1943, Muslim leader Ferhat Abbas presented
the French administration with the Manifesto of the Algerian People, signed by 56 Algerian nationalist and international
leaders. The manifesto demanded an Algerian constitution that would guarantee immediate and effective political
participation and legal equality for Muslims.In August 1947, the French National Assembly approved the government-
proposed Organic Statute of Algeria. The Algerian War of Independence (1954–62), brutal and long, was the most
recent major turning point in the country's history. Although often fratricidal, it ultimately united Algerians and seared the
value of independence and the philosophy of anticolonialism into the national consciousness. Abusive tactics of the French
Army remains a controversial subject in France to this day. In September 2005, another referendum—this one to
consider a proposed Charter for Peace and National Reconciliation—passed by an overwhelming margin. The charter
coupled another amnesty offer to all but the most violent participants in the Islamist uprising with an implicit pardon for
security forces accused of abuses in fighting the rebels.
Sources: Wikipedia History of Algeria
Africa served as a transit region for people moving towards Europe or the Middle East. Thus, the region's inhabitants
have been influenced by populations from other areas. Modern Algeria is mainly Arabic-speaking, but a large minority still
speak the indigenous Berber language, surviving from Neolithic times. Early inhabitants of the central Maghreb left behind
significant remains including remnants of hominid occupation from ca. 200,000 B.C. found near Saïda. Neolithic
civilization (marked by animal domestication and subsistence agriculture) developed in the Saharan and Mediterranean
Maghrib between 6000 and 2000 B.C. This type of economy, so richly depicted in the Tassili-n-Ajjer cave paintings in
southeastern Algeria, predominated in the Maghrib until the classical period. The amalgam of peoples of North Africa
coalesced eventually into a distinct native population, the Berbers lacked a written language and hence tended to be
overlooked or marginalized in historical accounts. Since the 5th century BC, the indigenous peoples of northern Africa
(identified by the Romans as Berbers) were pushed back from the coast by successive waves of Phoenician, Roman,
Vandal, Byzantine, Arab, Turkish, and, finally, French invaders. Phoenician traders arrived on the North African coast
around 900 B.C. and established Carthage (in present-day Tunisia) around 800 B.C. During the classical period, Berber
civilization was already at a stage in which agriculture, manufacturing, trade, and political organization supported several
states. Trade links between Carthage and the Berbers in the interior grew, but territorial expansion also resulted in the
enslavement or military recruitment of some Berbers and in the extraction of tribute from others. The Carthaginian state
declined because of successive defeats by the Romans in the Punic Wars, and in 146 B.C. the city of Carthage was
destroyed. As Carthaginian power waned, the influence of Berber leaders in the hinterland grew. By the 2nd century BC,
several large but loosely administered Berber kingdoms had emerged. Berber territory was annexed to the Roman Empire
in A.D. 24. Increases in urbanization and in the area under cultivation during Roman rule caused wholesale dislocations of
Berber society, and Berber opposition to the Roman presence was nearly constant. The prosperity of most towns
depended on agriculture, and the region was known as the “granary of the empire.” Christianity arrived in the second
century. By the end of the fourth century, the settled areas had become Christianized, and some Berber tribes had
converted en masse. The greatest cultural impact came from the Arab invasions of the 8th and 11th centuries AD, which
brought Islam and the Arabic language. The effects of the most recent (French) occupation — French language and
European inspired socialism — are still pervasive. The introduction of Islam and Arabic had a profound impact on North
Africa (or the Maghreb) beginning in the seventh century. The new religion and language introduced changes in social and
economic relations, established links with a rich culture, and provided a powerful idiom of political discourse and
organization. From the great Berber dynasties of the Almoravids and Almohads to the militants seeking an Islamic state in
the 1990s, the call to return to true Islamic values and practices has had social resonance and political power. The first
Arab military expeditions into the Maghrib, between 642 and 669, resulted in the spread of Islam. The final triumph of the
700-year Christian reconquest of Spain was marked by the fall of Granada in 1492. Christian Spain imposed its influence
on the Maghrib coast by constructing fortified outposts and collecting tribute. But Spain never sought to extend its North
African conquests much beyond a few modest enclaves. Privateering was an age-old practice in the Mediterranean, and
North African rulers engaged in it increasingly in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries because it was so
lucrative. Algeria became the privateering city-state par excellence, and two privateer brothers were instrumental in
extending Ottoman influence in Algeria. At about the time Spain was establishing its presidios in the Maghrib, the Muslim
privateer brothers Aruj and Khair ad Din—the latter known to Europeans as Barbarossa, or Red Beard—were operating
successfully off Tunisia. For 300 years, Algeria was a province of the Ottoman Empire under a regency that had Algiers
as its capital (see Dey). Subsequently, with the institution of a regular Ottoman administration, governors with the title of
pasha ruled. Turkish was the official language, and Arabs and Berbers were excluded from government posts. In 1671 a
new leader took power, adopting the title of dey. In 1710 the dey persuaded the sultan to recognize him and his
successors as regent, replacing the pasha in that role. Although Algiers remained a part of the Ottoman Empire, the
Ottoman government ceased to have effective influence there. European maritime powers paid the tribute demanded by
the rulers of the privateering states of North Africa (Algiers, Tunis, Tripoli, and Morocco) to prevent attacks on their
shipping. The Napoleonic wars of the early nineteenth century diverted the attention of the maritime powers from
suppressing what they derogatorily called piracy. But when peace was restored to Europe in 1815, Algiers found itself at
war with Spain, the Netherlands, Prussia, Denmark, Russia, and Naples. Algeria and surrounding areas, collectively
known as the Barbary States, were responsible for piracy in the Mediterranean Sea, as well as the enslaving of Christians,
actions which brought them into the First and Second Barbary War with the United States of America. North African
boundaries have shifted during various stages of the conquests. The borders of modern Algeria were created by the
French, whose colonization began in 1830 (French invasion began on July 5). To benefit French colonists, most of whom
were farmers and businessmen, northern Algeria was eventually organized into overseas departments of France, with
representatives in the French National Assembly. France controlled the entire country, but the traditional Muslim
population in the rural areas remained separated from the modern economic infrastructure of the European community.
