| ANGOLA Republic of Angola Republica de Angola Joined United Nations: 1 December 1976 Human Rights as assured by their constitution Click here Updated 11/09/10 |
| CAPITAL |
| POPULATION |
| CHIEF OF STATE |
| SELECTION PROCESS |
Luanda
13,068,161 (July 2010 est.)
Antonio Paulo Kassoma
Prime Minister since 26 September 2008
Prime Minister since 26 September 2008
President elected by universal ballot for a five-year term (eligible for
a second consecutive or discontinuous term) under the 1992
constitution; President Dos Santos originally elected (in 1979)
without opposition under a one-party system and stood for
reelection in Angola's first multiparty elections 29-30 September
1992
Next scheduled election: 2010 (postponed from 2009)
a second consecutive or discontinuous term) under the 1992
constitution; President Dos Santos originally elected (in 1979)
without opposition under a one-party system and stood for
reelection in Angola's first multiparty elections 29-30 September
1992
Next scheduled election: 2010 (postponed from 2009)
HEAD OF GOVERNMENT
SELECTION PROCESS
Prime Minister is appointed by the President
| DECLARATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS |
| ETHNIC GROUPS |
Ovimbundu 37%, Kimbundu 25%, Bakongo 13%, mestico (mixed European and native African) 2%, European 1%, other 22%
| RELIGIONS |
Indigenous beliefs 47%, Roman Catholic 38%, Protestant 15% (1998 est.)
| GOVERNMENT STRUCTURE |
Republic; multiparty presidential regime with 18 provinces (provincias, singular - provincia); Legal system is based on Portuguese civil
law system and customary law; recently modified to accommodate political pluralism and increased use of free markets
Executive: President elected by universal ballot for a five-year term (eligible for a second consecutive or discontinuous term) under the
1992 constitution; President DOS SANTOS originally elected (in 1979) without opposition under a one-party system and stood for
reelection in Angola's first multiparty elections 29-30 September 1992 (next were to be held in September 2009 but have been postponed)
Legislative: Unicameral National Assembly or Assembleia Nacional (220 seats; members elected by proportional vote to serve
four-year terms)
elections: last held 5-7 September 2008; Next election to be held in September 2012
Judicial: Supreme Court and separate provincial courts (judges are appointed by the president)
law system and customary law; recently modified to accommodate political pluralism and increased use of free markets
Executive: President elected by universal ballot for a five-year term (eligible for a second consecutive or discontinuous term) under the
1992 constitution; President DOS SANTOS originally elected (in 1979) without opposition under a one-party system and stood for
reelection in Angola's first multiparty elections 29-30 September 1992 (next were to be held in September 2009 but have been postponed)
Legislative: Unicameral National Assembly or Assembleia Nacional (220 seats; members elected by proportional vote to serve
four-year terms)
elections: last held 5-7 September 2008; Next election to be held in September 2012
Judicial: Supreme Court and separate provincial courts (judges are appointed by the president)
| LANGUAGES |
Portuguese (official), Bantu and other African languages
| BRIEF HISTORY |
The area of current day Angola was inhabited in prehistoric times, as attested by remains found in Luanda, Congo and the Namibe
desert, but it was only thousands of years later, at the beginning of recorded history that more developed peoples arrived. The first
to settle were the Bushmen, great hunters, similar to Pygmies in stature and with light brown skin. At the beginning of the sixth
century AD, more advanced peoples with black skin, already in possession of metal-working technology, began one of the greatest
migrations in history. They were the Bantu, and they came from the north, probably from somewhere near the present day Republic
of Cameroon. The establishment of the Bantu took many centuries and gave rise to various groupings who took on different ethnic
characteristics, some of which persist to this day. The first large political entity in the area, known to history as the Kingdom of
Congo, appeared in the thirteenth century and stretched from Gabon in the north to the river Kwanza in the south, and from the
Atlantic in the west to the river Cuango in the east. The Kingdom of Congo was divided into six provinces and included some
dependent kingdoms, such as Ndongo to the south. Trade was the main activity, based on highly productive agriculture and
increasing exploitation of mineral wealth. In 1482, Portuguese caravels commanded by Diogo Cão arrived in the Congo. Other
expeditions followed, and close relations were soon established between the two states. The Portuguese brought firearms and many
other technological advances, as well as a new religion (Christianity); in return, the King of the Congo could offer plenty of slaves,
ivory, and minerals. The Portuguese colony of Angola was founded in 1575 with the arrival of Paulo Dias de Novais with a hundred
families of colonists and four hundred soldiers. Luanda was granted the status of city in 1605. The King of the Congo was soon
converted to Christianity, and adopted a similar political structure to the Europeans; he became a well-known figure in Europe, to
the point of receiving missives from the Pope himself. Portugal had lost its King and the Spanish ruler took control of the Portuguese
monarchy. By this time, Portugal's overseas territories had taken second place. The Dutch took advantage of this situation and
occupied Luanda in 1641. In 1648, after Portugal has regained its independence from the Spanish rulers in 1640, a large
Portuguese force from Brazil under the command of Salvador Correia de Sá retook Luanda, leading to the return of the Portuguese
in large numbers. Trade was mostly with the Portuguese colony of Brazil; Brazilian ships were the most numerous in the ports of
Luanda and Benguela. By this time, Angola, a Portuguese colony, was in fact like a colony of Brazil, paradoxically another
Portuguese colony. From 1764 onwards, there was a gradual change from a slave-based society to one based on production for
domestic consumption. Meanwhile, the slave trade was abolished in 1836, and in 1844 Angola's ports were opened to foreign
shipping. By 1850, Luanda was one of the greatest and most developed Portuguese cities in the vast Portuguese Empire outside
Mainland Portugal, full of trading companies, exporting (together with Benguela) palm and peanut oil, wax, copal, timber, ivory,
cotton, coffee, and cocoa, among many other products. Maize, tobacco, dried meat and cassava flour also began to be produced
locally. The Angolan bourgeoisie was born. The Berlin Conference compelled Portugal to move towards the immediate occupation
of all its colonial territories. The territory of Cabinda, to the north of the river Zaire, was also ceded to Portugal on the legal basis of
the Treaty of Simulambuko Protectorate, concluded between the Portuguese Crown and the princes of Cabinda in 1885. After a
difficult and complicated process of implementation, the end of the nineteenth century saw the establishment of a colonial
administration based directly on the territory and the people to be ruled. Portuguese policy in Angola was modified by certain
reforms introduced at the beginning of the twentieth century. The fall of the Portuguese monarchy and a favourable international
climate led to reforms in administration, agriculture, and education. With the advent of the New State, extended to the colony,
Angola becomes a province of Portugal (Ultramarine Province). The situation was calm and stable, with notable developments in
the fields of local economy, education, civil rights, standard of living and transportation across the territory. But in the second half of
the twentieth century, this calm was disrupted by the appearance of the first nationalist movements. More overtly political
organisations first appeared in the 1950s, and began to make organised demands for their rights, initiating diplomatic campaigns