Algerians endured 132 years of colonial subjugation. In the earlier part of the French colonization, native Muslims and
Jews were viewed as French nationals, but not French citizens. However, in 1865, Napoleon III allowed them to apply
for full French citizenship, a measure that few took, since it involved renouncing the right to be governed by sharia law in
personal matters, and was considered a kind of apostasy; in 1870, French citizenship was made automatic for Jewish
natives, a move which largely angered the Muslims, who began to consider the Jews as the accomplices of the colonial
power. A new generation of Muslim leadership emerged in Algeria at the time of World War I and grew to maturity
during the 1920s and 1930s. Various groups were formed in opposition to French rule, most notable the National
Liberation Front (FLN) and the National Algerian Movement. In March 1943, Muslim leader Ferhat Abbas presented
the French administration with the Manifesto of the Algerian People, signed by 56 Algerian nationalist and international
leaders. The manifesto demanded an Algerian constitution that would guarantee immediate and effective political
participation and legal equality for Muslims.In August 1947, the French National Assembly approved the government-
proposed Organic Statute of Algeria. The Algerian War of Independence (1954–62), brutal and long, was the most
recent major turning point in the country's history. Although often fratricidal, it ultimately united Algerians and seared the
value of independence and the philosophy of anticolonialism into the national consciousness. Abusive tactics of the French
Army remains a controversial subject in France to this day. In September 2005, another referendum—this one to
consider a proposed Charter for Peace and National Reconciliation—passed by an overwhelming margin. The charter
coupled another amnesty offer to all but the most violent participants in the Islamist uprising with an implicit pardon for
security forces accused of abuses in fighting the rebels.
Sources: Wikipedia History of Algeria
| ECONOMIC OVERVIEW |
The state dominates most areas of the Algerian economy. Gradual liberalization since the mid-1990's has opened up more
of the economy to private domestic and foreign participation, but recent government actions impose stricter controls on
foreign investment. Hydrocarbons are the backbone of the economy, accounting for roughly 60% of budget revenues,
30% of GDP, and over 95% of export earnings. Algeria has the eighth-largest reserves of natural gas in the world and is
the fourth-largest gas exporter; it ranks 15th in oil reserves. Weak global hydrocarbon prices during 2009 contributed to
a 40% drop in government revenue, although the government continues to enjoy a financial cushion provided by about
$150 billion in foreign currency reserves and a large hydrocarbons stabilization fund. Algeria's external debt is only about
1% of GDP. The government's efforts to diversify the economy by attracting foreign and domestic investment outside the
energy sector, however, has had little success in reducing high unemployment and improving living standards. A
Complementary Finance Law, enacted in July, imposed tight restrictions on imports and required that new foreign
investment must be in the form of joint ventures with at least 51% share of ownership by Algerian partners. That law and a
January, 2009 ban on importing pharmaceutical products that are also locally produced have contributed to some
domestic goods shortages and prompted foreign investors and businesses to reconsider activities in Algeria. Development
of the banking sector, the construction of infrastructure, and other structural reforms are hampered by corruption and
bureaucratic resistance.
of the economy to private domestic and foreign participation, but recent government actions impose stricter controls on
foreign investment. Hydrocarbons are the backbone of the economy, accounting for roughly 60% of budget revenues,
30% of GDP, and over 95% of export earnings. Algeria has the eighth-largest reserves of natural gas in the world and is
the fourth-largest gas exporter; it ranks 15th in oil reserves. Weak global hydrocarbon prices during 2009 contributed to
a 40% drop in government revenue, although the government continues to enjoy a financial cushion provided by about
$150 billion in foreign currency reserves and a large hydrocarbons stabilization fund. Algeria's external debt is only about
1% of GDP. The government's efforts to diversify the economy by attracting foreign and domestic investment outside the
energy sector, however, has had little success in reducing high unemployment and improving living standards. A
Complementary Finance Law, enacted in July, imposed tight restrictions on imports and required that new foreign
investment must be in the form of joint ventures with at least 51% share of ownership by Algerian partners. That law and a
January, 2009 ban on importing pharmaceutical products that are also locally produced have contributed to some
domestic goods shortages and prompted foreign investors and businesses to reconsider activities in Algeria. Development
of the banking sector, the construction of infrastructure, and other structural reforms are hampered by corruption and
bureaucratic resistance.
| POLITICAL CLIMATE |
Algeria has a long history of revolution and regime change, making the political climate dynamic and often in a state of
change. The country is currently a constitutional republic with a democratically elected government, though the military, in
practice, remain major powerbrokers. Since the early 1990s, a shift from socialism to a free market economy has been
ongoing with official support. In keeping with its amended Constitution, the Algerian Government espouses participatory
democracy and free-market competition. The government has stated that it will continue to open the political process and
encourage the creation of political institutions. More than 40 political parties, representing a wide segment of the
population, are currently active in Algerian national politics. The most recent legislative election was 2002. President
Bouteflika has pledged to restructure the state as part of his overall reform efforts. However, no specifics are yet available
as to how such reforms would affect political structures and the political process itself.
Sources: Wikipedia Politics of Algeria
change. The country is currently a constitutional republic with a democratically elected government, though the military, in
practice, remain major powerbrokers. Since the early 1990s, a shift from socialism to a free market economy has been
ongoing with official support. In keeping with its amended Constitution, the Algerian Government espouses participatory
democracy and free-market competition. The government has stated that it will continue to open the political process and
encourage the creation of political institutions. More than 40 political parties, representing a wide segment of the
population, are currently active in Algerian national politics. The most recent legislative election was 2002. President
Bouteflika has pledged to restructure the state as part of his overall reform efforts. However, no specifics are yet available
as to how such reforms would affect political structures and the political process itself.
Sources: Wikipedia Politics of Algeria
| INTERNATIONAL DISPUTES |
Algeria, and many other states, rejects Moroccan administration of Western Sahara; the Polisario Front, exiled in Algeria,
represents the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic; Algeria's border with Morocco remains an irritant to bilateral
relations, each nation accusing the other of harboring militants and arms smuggling; Algeria remains concerned about
armed bandits operating throughout the Sahel who sometimes destabilize southern Algerian towns; dormant disputes
include Libyan claims of about 32,000 sq km still reflected on its maps of southeastern Algeria and the FLN's assertions
of a claim to Chirac Pastures in southeastern Morocco
represents the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic; Algeria's border with Morocco remains an irritant to bilateral
relations, each nation accusing the other of harboring militants and arms smuggling; Algeria remains concerned about
armed bandits operating throughout the Sahel who sometimes destabilize southern Algerian towns; dormant disputes
include Libyan claims of about 32,000 sq km still reflected on its maps of southeastern Algeria and the FLN's assertions
of a claim to Chirac Pastures in southeastern Morocco
| REFUGEES AND INTERNALLY DISPLACED PERSONS (IDP) |
Refugees (country of origin): 90,000 (Western Saharan Sahrawi, mostly living in Algerian-sponsored camps in the
southwestern Algerian town of Tindouf)
IDPs: undetermined (civil war during 1990s) (2007)
southwestern Algerian town of Tindouf)
IDPs: undetermined (civil war during 1990s) (2007)
| TRAFFICKING IN PERSONS |
Current situation: Algeria is a transit country for men and women trafficked from sub-Saharan Africa to Europe for the
purposes of commercial sexual exploitation and involuntary servitude; criminal networks of sub-Saharan nationals in
southern Algeria facilitate transit by arranging transportation, forged documents, and promises of employment
tier rating:
Tier 2 Watch List - Algeria is placed on the Tier 2 Watch List because it does not fully comply with the minimum
standards for the elimination of trafficking, however, it is making significant efforts to do so; in January 2009, the
government approved new legislation that criminalizes trafficking in persons for the purposes of labor and sexual
exploitation representing an important step toward complying with international standards; despite these efforts, the
government did not show overall progress in punishing trafficking crimes and protecting trafficking victims and continued
to lack adequate measures to protect victims and prevent trafficking (2009)
purposes of commercial sexual exploitation and involuntary servitude; criminal networks of sub-Saharan nationals in
southern Algeria facilitate transit by arranging transportation, forged documents, and promises of employment
tier rating:
Tier 2 Watch List - Algeria is placed on the Tier 2 Watch List because it does not fully comply with the minimum
standards for the elimination of trafficking, however, it is making significant efforts to do so; in January 2009, the
government approved new legislation that criminalizes trafficking in persons for the purposes of labor and sexual
exploitation representing an important step toward complying with international standards; despite these efforts, the
government did not show overall progress in punishing trafficking crimes and protecting trafficking victims and continued
to lack adequate measures to protect victims and prevent trafficking (2009)
| HUMAN RIGHTS STATEMENTS, ANALYSIS AND CRITIQUES |
2009 Human Rights Report: Algeria
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
March 11, 2010
Algeria is a multiparty republic of approximately 36 million inhabitants whose head of state and government (president) is elected by
popular vote to a five-year term. The president has the constitutional authority to appoint and dismiss cabinet members and the prime
minister. A November 2008 constitutional amendment eliminated presidential term limits. On April 9, President Abdelaziz Bouteflika won
reelection to his third term in office in a contested election. Some opposition parties boycotted the election, arguing restrictions on
freedom of association skewed the election outcome in favor of the incumbent. A state of emergency implemented in 1992 remained in
effect during the year, although the government mostly enforced provisions restricting assembly and association. Civilian authorities
generally maintained effective control of the security forces.
Terrorist groups committed a significant number of attacks against civilians, government officials, and members of security forces.
Click here to read more »
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
March 11, 2010
Algeria is a multiparty republic of approximately 36 million inhabitants whose head of state and government (president) is elected by
popular vote to a five-year term. The president has the constitutional authority to appoint and dismiss cabinet members and the prime
minister. A November 2008 constitutional amendment eliminated presidential term limits. On April 9, President Abdelaziz Bouteflika won
reelection to his third term in office in a contested election. Some opposition parties boycotted the election, arguing restrictions on
freedom of association skewed the election outcome in favor of the incumbent. A state of emergency implemented in 1992 remained in
effect during the year, although the government mostly enforced provisions restricting assembly and association. Civilian authorities
generally maintained effective control of the security forces.
- Restrictions on freedom of assembly and association significantly impaired political party activities and significantly limited
citizens' ability to change the government peacefully through elections. - Failure to account for persons who disappeared in the 1990s and address the demands of some advocacy groups for families of
victims remained significant problems. - Reports of abuse and torture occurred but were fewer than in previous years.
- There were also reports of official impunity, abuse of pretrial detention, poor prison conditions, limited judicial independence, and
restrictions on freedom of speech, press, and assembly. - Additionally, there were limitations on religious freedom, problems with security-based restrictions on movement, corruption and
lack of government transparency, discrimination and violence against women, and restrictions on workers' rights.
Terrorist groups committed a significant number of attacks against civilians, government officials, and members of security forces.
Click here to read more »
21 May 2010
Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights
Forty-fourth session
Geneva, 3-21 May 2010
Consideration of reports submitted by States parties under Articles 16 and 17 of the Covenant
Concluding Observations of the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights
Algeria
A. Introduction
2. The Committee welcomes the submission of the combined third and fourth periodic reports of Algeria and the written replies to
its list of issues. The Committee appreciates the frank and constructive dialogue with the delegation of the State party that included
representatives from various Ministries with expertise on the subjects covered by the Covenant. It also takes note that the combined third
and fourth periodic reports of Algeria were submitted five years late.
B. Positive aspects
3. The Committee welcomes the progress achieved in the following matters:
(i) the ratification, on 8 March 2004, of the Convention on the Political Rights of Women;
(ii) the reduction of the poverty ratio by half since 2000 (from 12.1 per cent in 2000 to 5.7 per cent in 2005), maintenance of extreme
poverty at a marginal level, including through direct and indirect financial assistance, such as price support measures and subsidies to the
health sectors and social welfare institutions;
(iii) the adoption in 2008 of the Plan of Action for the Promotion of Employment;
C. Factors and difficulties impeding the implementation of the Covenant
4. The Committee notes the absence of any significant factors or difficulties preventing the effective implementation of the
Covenant in the State party.
D. Principal subjects of concerns and recommendations
5. The Committee is concerned that there is an absence of jurisprudence invoking the Covenant provisions, despite the primacy of
the Covenant over national law established by article 132 of the Constitution.