throughout the world in their fight for independence. The Portuguese regimen, meanwhile, refused to accede to the nationalist's
demands of separatism, thereby provoking the armed conflict that started in 1961 and came to be known as the Colonial War. In
this struggle, the principal protagonist were the MPLA (Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola), founded in 1956, the
FNLA (National Front for the Liberation of Angola), which appeared in 1961, and UNITA (National Union for the Total
Independence of Angola), founded in 1966. After many years of conflict, the nation gained its independence on 11 November
1975, after the 1974 coup d'état in the metropole's capital city of Lisbon against the Portuguese regimen. Portugal's new leaders
began a process of democratic change at home and acceptance of its former colonies' independence abroad. A 1974 coup d'état in
Portugal established a military government led by President António de Spínola. The Spínola government agreed to give all of
Portugal's colonies independence, and handed power in Angola over to a coalition of the three, largest, separatist movements, the
MPLA, UNITA, and the FNLA, through the Alvor Agreement. The coalition quickly broke down and the country descended into
civil war. The United States, Zaïre and South Africa intervened militarily in favor of the FNLA and UNITA. In response, Cuba
intervened in favor of the MPLA. In November 1975, the MPLA had all but crushed UNITA, and the South African forces
withdrew. The U.S. Congress barred further U.S. military involvement in Angola. In control of Luanda and the coastal strip (and
increasingly lucrative oil fields), the MPLA declared independence on November 11, 1975, the day the Portuguese abandoned the
capital. Portugal recognized the declaration of independence. Agostinho Neto became the first president, followed by José Eduardo
dos Santos in 1979. The opposition movements, FNLA and UNITA, created a joint government in the zones they controlled. The
"Democratic Republic of Angola" was founded on November 24, 1975, with Holden Roberto and Jonas Savimbi as co-presidents
and Jose Ndele and Johny E. Pinnock as co-prime ministers. This government was dissolved after January 30, 1976. Civil war
between UNITA and the MPLA continued until an American and Portuguese-brokered agreement resulted in withdrawal of Cuban
troops from Angola and of South African soldiers from Namibia in 1989, and led to the Bicesse Accord in 1991, which spelled out
an electoral process for a democratic Angola under the supervision of the United Nations. The peace accord between the
government and UNITA provided for the integration of former UNITA insurgents into the government and armed forces. However,
in 1995, localized fighting resumed. Angola agreed to trade oil to Slovakia in return for arms, buying six Sukhoi Su-17 attack
aircraft on April 3, 2000. Government troops killed Savimbi on February 22, 2002, in Moxico province. In August 2002, UNITA
declared itself a political party and officially demobilized its armed forces. The civil war internally displaced four million people,
one-third of Angola's population. The government spent $187 million settling IDPs between April 4, 2002 and 2004, after which
the World Bank gave $33 million to continue the settling process. Militant forces laid approximately 15 million landmines by 2002.
The HALO Trust charity began demining in 1994, destroying 30,000 by July 2007. There are 1,100 Angolans and seven foreign
workers who are working for HALO Trust in Angola, with operations expected to finish sometime between 2011 and 2014.
Source: Wikipedia: History of Angola
desert, but it was only thousands of years later, at the beginning of recorded history that more developed peoples arrived. The first
to settle were the Bushmen, great hunters, similar to Pygmies in stature and with light brown skin. At the beginning of the sixth
century AD, more advanced peoples with black skin, already in possession of metal-working technology, began one of the greatest
migrations in history. They were the Bantu, and they came from the north, probably from somewhere near the present day Republic
of Cameroon. The establishment of the Bantu took many centuries and gave rise to various groupings who took on different ethnic
characteristics, some of which persist to this day. The first large political entity in the area, known to history as the Kingdom of
Congo, appeared in the thirteenth century and stretched from Gabon in the north to the river Kwanza in the south, and from the
Atlantic in the west to the river Cuango in the east. The Kingdom of Congo was divided into six provinces and included some
dependent kingdoms, such as Ndongo to the south. Trade was the main activity, based on highly productive agriculture and
increasing exploitation of mineral wealth. In 1482, Portuguese caravels commanded by Diogo Cão arrived in the Congo. Other
expeditions followed, and close relations were soon established between the two states. The Portuguese brought firearms and many
other technological advances, as well as a new religion (Christianity); in return, the King of the Congo could offer plenty of slaves,
ivory, and minerals. The Portuguese colony of Angola was founded in 1575 with the arrival of Paulo Dias de Novais with a hundred
families of colonists and four hundred soldiers. Luanda was granted the status of city in 1605. The King of the Congo was soon
converted to Christianity, and adopted a similar political structure to the Europeans; he became a well-known figure in Europe, to
the point of receiving missives from the Pope himself. Portugal had lost its King and the Spanish ruler took control of the Portuguese
monarchy. By this time, Portugal's overseas territories had taken second place. The Dutch took advantage of this situation and
occupied Luanda in 1641. In 1648, after Portugal has regained its independence from the Spanish rulers in 1640, a large
Portuguese force from Brazil under the command of Salvador Correia de Sá retook Luanda, leading to the return of the Portuguese
in large numbers. Trade was mostly with the Portuguese colony of Brazil; Brazilian ships were the most numerous in the ports of
Luanda and Benguela. By this time, Angola, a Portuguese colony, was in fact like a colony of Brazil, paradoxically another
Portuguese colony. From 1764 onwards, there was a gradual change from a slave-based society to one based on production for
domestic consumption. Meanwhile, the slave trade was abolished in 1836, and in 1844 Angola's ports were opened to foreign
shipping. By 1850, Luanda was one of the greatest and most developed Portuguese cities in the vast Portuguese Empire outside
Mainland Portugal, full of trading companies, exporting (together with Benguela) palm and peanut oil, wax, copal, timber, ivory,
cotton, coffee, and cocoa, among many other products. Maize, tobacco, dried meat and cassava flour also began to be produced
locally. The Angolan bourgeoisie was born. The Berlin Conference compelled Portugal to move towards the immediate occupation
of all its colonial territories. The territory of Cabinda, to the north of the river Zaire, was also ceded to Portugal on the legal basis of
the Treaty of Simulambuko Protectorate, concluded between the Portuguese Crown and the princes of Cabinda in 1885. After a
difficult and complicated process of implementation, the end of the nineteenth century saw the establishment of a colonial
administration based directly on the territory and the people to be ruled. Portuguese policy in Angola was modified by certain
reforms introduced at the beginning of the twentieth century. The fall of the Portuguese monarchy and a favourable international
climate led to reforms in administration, agriculture, and education. With the advent of the New State, extended to the colony,
Angola becomes a province of Portugal (Ultramarine Province). The situation was calm and stable, with notable developments in
the fields of local economy, education, civil rights, standard of living and transportation across the territory. But in the second half of