The Committee recommends that the State party take effective measures to increase awareness of Covenant rights among the judiciary
and the public at large, and to ensure that judicial training take full account of the justiciability of Covenant rights. The Committee draws
the attention of the State party to its General Comment No.9 (1998) on the domestic application of the Covenant.
6. The Committee is concerned that the “Commission nationale consultative de promotion et de protection des droits de l’homme”
(CNCPPDH) is still not fully in compliance with the Paris Principles (General Assembly resolution 48/134 of 20 December 1993), as
reflected in its B status accorded to it in 2009 by the International Coordinating Committee of National Institutions for the Promotion and
Protection of Human Rights, despite the recent strengthening of its monitoring role, including through detention visits
The Committee recommends that the State party take steps to strengthen the CNCPPDH in order to bring it fully into line with the Paris
Principles, and ensure its effective and independent functioning including through regular public annual and thematic human rights
reporting, clear and transparent nomination and dismissal procedures, and strengthened participation with and within the international
human rights system. In this regard, it draws the attention of the State party to its General Comment No. 10 (1998) on the role of
national human rights institutions in the protection of economic, social and cultural rights.
Click here to read more »
Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights
Forty-fourth session
Geneva, 3-21 May 2010
Consideration of reports submitted by States parties under Articles 16 and 17 of the Covenant
Concluding Observations of the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights
Algeria
A. Introduction
2. The Committee welcomes the submission of the combined third and fourth periodic reports of Algeria and the written replies to
its list of issues. The Committee appreciates the frank and constructive dialogue with the delegation of the State party that included
representatives from various Ministries with expertise on the subjects covered by the Covenant. It also takes note that the combined third
and fourth periodic reports of Algeria were submitted five years late.
B. Positive aspects
3. The Committee welcomes the progress achieved in the following matters:
(i) the ratification, on 8 March 2004, of the Convention on the Political Rights of Women;
(ii) the reduction of the poverty ratio by half since 2000 (from 12.1 per cent in 2000 to 5.7 per cent in 2005), maintenance of extreme
poverty at a marginal level, including through direct and indirect financial assistance, such as price support measures and subsidies to the
health sectors and social welfare institutions;
(iii) the adoption in 2008 of the Plan of Action for the Promotion of Employment;
C. Factors and difficulties impeding the implementation of the Covenant
4. The Committee notes the absence of any significant factors or difficulties preventing the effective implementation of the
Covenant in the State party.
D. Principal subjects of concerns and recommendations
5. The Committee is concerned that there is an absence of jurisprudence invoking the Covenant provisions, despite the primacy of
the Covenant over national law established by article 132 of the Constitution.
The Committee recommends that the State party take effective measures to increase awareness of Covenant rights among the judiciary
and the public at large, and to ensure that judicial training take full account of the justiciability of Covenant rights. The Committee draws
the attention of the State party to its General Comment No.9 (1998) on the domestic application of the Covenant.
6. The Committee is concerned that the “Commission nationale consultative de promotion et de protection des droits de l’homme”
(CNCPPDH) is still not fully in compliance with the Paris Principles (General Assembly resolution 48/134 of 20 December 1993), as
reflected in its B status accorded to it in 2009 by the International Coordinating Committee of National Institutions for the Promotion and
Protection of Human Rights, despite the recent strengthening of its monitoring role, including through detention visits
The Committee recommends that the State party take steps to strengthen the CNCPPDH in order to bring it fully into line with the Paris
Principles, and ensure its effective and independent functioning including through regular public annual and thematic human rights
reporting, clear and transparent nomination and dismissal procedures, and strengthened participation with and within the international
human rights system. In this regard, it draws the attention of the State party to its General Comment No. 10 (1998) on the role of
national human rights institutions in the protection of economic, social and cultural rights.
Click here to read more »
Freedom In The World 2010 Report
Political Rights Score: 6
Civil Liberties Score: 5
Status: Not Free
Algeria
Overview
Press freedom was severely curtailed prior to the April 2009 presidential elections, which President Abdelaziz Bouteflika won with over 90
percent of the vote amid protests of fraud by his opponents. The government consolidated its internet monitoring power during the year,
and international observers reported that the authorities began blocking websites. Meanwhile, as the terrorist group Al-Qaeda in the Islamic
Maghreb continued to attack military, state, and foreign targets in the country, the government joined forces with neighboring countries to
combat the regional threat of terrorism.
Indirect elections for the upper house in December 2009 saw the FLN again secure the largest number of seats, followed by the RND.
On April 9, 2009, Bouteflika won his third term with around 90 percent of the vote amid accusations of fraud from the other five
candidates. Although officials announced a 74 percent voter turnout, an informal poll conducted by the Associated Press at 17 randomly
chosen voting stations indicated that turnout was about half that number.
Algeria continued to be racked by terrorist attacks against government and foreign targets throughout 2009. AQIM claimed responsibility
for a series of attacks throughout the year, including a March suicide bombing that killed two guards; a June ambush that left 18 national
gendarmeries officers dead; a July ambush on a military supply convoy that killed 23 soldiers; and an October attack that left seven
Algerian security guards at a Canadian water project dead. Immediately before the April presidential election, terror groups linked to al-
Qaeda carried out three ambushes, killing five security guards, and six voting stations were set on fire. Algerian nationals with ties to AQIM
have been increasingly implicated in terrorist plots abroad. In November, Italian police broke up a terrorist cell based in Milan, arresting 17
men living in Italy and neighboring countries. Similar arrests occurred in France and the United Kingdom, although on a smaller scale.
In response to terrorist attacks, the government appeared to be increasing its antiterror efforts throughout the year. In March, it announced
that 150 militants had been killed and another 50 had surrendered in exchange for amnesty, including Ali Ben Touati, a senior commanding
officer of AQIM. In May, eight militants were killed in a government raid of AQIM strongholds just east of Algiers. Meanwhile, in August,
Algeria hosted a meeting between high-level military commanders from Mali, Niger, and Mauritania in an effort to generate regional
cooperation in an antiterrorism initiative. Several thousand additional Algerian troops were sent to the already-large contingent of troops
protecting the country’s southern border.