the twentieth century, this calm was disrupted by the appearance of the first nationalist movements. More overtly political
organisations first appeared in the 1950s, and began to make organised demands for their rights, initiating diplomatic campaigns
throughout the world in their fight for independence. The Portuguese regimen, meanwhile, refused to accede to the nationalist's
demands of separatism, thereby provoking the armed conflict that started in 1961 and came to be known as the Colonial War. In
this struggle, the principal protagonist were the MPLA (Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola), founded in 1956, the
FNLA (National Front for the Liberation of Angola), which appeared in 1961, and UNITA (National Union for the Total
Independence of Angola), founded in 1966. After many years of conflict, the nation gained its independence on 11 November
1975, after the 1974 coup d'état in the metropole's capital city of Lisbon against the Portuguese regimen. Portugal's new leaders
began a process of democratic change at home and acceptance of its former colonies' independence abroad. A 1974 coup d'état in
Portugal established a military government led by President António de Spínola. The Spínola government agreed to give all of
Portugal's colonies independence, and handed power in Angola over to a coalition of the three, largest, separatist movements, the
MPLA, UNITA, and the FNLA, through the Alvor Agreement. The coalition quickly broke down and the country descended into
civil war. The United States, Zaïre and South Africa intervened militarily in favor of the FNLA and UNITA. In response, Cuba
intervened in favor of the MPLA. In November 1975, the MPLA had all but crushed UNITA, and the South African forces
withdrew. The U.S. Congress barred further U.S. military involvement in Angola. In control of Luanda and the coastal strip (and
increasingly lucrative oil fields), the MPLA declared independence on November 11, 1975, the day the Portuguese abandoned the
capital. Portugal recognized the declaration of independence. Agostinho Neto became the first president, followed by José Eduardo
dos Santos in 1979. The opposition movements, FNLA and UNITA, created a joint government in the zones they controlled. The
"Democratic Republic of Angola" was founded on November 24, 1975, with Holden Roberto and Jonas Savimbi as co-presidents
and Jose Ndele and Johny E. Pinnock as co-prime ministers. This government was dissolved after January 30, 1976. Civil war
between UNITA and the MPLA continued until an American and Portuguese-brokered agreement resulted in withdrawal of Cuban
troops from Angola and of South African soldiers from Namibia in 1989, and led to the Bicesse Accord in 1991, which spelled out
an electoral process for a democratic Angola under the supervision of the United Nations. The peace accord between the
government and UNITA provided for the integration of former UNITA insurgents into the government and armed forces. However,
in 1995, localized fighting resumed. Angola agreed to trade oil to Slovakia in return for arms, buying six Sukhoi Su-17 attack
aircraft on April 3, 2000. Government troops killed Savimbi on February 22, 2002, in Moxico province. In August 2002, UNITA
declared itself a political party and officially demobilized its armed forces. The civil war internally displaced four million people,
one-third of Angola's population. The government spent $187 million settling IDPs between April 4, 2002 and 2004, after which
the World Bank gave $33 million to continue the settling process. Militant forces laid approximately 15 million landmines by 2002.
The HALO Trust charity began demining in 1994, destroying 30,000 by July 2007. There are 1,100 Angolans and seven foreign
workers who are working for HALO Trust in Angola, with operations expected to finish sometime between 2011 and 2014.
Source: Wikipedia: History of Angola
| ECONOMIC OVERVIEW |
Angola's high growth rate in recent years was driven by its oil sector, and high international oil prices. Oil production and its
supporting activities contribute about 85% of GDP. Increased oil production supported growth averaging more than 15% per year
from 2004 to 2007. The global recession and lower prices led to a contraction in GDP in 2009. A postwar reconstruction boom
and resettlement of displaced persons has led to high rates of growth in construction and agriculture as well. Much of the country's
infrastructure is still damaged or undeveloped from the 27-year-long civil war. Remnants of the conflict such as widespread land
mines still mar the countryside even though an apparently durable peace was established after the death of rebel leader Jonas
SAVIMBI in February 2002. Subsistence agriculture provides the main livelihood for most of the people, but half of the country's
food must still be imported. Since 2005, the government has used billions of dollars in credit lines from China, Brazil, Portugal,
Germany, Spain, and the EU to rebuild Angola's public infrastructure. Although consumer inflation declined from 325% in 2000 to
under 13% in 2008, the stabilization policy proved unsustainable and Angola abandoned its currency peg in 2009. Angola became
a member of OPEC in late 2006 and in late 2007 was assigned a production quota of 1.9 million barrels a day (bbl), somewhat less
than the 2-2.5 million bbl Angola's government had wanted. In November 2009 the IMF announced its approval of Luanda's
request for a Stand-By Arrangement; the loan of $1.4 billion aims to rebuild Angola's international reserves. Corruption, especially
in the extractive sectors, is a major challenge.
Source: CIA World Factbook (select Angola)
supporting activities contribute about 85% of GDP. Increased oil production supported growth averaging more than 15% per year
from 2004 to 2007. The global recession and lower prices led to a contraction in GDP in 2009. A postwar reconstruction boom
and resettlement of displaced persons has led to high rates of growth in construction and agriculture as well. Much of the country's
infrastructure is still damaged or undeveloped from the 27-year-long civil war. Remnants of the conflict such as widespread land
mines still mar the countryside even though an apparently durable peace was established after the death of rebel leader Jonas
SAVIMBI in February 2002. Subsistence agriculture provides the main livelihood for most of the people, but half of the country's
food must still be imported. Since 2005, the government has used billions of dollars in credit lines from China, Brazil, Portugal,
Germany, Spain, and the EU to rebuild Angola's public infrastructure. Although consumer inflation declined from 325% in 2000 to
under 13% in 2008, the stabilization policy proved unsustainable and Angola abandoned its currency peg in 2009. Angola became
a member of OPEC in late 2006 and in late 2007 was assigned a production quota of 1.9 million barrels a day (bbl), somewhat less
than the 2-2.5 million bbl Angola's government had wanted. In November 2009 the IMF announced its approval of Luanda's
request for a Stand-By Arrangement; the loan of $1.4 billion aims to rebuild Angola's international reserves. Corruption, especially
in the extractive sectors, is a major challenge.
Source: CIA World Factbook (select Angola)
| POLITICAL CLIMATE |
Currently, political power is concentrated in the Presidency. The executive branch of the government is composed of the President,
the Prime Minister (currently Paulo Kassoma) and Council of Ministers. The Council of Ministers, composed of all government
ministers and vice ministers, meets regularly to discuss policy issues. Governors of the 18 provinces are appointed by and serve at
the pleasure of the president. The Constitutional Law of 1992 establishes the broad outlines of government structure and delineates
the rights and duties of citizens. The legal system is based on Portuguese and customary law but is weak and fragmented. Courts
operate in only 12 of more than 140 municipalities. A Supreme Court serves as the appellate tribunal; a Constitutional Court with
powers of judicial review has never been constituted despite statutory authorization.
The 26-year long civil war has ravaged the country's political and social institutions. The UN estimates of 1.8 million internally
displaced persons (IDPs), while generally the accepted figure for war-affected people is 4 million. Daily conditions of life throughout
the country and specifically Luanda (population approximately 4 million) mirror the collapse of administrative infrastructure as well
as many social institutions. The ongoing grave economic situation largely prevents any government support for social institutions.
Hospitals are without medicines or basic equipment, schools are without books, and public employees often lack the basic supplies
for their day-to-day work.
Angola promulgated a new Constitution on 21 January 2010 which ends the direct election of the president by popular vote.
Source: Wikipedia: Politics of Angola
the Prime Minister (currently Paulo Kassoma) and Council of Ministers. The Council of Ministers, composed of all government
ministers and vice ministers, meets regularly to discuss policy issues. Governors of the 18 provinces are appointed by and serve at
the pleasure of the president. The Constitutional Law of 1992 establishes the broad outlines of government structure and delineates
the rights and duties of citizens. The legal system is based on Portuguese and customary law but is weak and fragmented. Courts
operate in only 12 of more than 140 municipalities. A Supreme Court serves as the appellate tribunal; a Constitutional Court with
powers of judicial review has never been constituted despite statutory authorization.
The 26-year long civil war has ravaged the country's political and social institutions. The UN estimates of 1.8 million internally
displaced persons (IDPs), while generally the accepted figure for war-affected people is 4 million. Daily conditions of life throughout
the country and specifically Luanda (population approximately 4 million) mirror the collapse of administrative infrastructure as well
as many social institutions. The ongoing grave economic situation largely prevents any government support for social institutions.
Hospitals are without medicines or basic equipment, schools are without books, and public employees often lack the basic supplies
for their day-to-day work.
Angola promulgated a new Constitution on 21 January 2010 which ends the direct election of the president by popular vote.
Source: Wikipedia: Politics of Angola
| INTERNATIONAL DISPUTES |
Cabindan separatists continue to return to the Angolan exclave from exile in neighboring states and Europe since the 2006 ceasefire
and peace agreement
and peace agreement
| REFUGEES AND INTERNALLY DISPLACED PERSONS (IDPS) |
Refugees (country of origin): 12,615 (Democratic Republic of Congo)
IDPs: 61,700 (27-year civil war ending in 2002; 4 million IDPs already have returned) (2007)
IDPs: 61,700 (27-year civil war ending in 2002; 4 million IDPs already have returned) (2007)
| ILLICIT DRUGS |
Used as a transshipment point for cocaine destined for Western Europe and other African states, particularly South Africa
| HUMAN RIGHTS STATEMENTS, ANALYSIS AND CRITIQUES |
2009 Human Rights Report: Angola
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
March 11, 2010
Angola is a constitutional republic with an estimated population of 16 million. The ruling Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola
(MPLA), led by President Jose Eduardo dos Santos since 1979, has been in power since independence in 1975 and exercised tight,
centralized control over government planning, policy making, and media outlets. In September 2008 the government held the first
legislative elections since 1992. Domestic and international observers reported that polling throughout the country was peaceful and
generally credible, despite a ruling party advantage due to state control of major media and other resources, and serious logistical failures
that marred polling in the capital of Luanda. Civilian authorities generally maintained effective control of the security forces.
The government's human rights record remained poor, and there were numerous, serious problems. Human rights abuses included:
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
March 11, 2010
Angola is a constitutional republic with an estimated population of 16 million. The ruling Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola
(MPLA), led by President Jose Eduardo dos Santos since 1979, has been in power since independence in 1975 and exercised tight,
centralized control over government planning, policy making, and media outlets. In September 2008 the government held the first
legislative elections since 1992. Domestic and international observers reported that polling throughout the country was peaceful and
generally credible, despite a ruling party advantage due to state control of major media and other resources, and serious logistical failures
that marred polling in the capital of Luanda. Civilian authorities generally maintained effective control of the security forces.
The government's human rights record remained poor, and there were numerous, serious problems. Human rights abuses included:
- the abridgement of citizens' right to elect officials at all levels;
- unlawful killings by police, military, and private security forces;
- torture, beatings, and rape by security forces;
- harsh prison conditions;
- arbitrary arrest and detention;
- official corruption and impunity;
- judicial inefficiency and lack of independence;
- lengthy pretrial detention;
- lack of due process;
- restrictions on freedom of speech, press, assembly, and association;
- forced evictions without compensation;
- discrimination, violence, and abuse perpetrated against women and children.
11 October 2010
Committee on the Rights of the Child
Fifty-fifth session
13 September – 1 October 2010
Consideration of reports submitted by States parties under article 44 of the Convention
Concluding observations: Angola
A. INTRODUCTION
2. The Committee welcomes the submission of the second to fourth periodic reports as well as the written replies to its list of
issues (CRC/C/AGO/Q/2-4/Add.1) and commends the frank and self-critical nature of the report, which allows for a better
understanding of the situation of children in the State party. The Committee also welcomes the constructive dialogue with a multisectoral
delegation at a senior level, which allowed a better understanding of the situation of children in the State party.
B. Follow-up measures and progress achieved by the State party
3. The Committee notes with appreciation:
(a) The entry into force of the new Constitution (2010), which creates a legal framework for the rights of the child;
(b) The creation of the National Council for Children (CNAC ) (2007);
(c) The adoption of Decree No. 31/07 establishing free birth and death registration for children up to five years of age and free
identification cards for children up to 11 years of age (2007).
C. Main areas of concern and recommendations
1. General measures of implementation (arts. 4, 42 and 44, para. 6 of the Convention)
The Committee’s previous recommendations
6. The Committee welcomes efforts by the State party to implement the Committee’s concluding observations on the State party’s
initial report (CRC/C/3/Add.66) which have yielded positive developments. Nevertheless, the Committee notes with regret that many of
these concluding observations have not been significantly addressed.
7. The Committee urges the State party to take all necessary measures to address those recommendations contained in the
concluding observations on the initial report that have not yet or not sufficiently been implemented, in particular on harmonization of
laws, appropriate budget allocations and transparent budget tracking, discrimination against girls, birth registration and violence and
maltreatment, and to provide adequate follow-up to the recommendations contained in the present concluding observations.
Click here to read more »
Committee on the Rights of the Child
Fifty-fifth session
13 September – 1 October 2010
Consideration of reports submitted by States parties under article 44 of the Convention
Concluding observations: Angola
A. INTRODUCTION
2. The Committee welcomes the submission of the second to fourth periodic reports as well as the written replies to its list of
issues (CRC/C/AGO/Q/2-4/Add.1) and commends the frank and self-critical nature of the report, which allows for a better
understanding of the situation of children in the State party. The Committee also welcomes the constructive dialogue with a multisectoral
delegation at a senior level, which allowed a better understanding of the situation of children in the State party.