Click here to read more »
Political Rights Score: 6
Civil Liberties Score: 5
Status: Not Free
Algeria
Overview
Press freedom was severely curtailed prior to the April 2009 presidential elections, which President Abdelaziz Bouteflika won with over 90
percent of the vote amid protests of fraud by his opponents. The government consolidated its internet monitoring power during the year,
and international observers reported that the authorities began blocking websites. Meanwhile, as the terrorist group Al-Qaeda in the Islamic
Maghreb continued to attack military, state, and foreign targets in the country, the government joined forces with neighboring countries to
combat the regional threat of terrorism.
Indirect elections for the upper house in December 2009 saw the FLN again secure the largest number of seats, followed by the RND.
On April 9, 2009, Bouteflika won his third term with around 90 percent of the vote amid accusations of fraud from the other five
candidates. Although officials announced a 74 percent voter turnout, an informal poll conducted by the Associated Press at 17 randomly
chosen voting stations indicated that turnout was about half that number.
Algeria continued to be racked by terrorist attacks against government and foreign targets throughout 2009. AQIM claimed responsibility
for a series of attacks throughout the year, including a March suicide bombing that killed two guards; a June ambush that left 18 national
gendarmeries officers dead; a July ambush on a military supply convoy that killed 23 soldiers; and an October attack that left seven
Algerian security guards at a Canadian water project dead. Immediately before the April presidential election, terror groups linked to al-
Qaeda carried out three ambushes, killing five security guards, and six voting stations were set on fire. Algerian nationals with ties to AQIM
have been increasingly implicated in terrorist plots abroad. In November, Italian police broke up a terrorist cell based in Milan, arresting 17
men living in Italy and neighboring countries. Similar arrests occurred in France and the United Kingdom, although on a smaller scale.
In response to terrorist attacks, the government appeared to be increasing its antiterror efforts throughout the year. In March, it announced
that 150 militants had been killed and another 50 had surrendered in exchange for amnesty, including Ali Ben Touati, a senior commanding
officer of AQIM. In May, eight militants were killed in a government raid of AQIM strongholds just east of Algiers. Meanwhile, in August,
Algeria hosted a meeting between high-level military commanders from Mali, Niger, and Mauritania in an effort to generate regional
cooperation in an antiterrorism initiative. Several thousand additional Algerian troops were sent to the already-large contingent of troops
protecting the country’s southern border.
Click here to read more »
25 June 2010
Algeria: Detainees held for over a decade must be tried or released
Amnesty International has called on the Algerian authorities to release without delay or bring to trial two detainees who have been imprisoned
continuously for over 10 years awaiting trial for a murder which they both deny. Yesterday, on the eve of the anniversary of the murder, one
of the two started a hunger strike in protest at his detention without trial.
Malik Mejnoun, who started a hunger strike on 24 June, has been detained without trial since September 1999, apparently as a suspect in the
murder of Lounes Matoub, a celebrated Kabyle singer, who was shot dead when his car was ambushed by armed men on 25 June 1998. His
wife and two of her sisters were injured in the attack.
Malik Mejnoun was arrested more than one year after the killing, in September 1999,by armed security officials in civilian clothes in the city
of Tizi Ouzou, where he lived. He was then held incommunicado in unacknowledged detention by the Department of Information and Security
(Département du Renseignement et Securité, DRS), an intelligence agency. He says he was continuously tortured for two days by security
officials, who beat him with a pick axe handle, subjected him to electric shocks and the “chiffon” method of torture - in which the victim is
forced to swallow dirty water, chemicals or urine through a dirty cloth placed over the mouth.
Some days before Malik Mejnoun’s arrest, another man named Abdelhakim Chenoui was arrested after he surrendered to the authorities
within the framework of government amnesties for former members of armed groups who agreed to lay down their arms. Abdelhakim
Chenoui was then disappeared for six months during which he was held secretly by the DRS and allegedly tortured. According to the UN
Special Rapporteur on torture, he was tortured using the “chiffon” and electric shocks, subjected to rape with a broom handle and frequent
beatings, and suspended by the elbows.
The Algerian authorities accused both men of involvement in the murder of the famous Kabyle singer, Lounes Matoub - which they deny.
However, they have never been tried and they remain incarcerated at the civil prison of Tizi Ouzou in Great Kabylia awaiting trial.
Malik Mejnoun and Abdelhakim Chenoui were first taken before the Tizi Ouzou prosecutor general in March 2000, when they did not have
legal representation and were neither informed of their rights nor of any charges against them. Chenoui is reported to have “confessed” to the
murder of Lounes Matoub and to have implicated Mejnoun, but later to have retracted his confession and said that he made it under threat and
duress.
Click here to read more »
Algeria: Detainees held for over a decade must be tried or released
Amnesty International has called on the Algerian authorities to release without delay or bring to trial two detainees who have been imprisoned
continuously for over 10 years awaiting trial for a murder which they both deny. Yesterday, on the eve of the anniversary of the murder, one
of the two started a hunger strike in protest at his detention without trial.
Malik Mejnoun, who started a hunger strike on 24 June, has been detained without trial since September 1999, apparently as a suspect in the
murder of Lounes Matoub, a celebrated Kabyle singer, who was shot dead when his car was ambushed by armed men on 25 June 1998. His
wife and two of her sisters were injured in the attack.
Malik Mejnoun was arrested more than one year after the killing, in September 1999,by armed security officials in civilian clothes in the city
of Tizi Ouzou, where he lived. He was then held incommunicado in unacknowledged detention by the Department of Information and Security
(Département du Renseignement et Securité, DRS), an intelligence agency. He says he was continuously tortured for two days by security
officials, who beat him with a pick axe handle, subjected him to electric shocks and the “chiffon” method of torture - in which the victim is
forced to swallow dirty water, chemicals or urine through a dirty cloth placed over the mouth.
Some days before Malik Mejnoun’s arrest, another man named Abdelhakim Chenoui was arrested after he surrendered to the authorities
within the framework of government amnesties for former members of armed groups who agreed to lay down their arms. Abdelhakim
Chenoui was then disappeared for six months during which he was held secretly by the DRS and allegedly tortured. According to the UN
Special Rapporteur on torture, he was tortured using the “chiffon” and electric shocks, subjected to rape with a broom handle and frequent
beatings, and suspended by the elbows.
The Algerian authorities accused both men of involvement in the murder of the famous Kabyle singer, Lounes Matoub - which they deny.
However, they have never been tried and they remain incarcerated at the civil prison of Tizi Ouzou in Great Kabylia awaiting trial.
Malik Mejnoun and Abdelhakim Chenoui were first taken before the Tizi Ouzou prosecutor general in March 2000, when they did not have
legal representation and were neither informed of their rights nor of any charges against them. Chenoui is reported to have “confessed” to the
murder of Lounes Matoub and to have implicated Mejnoun, but later to have retracted his confession and said that he made it under threat and
duress.
Click here to read more »
Algeria: Stop Suppressing Protests
Police Ban March and Arrest Organizers Who Called State TV a ‘Propaganda Machine'
May 3, 2010
(New York) - Algeria should end its repressive policy banning all demonstrations in the capital, Human Rights Watch said today after police
blocked a small rally planned in front of the offices of state television to demand press freedom. The police detained four protest organizers
in the morning as they approached the site, on the grounds of inciting a gathering "that can disturb public tranquility," an offense under the
penal code. The four were questioned, then released in the early afternoon.
A law adopted in 2001 indefinitely bans all demonstrations in Algiers. The countrywide state of emergency in effect since 1992 allows
Interior Ministry officials to ban any demonstration they deem "likely to disturb public order and tranquility."
"Blocking even this small gathering that was advocating more pluralism on television news shows the sorry state of civil liberties in
Algeria," said Sarah Leah Whitson, Middle East and North Africa director at Human Rights Watch.
The organizers of today's demonstration had used Facebook to ask people to join a demonstration at 11 a.m. today to protest the
"frightening regression in civil liberties in general and in freedom of press in particular," and to demand that "controls on public media be
lifted...so that they can fulfill a genuine mission of public service." They also asked that "Algerians be permitted to create alternative stations
capable of representing them and reflecting the political and social reality of our country."
The Facebook appeal, posted last week, described Algerian television as "a fearsome propaganda machine at the service of [President
Abdelaziz] Bouteflika, who has made himself its editor in chief." The gathering was timed to coincide with World Press Freedom Day.
The protest organizers, Adlène Meddi, Hakim Addad, Moustapha Ben Fodhil, and Saïd Khatibi, approached the headquarters of l'Entreprise
Nationale de Télévision (ENTV) in central Algiers this morning. They found a heavy uniformed police presence and streets leading to the
ENTV closed off. As soon as the four began to unfurl banners, the police detained them and took them to the Boulevard des Martyrs
station. Police officers questioned the men and then released them. The four said they were not mistreated.
Meddi and Ben Fodhil are journalists at the privately owned el-Watan French-language daily. Khatibi is a journalist at the privately owned el-
Khabar Arabic daily. Addad heads Rassemblement - Actions - Jeunesse (RAJ), a nongovernmental youth movement in favor of human
rights and democratization, and is an elected member of the Popular Provincial Assembly (Assemblée populaire de wilaya, APW) from the
Socialist Forces Front party.It is not known how many persons intended to participate in today's demonstration because the barricading of
streets approaching ENTV headquarters prevented potential demonstrators even from approaching it.
Click here to read more »
Police Ban March and Arrest Organizers Who Called State TV a ‘Propaganda Machine'
May 3, 2010
(New York) - Algeria should end its repressive policy banning all demonstrations in the capital, Human Rights Watch said today after police
blocked a small rally planned in front of the offices of state television to demand press freedom. The police detained four protest organizers
in the morning as they approached the site, on the grounds of inciting a gathering "that can disturb public tranquility," an offense under the
penal code. The four were questioned, then released in the early afternoon.
A law adopted in 2001 indefinitely bans all demonstrations in Algiers. The countrywide state of emergency in effect since 1992 allows
Interior Ministry officials to ban any demonstration they deem "likely to disturb public order and tranquility."
"Blocking even this small gathering that was advocating more pluralism on television news shows the sorry state of civil liberties in
Algeria," said Sarah Leah Whitson, Middle East and North Africa director at Human Rights Watch.
The organizers of today's demonstration had used Facebook to ask people to join a demonstration at 11 a.m. today to protest the
"frightening regression in civil liberties in general and in freedom of press in particular," and to demand that "controls on public media be
lifted...so that they can fulfill a genuine mission of public service." They also asked that "Algerians be permitted to create alternative stations
capable of representing them and reflecting the political and social reality of our country."
The Facebook appeal, posted last week, described Algerian television as "a fearsome propaganda machine at the service of [President
Abdelaziz] Bouteflika, who has made himself its editor in chief." The gathering was timed to coincide with World Press Freedom Day.
The protest organizers, Adlène Meddi, Hakim Addad, Moustapha Ben Fodhil, and Saïd Khatibi, approached the headquarters of l'Entreprise
Nationale de Télévision (ENTV) in central Algiers this morning. They found a heavy uniformed police presence and streets leading to the
ENTV closed off. As soon as the four began to unfurl banners, the police detained them and took them to the Boulevard des Martyrs
station. Police officers questioned the men and then released them. The four said they were not mistreated.
Meddi and Ben Fodhil are journalists at the privately owned el-Watan French-language daily. Khatibi is a journalist at the privately owned el-
Khabar Arabic daily. Addad heads Rassemblement - Actions - Jeunesse (RAJ), a nongovernmental youth movement in favor of human
rights and democratization, and is an elected member of the Popular Provincial Assembly (Assemblée populaire de wilaya, APW) from the
Socialist Forces Front party.It is not known how many persons intended to participate in today's demonstration because the barricading of
streets approaching ENTV headquarters prevented potential demonstrators even from approaching it.
Click here to read more »
TRANSLATED FROM FRENCH BY GOOGLE TRANSLATE
Message from the President of the Republic on the occasion of the 20th anniversary of the Venice Commission
(European Commission for Democracy through Law)
Venice, June 5, 2010
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Algeria is aware of the role of constitutional justice in deepening democracy, building the rule of law and safeguarding the rights and
freedoms, as the foundations of democratic practice and expression of good governance .
Constitutional justice is a culture, as well as democracy and the rule of law. It must go through an experience and a practical part of the
term for itself as an integral part of our everyday culture and our political reality.
What countries of the North Shore have completed over several generations can not be shortened or made in a short period of time in our
country because we know that democracy as they practice is not a recipe Miracle ready to use, valid for all companies regardless of their
locations and times.