B. Follow-up measures and progress achieved by the State party
3. The Committee notes with appreciation:
(a) The entry into force of the new Constitution (2010), which creates a legal framework for the rights of the child;
(b) The creation of the National Council for Children (CNAC ) (2007);
(c) The adoption of Decree No. 31/07 establishing free birth and death registration for children up to five years of age and free
identification cards for children up to 11 years of age (2007).
C. Main areas of concern and recommendations
1. General measures of implementation (arts. 4, 42 and 44, para. 6 of the Convention)
The Committee’s previous recommendations
6. The Committee welcomes efforts by the State party to implement the Committee’s concluding observations on the State party’s
initial report (CRC/C/3/Add.66) which have yielded positive developments. Nevertheless, the Committee notes with regret that many of
these concluding observations have not been significantly addressed.
7. The Committee urges the State party to take all necessary measures to address those recommendations contained in the
concluding observations on the initial report that have not yet or not sufficiently been implemented, in particular on harmonization of
laws, appropriate budget allocations and transparent budget tracking, discrimination against girls, birth registration and violence and
maltreatment, and to provide adequate follow-up to the recommendations contained in the present concluding observations.
Click here to read more »
Freedom In The World 2010 Report
Political Rights Score: 6
Civil Liberties Score: 5
Status: Not Free
Overview
A presidential election that had been scheduled for 2009 after repeated delays was postponed yet again during the year, as a commission
dominated by the ruling party failed to meet its deadline to present a new draft constitution. Also in 2009, Angola and the Democratic
Republic of Congo engaged in tit-for-tat refugee expulsions, sending thousands of Angolans back over the border without adequate
humanitarian preparations.
The conflict claimed an estimated one million lives, displaced more than four million people, and forced over half a million to flee to
neighboring countries. Many resettled people have remained without land, basic resources, or even identification documents. The
resettlement process was slowed by the presence of an estimated 500,000 land mines and a war-ruined infrastructure, which made large
tracts of the country inaccessible to humanitarian aid. The United Nations concluded its voluntary refugee repatriation program in 2007,
and between August and October 2009, Angola and the neighboring Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) engaged in a series of tit-for-
tat expulsions. The resulting return of some 32,000 Angolans and 19,000 Congolese to their home countries raised concerns about a
humanitarian crisis.
Legislative elections, delayed repeatedly since 1997, were finally held in September 2008. As expected, the ruling MPLA won a sweeping
victory, taking 191 of 220 seats. UNITA placed second among 14 parties, with 16 seats. While both domestic and international
observers found that the results reflected the people’s will, the voting was less than free and fair. The run-up to the elections was
marred by political violence, pro-MPLA bias in the state media, and other problems, and many polling places in the capital failed to open
on election day. UNITA accepted the outcome after an initial challenge of the Luanda results was rejected by the electoral commission.
The presidential election, scheduled for 2009 after a number of delays, was postponed once again that year. The MPLA made a new
constitution a precondition for the presidential vote, and in July 2009 the country’s Constitutional Commission announced that it would
not meet the September deadline for presenting its draft. The commission was made up of members of the MPLA-dominated parliament.
Angola, Africa’s second-largest oil producer, has enjoyed an economic boom in recent years, though it slowed in 2009 following a drop
in oil prices. Corruption and mismanagement have prevented the country’s wealth from reaching most residents. Eighty-five percent of
the population engages in subsistence agriculture, and the United Nations estimates that 54 percent of the population lives on less than
$1.25 a day.
Click here to read more »
Political Rights Score: 6
Civil Liberties Score: 5
Status: Not Free
Overview
A presidential election that had been scheduled for 2009 after repeated delays was postponed yet again during the year, as a commission
dominated by the ruling party failed to meet its deadline to present a new draft constitution. Also in 2009, Angola and the Democratic
Republic of Congo engaged in tit-for-tat refugee expulsions, sending thousands of Angolans back over the border without adequate
humanitarian preparations.
The conflict claimed an estimated one million lives, displaced more than four million people, and forced over half a million to flee to
neighboring countries. Many resettled people have remained without land, basic resources, or even identification documents. The
resettlement process was slowed by the presence of an estimated 500,000 land mines and a war-ruined infrastructure, which made large
tracts of the country inaccessible to humanitarian aid. The United Nations concluded its voluntary refugee repatriation program in 2007,
and between August and October 2009, Angola and the neighboring Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) engaged in a series of tit-for-
tat expulsions. The resulting return of some 32,000 Angolans and 19,000 Congolese to their home countries raised concerns about a
humanitarian crisis.
Legislative elections, delayed repeatedly since 1997, were finally held in September 2008. As expected, the ruling MPLA won a sweeping
victory, taking 191 of 220 seats. UNITA placed second among 14 parties, with 16 seats. While both domestic and international
observers found that the results reflected the people’s will, the voting was less than free and fair. The run-up to the elections was
marred by political violence, pro-MPLA bias in the state media, and other problems, and many polling places in the capital failed to open
on election day. UNITA accepted the outcome after an initial challenge of the Luanda results was rejected by the electoral commission.
The presidential election, scheduled for 2009 after a number of delays, was postponed once again that year. The MPLA made a new
constitution a precondition for the presidential vote, and in July 2009 the country’s Constitutional Commission announced that it would
not meet the September deadline for presenting its draft. The commission was made up of members of the MPLA-dominated parliament.
Angola, Africa’s second-largest oil producer, has enjoyed an economic boom in recent years, though it slowed in 2009 following a drop
in oil prices. Corruption and mismanagement have prevented the country’s wealth from reaching most residents. Eighty-five percent of
the population engages in subsistence agriculture, and the United Nations estimates that 54 percent of the population lives on less than
$1.25 a day.
Click here to read more »
Angola: Death of Muatxihina Chamumbala in Conduege Prison and concern for the remaining 32 prisoners
12/11/2010
Angola
UPDATE 2
Amnesty International has learned of the death of Muatxihina Chamumbala in hospital on 3 October 2010. Muatxihina Chamumbala was
due to be tried on 12 October 2010, together with 33 others, on charges of crimes against the state, though these have not been
specified. They were being held in Conduege Prison in Dundo, Lundo Norte, province in Angola.
Muatxihina Chamumbala had been ill since his imprisonment in April 2009 and his health continued to deteriorate in January 2010 after he
was reported to have a distended abdomen. In early July 2010 he was taken to the Lunda Norte Provincial hospital where he had fluid
drained from his abdomen. He was discharged after three days and returned to the prison, where conditions were not conducive to a
recovery, and he remained ill. He did not receive further treatment.
On 28 September his condition became very serious and he was taken to the Lunda Norte Provincial Hospital suffering from acute
diarrhoea and passing blood in the stools. He died in hospital at around 8 pm on 3 October. According to the information received by
Amnesty International, he was buried in a common grave on 5 October, several hours before his family’s arrival in Dundo.
In August 2010, following publication of a public statement and Medical Action on behalf of this group of detainees, Amnesty
International was informed that the former minister of interior and his deputy visited Conduege prison. According to the information
received, the minister promised to ensure the supply of medicines and treated water to the prison, but, apparently, this has not happened.
It was reported that in mid-September the authorities announced that the detainees were going to be transferred to another prison, in
Catanda, some 40 km. from Dundo. However, although it is a newer prison, reports indicate it does not have access to electricity or
running water.
Amnesty International has also been informed that another political detainee, Armando António Muagingo became seriously ill in
September with cerebral malaria, diarrhoea and respiratory problems. On 13 September he was taken to the Lunda Norte Provincia
Hospital where he spent several days in the intensive care unit. He was discharged from hospital some two weeks later and taken back to
prison.
Amnesty International remains concerned about the health of this group of detainees who continue to be intermittently sick and do not
appear to receive medical treatment unless they become seriously ill. Unsanitary conditions at Conduege prison, as well as the inadequate
provision of food and water persist, further aggravating their health. Unless prison conditions improve and prompt medical treatment is
provided, their health will continue to deteriorate.
Click here to read more »
12/11/2010
Angola
UPDATE 2
Amnesty International has learned of the death of Muatxihina Chamumbala in hospital on 3 October 2010. Muatxihina Chamumbala was
due to be tried on 12 October 2010, together with 33 others, on charges of crimes against the state, though these have not been
specified. They were being held in Conduege Prison in Dundo, Lundo Norte, province in Angola.
Muatxihina Chamumbala had been ill since his imprisonment in April 2009 and his health continued to deteriorate in January 2010 after he
was reported to have a distended abdomen. In early July 2010 he was taken to the Lunda Norte Provincial hospital where he had fluid
drained from his abdomen. He was discharged after three days and returned to the prison, where conditions were not conducive to a
recovery, and he remained ill. He did not receive further treatment.
On 28 September his condition became very serious and he was taken to the Lunda Norte Provincial Hospital suffering from acute
diarrhoea and passing blood in the stools. He died in hospital at around 8 pm on 3 October. According to the information received by
Amnesty International, he was buried in a common grave on 5 October, several hours before his family’s arrival in Dundo.
In August 2010, following publication of a public statement and Medical Action on behalf of this group of detainees, Amnesty
International was informed that the former minister of interior and his deputy visited Conduege prison. According to the information
received, the minister promised to ensure the supply of medicines and treated water to the prison, but, apparently, this has not happened.
It was reported that in mid-September the authorities announced that the detainees were going to be transferred to another prison, in
Catanda, some 40 km. from Dundo. However, although it is a newer prison, reports indicate it does not have access to electricity or
running water.
Amnesty International has also been informed that another political detainee, Armando António Muagingo became seriously ill in
September with cerebral malaria, diarrhoea and respiratory problems. On 13 September he was taken to the Lunda Norte Provincia
Hospital where he spent several days in the intensive care unit. He was discharged from hospital some two weeks later and taken back to
prison.
Amnesty International remains concerned about the health of this group of detainees who continue to be intermittently sick and do not
appear to receive medical treatment unless they become seriously ill. Unsanitary conditions at Conduege prison, as well as the inadequate
provision of food and water persist, further aggravating their health. Unless prison conditions improve and prompt medical treatment is
provided, their health will continue to deteriorate.
Click here to read more »
Angola: Quash Convictions of Cabinda Activists
Government Should Revoke Abusive State Security Law
August 5, 2010
(New York) - The Angolan government should annul the convictions of three prominent rights advocates and a former policeman after a
politically motivated trial in the oil-rich Cabinda province, Human Rights Watch said today. The government should revoke the overbroad
and vague provisions of the state security law brought against the four men, Human Rights Watch said.
On August 3, 2010, a Cabinda court sentenced human rights defenders Father Raúl Tati, a Catholic priest, and Francisco Luemba, a
lawyer, each to five years in prison; Belchior Lanso Tati, a civic activist and university professor, to six years; and José Benjamim Fuca,
a former policeman, to three years. The four men were arrested following a January 8 attack by gunmen on Togolese soccer players
who were in Cabinda to participate in the African Cup of Nations.
"The Angolan government needs to stop silencing its critics in Cabinda by throwing them in prison," said Rona Peligal, Africa director at
Human Rights Watch. "Angola should drop these trumped-up charges and revoke the flawed security law provisions used to prosecute
them once and for all."
A separatist guerrilla movement, Front for the Liberation of the Enclave of Cabinda (FLEC), claimed responsibility for the January 8
attack. The government has not conducted any credible investigations into the attack, nor did the court find that the accused men had
any direct involvement in it, Human Rights Watch said. However, the government has continued to try to link the four to the incident by,
for instance, having the state-owned daily Jornal de Angola report that those convicted were "terrorists."
The main government investigator, the Cabinda deputy director of the criminal investigation police, was charged for making false
declarations during the trial regarding the men's involvement in the attack. But he continues in office and may therefore have authority
over the criminal investigation against him, Human Rights Watch said.
The trial was marked by a number of legal and procedural irregularities. Prosecutors contended in court that the men had engaged in
"hostile propaganda," based on documents found in their possession. But no evidence was presented that these materials were linked to
any illegal or violent activity, said Human Rights Watch, whose representatives spoke with observers of the trial and reviewed the case
documents.
The testimony in the case indicated instead that the participation of the defendants in allegedly illegal meetings with representatives of the
guerrilla group in October 2009 was strictly aimed at facilitating a peace dialogue with the government. The four have appealed their
convictions to the Supreme Court.
Click here to read more »
Government Should Revoke Abusive State Security Law
August 5, 2010
(New York) - The Angolan government should annul the convictions of three prominent rights advocates and a former policeman after a
politically motivated trial in the oil-rich Cabinda province, Human Rights Watch said today. The government should revoke the overbroad
and vague provisions of the state security law brought against the four men, Human Rights Watch said.
On August 3, 2010, a Cabinda court sentenced human rights defenders Father Raúl Tati, a Catholic priest, and Francisco Luemba, a
lawyer, each to five years in prison; Belchior Lanso Tati, a civic activist and university professor, to six years; and José Benjamim Fuca,
a former policeman, to three years. The four men were arrested following a January 8 attack by gunmen on Togolese soccer players
who were in Cabinda to participate in the African Cup of Nations.
"The Angolan government needs to stop silencing its critics in Cabinda by throwing them in prison," said Rona Peligal, Africa director at
Human Rights Watch. "Angola should drop these trumped-up charges and revoke the flawed security law provisions used to prosecute
them once and for all."
A separatist guerrilla movement, Front for the Liberation of the Enclave of Cabinda (FLEC), claimed responsibility for the January 8
attack. The government has not conducted any credible investigations into the attack, nor did the court find that the accused men had
any direct involvement in it, Human Rights Watch said. However, the government has continued to try to link the four to the incident by,
for instance, having the state-owned daily Jornal de Angola report that those convicted were "terrorists."