The countries of the south shore are not remained on the fringe of developments of constitutional justice, since most of these countries
have incorporated in their constitutions, the rhythm of each particular political history, control mechanisms and the Constitutional party, for
some of them in regional areas and / or language of cooperation and exchange of experiences in the area of constitutional justice.
The work of the Venice Commission for two decades has borne fruit in terms of its positive and mainly of its initiative to create a
permanent Global Forum of constitutional justice.
I am convinced that this new space, welcomed by the majority of constitutional courts will further deepen the dialogue between the
constitutional courts of all countries, and contribute to a better understanding and broader dissemination of the concepts which they share
meaning.
It was at Algiers in 1997 has been decided to set up the Union of Arab Constitutional Courts and Councils and we have supported from the
outset, the proposed creation of a global hosting and organizing, in cooperation with the Venice Commission, one of three preparatory
meetings for the World Conference in Cape Town, like those of Vilnius, and Seoul.
Click here to read more
Message from the President of the Republic on the occasion of the 20th anniversary of the Venice Commission
(European Commission for Democracy through Law)
Venice, June 5, 2010
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Algeria is aware of the role of constitutional justice in deepening democracy, building the rule of law and safeguarding the rights and
freedoms, as the foundations of democratic practice and expression of good governance .
Constitutional justice is a culture, as well as democracy and the rule of law. It must go through an experience and a practical part of the
term for itself as an integral part of our everyday culture and our political reality.
What countries of the North Shore have completed over several generations can not be shortened or made in a short period of time in our
country because we know that democracy as they practice is not a recipe Miracle ready to use, valid for all companies regardless of their
locations and times.
The countries of the south shore are not remained on the fringe of developments of constitutional justice, since most of these countries
have incorporated in their constitutions, the rhythm of each particular political history, control mechanisms and the Constitutional party, for
some of them in regional areas and / or language of cooperation and exchange of experiences in the area of constitutional justice.
The work of the Venice Commission for two decades has borne fruit in terms of its positive and mainly of its initiative to create a
permanent Global Forum of constitutional justice.
I am convinced that this new space, welcomed by the majority of constitutional courts will further deepen the dialogue between the
constitutional courts of all countries, and contribute to a better understanding and broader dissemination of the concepts which they share
meaning.
It was at Algiers in 1997 has been decided to set up the Union of Arab Constitutional Courts and Councils and we have supported from the
outset, the proposed creation of a global hosting and organizing, in cooperation with the Venice Commission, one of three preparatory
meetings for the World Conference in Cape Town, like those of Vilnius, and Seoul.
Click here to read more
| COMMISSION NATIONALE CONSULTATIVE DE PROMOTION DE PROTECTION DES DROITS DES L'HOMME/ NATIONAL COMMISSION FOR THE CONSULTATION, PROMOTION AND PROTECTION OF HUMAN RIGHTS |
BRIEFING NOTE
ON THE SPECIAL REVIEW OF THE COMMISSION NATIONALE CONSULTATIVE DE
PROMOTION ET DE PROTECTION DES DROITS DE L’HOMME (CNCPPDH) OF ALGERIA
BY THE INTERNATIONAL COORDINATING COMMITTEE OF NHRIs
- March 2009 -
I. BACKGROUND
The CNCPPDH first submitted its application for accreditation as a National Human Rights Institution (NHRI) to the International
Coordinating Committee of National Institutions (ICC) in April 2000. At this time it was granted an “A (R)” (accreditation with
reservation) status, because the information provided was incomplete. In April 2002, the status A(R) was confirmed as the annual
report was missing and there was no clarity on the status of the government representatives. In 2003, the ICC lifted the reserve as
the legislation (had been) amended to ensure only a consultative role for government members (no decision-making power) and the
Annual Report of 2002 had been received.
On 31 January 2008, the CNCPPDH applied for re-accreditation. At its session held in April 2008, the Sub-Committee informed the
Commission of its intention to accredit the CNCPPDH with status B, and gave the Commission the opportunity to provide, in
writing, within one year of such notice, the documentary evidence deemed necessary to establish its continued conformity with the
Paris Principles. The Commission retained its “A” status during this period.
The Sub-Committee also noted the following:
”1) The Commission has not provided a current annual report but only a compilation of activities covering the period from 2002 to
2004.
2) The Sub-Committee refers to General Observation “Establishment of national institutions” to stress the importance of
establishing national institutions in a constitutional or legal text.
3) The Chair and the members of the Commission are appointed and dismissed without a clear and transparent process. The Sub-
Committee refers to General Observation “Selection and appointment of the governing body”.
4) The Sub-Committee encourages the Commission to interact effectively with the United Nations Human Rights system, especially
the Treaty Bodies and the following up of the recommendations at the national level, in line with General Observation “Interaction
with the International Human Rights System” “.
According to the information provided by the NGO “Alkarama for Human Rights”, the cooperation between the CNCPPDH and UN
human rights system is insufficient. The Commission failed to provide its own document and to contribute, in an autonomous way,
to the work of the Committee against Torture and the Human Rights Committee. In addition, “Alkarama for Human Rights” stated
that the President of the CNCPPDH has recently publicly criticized the conclusions and recommendations of the UPR and the
Committee against Torture as a way of tarnishing the reputation of Algeria.
Click here to read more »
ON THE SPECIAL REVIEW OF THE COMMISSION NATIONALE CONSULTATIVE DE
PROMOTION ET DE PROTECTION DES DROITS DE L’HOMME (CNCPPDH) OF ALGERIA
BY THE INTERNATIONAL COORDINATING COMMITTEE OF NHRIs
- March 2009 -
I. BACKGROUND
The CNCPPDH first submitted its application for accreditation as a National Human Rights Institution (NHRI) to the International
Coordinating Committee of National Institutions (ICC) in April 2000. At this time it was granted an “A (R)” (accreditation with
reservation) status, because the information provided was incomplete. In April 2002, the status A(R) was confirmed as the annual
report was missing and there was no clarity on the status of the government representatives. In 2003, the ICC lifted the reserve as
the legislation (had been) amended to ensure only a consultative role for government members (no decision-making power) and the
Annual Report of 2002 had been received.
On 31 January 2008, the CNCPPDH applied for re-accreditation. At its session held in April 2008, the Sub-Committee informed the
Commission of its intention to accredit the CNCPPDH with status B, and gave the Commission the opportunity to provide, in
writing, within one year of such notice, the documentary evidence deemed necessary to establish its continued conformity with the
Paris Principles. The Commission retained its “A” status during this period.
The Sub-Committee also noted the following:
”1) The Commission has not provided a current annual report but only a compilation of activities covering the period from 2002 to
2004.
2) The Sub-Committee refers to General Observation “Establishment of national institutions” to stress the importance of
establishing national institutions in a constitutional or legal text.
3) The Chair and the members of the Commission are appointed and dismissed without a clear and transparent process. The Sub-
Committee refers to General Observation “Selection and appointment of the governing body”.
4) The Sub-Committee encourages the Commission to interact effectively with the United Nations Human Rights system, especially
the Treaty Bodies and the following up of the recommendations at the national level, in line with General Observation “Interaction
with the International Human Rights System” “.
According to the information provided by the NGO “Alkarama for Human Rights”, the cooperation between the CNCPPDH and UN
human rights system is insufficient. The Commission failed to provide its own document and to contribute, in an autonomous way,
to the work of the Committee against Torture and the Human Rights Committee. In addition, “Alkarama for Human Rights” stated
that the President of the CNCPPDH has recently publicly criticized the conclusions and recommendations of the UPR and the
Committee against Torture as a way of tarnishing the reputation of Algeria.
Click here to read more »
TRANSLATED FROM FRENCH BY GOOGLE TRANSLATE
A book for young French
by Walid Mebarek, El Watan, June 21, 2010
While Algeria still arouses passions and sometimes messy revanchism, a picture book teaching, aimed at young audiences spells the
end of the playground. We can talk intelligently about the colonization and war, clearly and honestly.
The war in Algeria told to children and adolescents. The idea was enough to worry about. The result is reassuring. The reef was
great to make a pompous book, not taking into account the country and the people who constituted Algeria before its enslavement,
nor legitimate struggle for independence, once again distorting the young French looks eager to understand . Given the excitement
of France in a conflict unjust and deadly, the error would have been to deal with the small end of the telescope and start the story in
1954, or at best in 1945 with the massacres in the eastern Algeria. It would have been all wrong, because the war actually began in
Algeria in 1830, when the French power has decided to conquer Algeria by force. Anti struggle, the Emir Abdelkader to the FLN,
passing by El Hadj Mokrani or Messali and all Algerian militants who, in 130 years, have never bowed, and Algeria has taken its
place.
The book The Men in the war Algeria traces admirably, with short texts, concise and relevant, this long and bloody history. With in
the last boards, questions useful. Thus, on page 64: "Today, France must face its colonial past. Beyond measuring the magnitude
and consequences, it must formally acknowledge its responsibility for the suffering and crimes committed in Algeria. "This is
called" assume ", with the nail river, several researchers whose citations that of the historian Pascal Blanchard:" We have not yet
decolonized our imaginations. "
Isabelle Bournier, responsible for cultural events at the Caen Memorial, has largely achieved its goal to make scope of youth on this
complex and sensitive. Violence, torture and repression, memory, traces of war on both sides of the sea, everything is processed
correctly. The ensemble is completed so that it can and should be read by an adult audience hitherto locked in stereotypes limited.
With beautiful illustrations from the books of Jacques Ferrandez who traced ten albums of comic Algerian history, the author
traces the course of events, leaving the last page the last word to the Algerian historian Mohammed Harbi: "No country can feed
resentment without damage to his humanity and morality. "The words that echo the preface by Jean-Jacques Jordi, the war
Algeria" is a triple war: civil war, war and fratricidal war of decolonization in which acts of bravery alongside the most extreme
cowardice. " Hopefully the young people to frame the book is intended, the speakers will be at stake.
Click here to read more »
A book for young French
by Walid Mebarek, El Watan, June 21, 2010
While Algeria still arouses passions and sometimes messy revanchism, a picture book teaching, aimed at young audiences spells the
end of the playground. We can talk intelligently about the colonization and war, clearly and honestly.
The war in Algeria told to children and adolescents. The idea was enough to worry about. The result is reassuring. The reef was
great to make a pompous book, not taking into account the country and the people who constituted Algeria before its enslavement,
nor legitimate struggle for independence, once again distorting the young French looks eager to understand . Given the excitement
of France in a conflict unjust and deadly, the error would have been to deal with the small end of the telescope and start the story in
1954, or at best in 1945 with the massacres in the eastern Algeria. It would have been all wrong, because the war actually began in
Algeria in 1830, when the French power has decided to conquer Algeria by force. Anti struggle, the Emir Abdelkader to the FLN,
passing by El Hadj Mokrani or Messali and all Algerian militants who, in 130 years, have never bowed, and Algeria has taken its
place.
The book The Men in the war Algeria traces admirably, with short texts, concise and relevant, this long and bloody history. With in
the last boards, questions useful. Thus, on page 64: "Today, France must face its colonial past. Beyond measuring the magnitude
and consequences, it must formally acknowledge its responsibility for the suffering and crimes committed in Algeria. "This is
called" assume ", with the nail river, several researchers whose citations that of the historian Pascal Blanchard:" We have not yet
decolonized our imaginations. "
Isabelle Bournier, responsible for cultural events at the Caen Memorial, has largely achieved its goal to make scope of youth on this
complex and sensitive. Violence, torture and repression, memory, traces of war on both sides of the sea, everything is processed
correctly. The ensemble is completed so that it can and should be read by an adult audience hitherto locked in stereotypes limited.
With beautiful illustrations from the books of Jacques Ferrandez who traced ten albums of comic Algerian history, the author
traces the course of events, leaving the last page the last word to the Algerian historian Mohammed Harbi: "No country can feed
resentment without damage to his humanity and morality. "The words that echo the preface by Jean-Jacques Jordi, the war
Algeria" is a triple war: civil war, war and fratricidal war of decolonization in which acts of bravery alongside the most extreme
cowardice. " Hopefully the young people to frame the book is intended, the speakers will be at stake.
Click here to read more »
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| Click flag for Country Report |
| ILLICIT DRUGS |
None reported.