The main government investigator, the Cabinda deputy director of the criminal investigation police, was charged for making false
declarations during the trial regarding the men's involvement in the attack. But he continues in office and may therefore have authority
over the criminal investigation against him, Human Rights Watch said.
The trial was marked by a number of legal and procedural irregularities. Prosecutors contended in court that the men had engaged in
"hostile propaganda," based on documents found in their possession. But no evidence was presented that these materials were linked to
any illegal or violent activity, said Human Rights Watch, whose representatives spoke with observers of the trial and reviewed the case
documents.
The testimony in the case indicated instead that the participation of the defendants in allegedly illegal meetings with representatives of the
guerrilla group in October 2009 was strictly aimed at facilitating a peace dialogue with the government. The four have appealed their
convictions to the Supreme Court.
Click here to read more »
ADDRESS BY PRESIDENT JOSÉ EDUARDO DOS SANTOS AT SWEARING IN OF NEW GOVERNMENT
Luanda , 8 February 2010
Vice-President, Ministers of State, Ministers, Secretaries of State and Deputy Ministers
The oath you took to abide by and ensure compliance with the constitution and other laws of the republic is a guarantee that we can all
form a cohesive government team ready to face the country’s problems with firmness, discipline and responsibility and to provide
appropriate solutions for them.
A few days ago we spoke about the general intentions, principles and goals of the society we want to build, in keeping with the
commitments made in the 2008 elections.
Today we are going to start to develop the general ideas into plans, executive programmes, tasks, mechanisms and tools for action to
create better living conditions for Angolans.
We are not going to start from zero. We have the national plan, the general state budget and the executive programmes for various
sectors approved by the outgoing government, which just need to be adjusted or adapted to the new period and the new challenges we
face.
The Council of Ministers, as an institution auxiliary to the President of the Republic and head of the executive, will meet on 12 February
and will have on its agenda issues related to the organising and running of the executive, the draft law on administrative probity, the
presidential legislative decree approving the instructions on the implementation of the 2010 general state budget and the contract between
the Angolan government and Ernst and Young, a well known international consultancy firm, on assistance in reorganising the
management of public finances, which includes the Central Bank of Angola and the Savings and Credit Bank, through which the state
pays all the expenditure of the general state budget.
Thus, the first steps to be taken in applying a strategy to ensure ethical service by the public administration are passing a law on
administrative probity, reorganising and improving the management of public finances, with the assistance of the consultants mentioned,
and also amending the law on the Audit Court.
Probity, in its usual sense, means honesty, honourableness and integrity and, within this context, relates to the duties, responsibilities and
obligations of public servants in their day-to-day activity, in order to ensure administrative morality, impartiality and honesty.
This law will also establish the legal framework related to administrative morality and respect for public property, bringing together in a
single legal document legislation on this that is now dispersed, and its implementation will discourage state institutions and public officials
who seek to make public property a source of illicit enrichment.
Click here to read more »
Luanda , 8 February 2010
Vice-President, Ministers of State, Ministers, Secretaries of State and Deputy Ministers
The oath you took to abide by and ensure compliance with the constitution and other laws of the republic is a guarantee that we can all
form a cohesive government team ready to face the country’s problems with firmness, discipline and responsibility and to provide
appropriate solutions for them.
A few days ago we spoke about the general intentions, principles and goals of the society we want to build, in keeping with the
commitments made in the 2008 elections.
Today we are going to start to develop the general ideas into plans, executive programmes, tasks, mechanisms and tools for action to
create better living conditions for Angolans.
We are not going to start from zero. We have the national plan, the general state budget and the executive programmes for various
sectors approved by the outgoing government, which just need to be adjusted or adapted to the new period and the new challenges we
face.
The Council of Ministers, as an institution auxiliary to the President of the Republic and head of the executive, will meet on 12 February
and will have on its agenda issues related to the organising and running of the executive, the draft law on administrative probity, the
presidential legislative decree approving the instructions on the implementation of the 2010 general state budget and the contract between
the Angolan government and Ernst and Young, a well known international consultancy firm, on assistance in reorganising the
management of public finances, which includes the Central Bank of Angola and the Savings and Credit Bank, through which the state
pays all the expenditure of the general state budget.
Thus, the first steps to be taken in applying a strategy to ensure ethical service by the public administration are passing a law on
administrative probity, reorganising and improving the management of public finances, with the assistance of the consultants mentioned,
and also amending the law on the Audit Court.
Probity, in its usual sense, means honesty, honourableness and integrity and, within this context, relates to the duties, responsibilities and
obligations of public servants in their day-to-day activity, in order to ensure administrative morality, impartiality and honesty.
This law will also establish the legal framework related to administrative morality and respect for public property, bringing together in a
single legal document legislation on this that is now dispersed, and its implementation will discourage state institutions and public officials
who seek to make public property a source of illicit enrichment.
Click here to read more »
Angola: Reinventing Pasts and Futures
02 Jun 2010
What’s in a name? For the ruling party of Angola, it seems, quite a lot. In December 2009, that party formally abandoned its original
name from 1956,Movimento Popular de Libertação de Angola , the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola. Henceforth it would
be known merely by the old initials: MPLA. Evidently the party thought it best to bury and forget terms like “movement” and
“liberation”. Besides, it had long ago dropped the word Popularfrom new nation’s first name, the People’s Republic of Angola.
Such fiery terms from a burnt-out era no doubt left a lot of people cold. But deleting those tokens of past ideals came at an odd time. For
never in its 53-year history had the MPLA’s claims to a popular mandate looked stronger. In high-turnout parliamentary elections in
September 2008, it got more than four out of every five votes. Six years earlier, its triumph over warlord-led Unita, and the non-punitive
peace deal that followed, met with overwhelming popular relief, even among people on the losing side. True, Angolans express hearty
contempt for their political class. Yet popular expectations are rising; most people express optimism about the future. Urbanized and
Portuguese-speaking, they see themselves no longer chiefly as members of ethnic blocs, but as citizens of one Angolan nation. The
MPLA, more than any other political force, contributed to those outcomes.
Today in civil society the MPLA employs both sticks and carrots. Repressive measures include containment (independent media
confined mainly to Luanda, for example), secret police infiltration and strong-arm action such as against low-income residents of prime
urban land in Luanda and Lubango. Positive incentives include the dispensing of charity by its own NGOs, notably the Eduardo dos
Santos Foundation. Patronage and perks offered through the party’s Specialty Committees have kept many urban professionals away
from political activism. Progressive parties and vibrant periodicals (digital and printed) are alive and kicking in Luanda, but faced with
MPLA cunning they have yet to form a critical mass in political life.
Citizens might mount stronger counter-pressures if there were effective court systems and other channels for public complaint and
transparent regulation. And indeed cases sometimes get hearings in real courts of law, with occasional advances in real justice. These
episodes may help explain why a small majority of Angolans polled by the BBC in 2008 claimed to trust the country’s legal system. In
March 2010, a provincial court convicted seven policemen of the unlawful killing of eight youth in a Luanda neighbourhood, although the
court was at pains to exclude higher-ups from any culpability. Indeed it appears that most of those at upper levels enjoy effective
immunity from justice. Also in March, the government promulgated a Public Probity Law that would penalise corruption and oblige top
public officials to declare their personal wealth at home and abroad. It allows anyone to denounce abuses by public figures, but severely
penalizes anyone making accusations deemed to be false.
Will this and other impressive laws actually promote transparency, honesty and respect for human rights? The leadership has in any
case shown no haste in beefing up the Prosecutor’s Office (responsible for enforcing the new Public Probity Law) or in expanding a
responsive judiciary. It prefers instead to foist law-enforcement-lite agencies onto the public. The Judicial Ombudsman’s office,
provincial human rights commissions and mediation centres may provide occasions for citizens to ventilate complaints, but none has a
mandate to enforce laws or impose legally binding outcomes. They help alert the authorities to problems without requiring them to find
solutions. Yet because they reflect, however dimly, the principle that citizens may express grievances, those bodies can’t be dismissed
out of hand. They might someday provide sites for the powerless to gain a little leverage over, or at least embarrass, the powerful.
Click here to read more »
02 Jun 2010
What’s in a name? For the ruling party of Angola, it seems, quite a lot. In December 2009, that party formally abandoned its original
name from 1956,Movimento Popular de Libertação de Angola , the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola. Henceforth it would
be known merely by the old initials: MPLA. Evidently the party thought it best to bury and forget terms like “movement” and
“liberation”. Besides, it had long ago dropped the word Popularfrom new nation’s first name, the People’s Republic of Angola.
Such fiery terms from a burnt-out era no doubt left a lot of people cold. But deleting those tokens of past ideals came at an odd time. For
never in its 53-year history had the MPLA’s claims to a popular mandate looked stronger. In high-turnout parliamentary elections in
September 2008, it got more than four out of every five votes. Six years earlier, its triumph over warlord-led Unita, and the non-punitive
peace deal that followed, met with overwhelming popular relief, even among people on the losing side. True, Angolans express hearty
contempt for their political class. Yet popular expectations are rising; most people express optimism about the future. Urbanized and
Portuguese-speaking, they see themselves no longer chiefly as members of ethnic blocs, but as citizens of one Angolan nation. The
MPLA, more than any other political force, contributed to those outcomes.
Today in civil society the MPLA employs both sticks and carrots. Repressive measures include containment (independent media
confined mainly to Luanda, for example), secret police infiltration and strong-arm action such as against low-income residents of prime
urban land in Luanda and Lubango. Positive incentives include the dispensing of charity by its own NGOs, notably the Eduardo dos
Santos Foundation. Patronage and perks offered through the party’s Specialty Committees have kept many urban professionals away
from political activism. Progressive parties and vibrant periodicals (digital and printed) are alive and kicking in Luanda, but faced with
MPLA cunning they have yet to form a critical mass in political life.
Citizens might mount stronger counter-pressures if there were effective court systems and other channels for public complaint and
transparent regulation. And indeed cases sometimes get hearings in real courts of law, with occasional advances in real justice. These
episodes may help explain why a small majority of Angolans polled by the BBC in 2008 claimed to trust the country’s legal system. In
March 2010, a provincial court convicted seven policemen of the unlawful killing of eight youth in a Luanda neighbourhood, although the
court was at pains to exclude higher-ups from any culpability. Indeed it appears that most of those at upper levels enjoy effective
immunity from justice. Also in March, the government promulgated a Public Probity Law that would penalise corruption and oblige top
public officials to declare their personal wealth at home and abroad. It allows anyone to denounce abuses by public figures, but severely
penalizes anyone making accusations deemed to be false.
Will this and other impressive laws actually promote transparency, honesty and respect for human rights? The leadership has in any
case shown no haste in beefing up the Prosecutor’s Office (responsible for enforcing the new Public Probity Law) or in expanding a
responsive judiciary. It prefers instead to foist law-enforcement-lite agencies onto the public. The Judicial Ombudsman’s office,
provincial human rights commissions and mediation centres may provide occasions for citizens to ventilate complaints, but none has a
mandate to enforce laws or impose legally binding outcomes. They help alert the authorities to problems without requiring them to find
solutions. Yet because they reflect, however dimly, the principle that citizens may express grievances, those bodies can’t be dismissed
out of hand. They might someday provide sites for the powerless to gain a little leverage over, or at least embarrass, the powerful.
Click here to read more »
Soccer, Terrorism, Repression and Constitutions in Angola
January 22, 2010
The new decade started off with a bang in Angola-literally. Fireworks exploded in the night sky at the opening games of the Africa Cup
of Nations soccer tournament on January 10th; and, sadly, gunfire shattered the day as the Togo soccer team was attacked on their way
to participate in the tourney.
The attack on the Togo national team occurred at they traveled through the Cabinda province. Cabinda is a small spit of land separated
from the northern territorial borders of Angola by the Democratic Republic of Congo. It is rich in oil and struggled with a separatist
movement for many years now. Those who live in the region wish for autonomy and there is an armed rebel faction, the Front for the
Liberation of the Enclave of Cabinda (FLEC), that claimed responsibility for the attack on the Togolese team.
However, there are many individuals in the Cabinda region engaging in peaceful measures to demand autonomy. Journalists, lawyers,
priests and citizens argue for the right of self determination. The Angolan government has harshly suppressed these individuals, denying
them right of free expression and association by dispersing peaceful protests, arresting individuals and banning organizations. One
journalist, Fernando Lelo, was imprisoned following an unfair trial because of his criticisms of the president.
In the wake of the Togo bus attack, the Angolan government has used anti-terrorism policies as an excuse to crack down further on
peaceful activists in the region. Francisco Luemba, a prominent lawyer and former member of banned human rights organization
Mpalabanda, was arrested on January 17th and charged with crimes against the state. Mpalabanda, the only human rights organization
previously operating in Cabinda, was banned in 2006 following charges that the organization incited violence and hatred.
Belchoir Lanso Tati, another former member of Mpalabanda, was arrested on January 13th and Padre Raul Tati, a Catholic priest, was
arrested on January 16th, both charged for the same offence of crimes against the state. Both Padre Tati and Belchoir have been
outspoken about the political tensions in Cabinda. Amnesty International urges the Angolan authorities to ensure that a thorough and
impartial investigation into the circumstances surrounding the attacks is carried out in accordance with international human rights
standards.
“Amnesty International calls on the government to ensure that this deplorable incident is not used as an excuse to violate the rights of
citizens in Cabinda through arbitrary arrests and detentions or any form of cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment.”
Amnesty International USA is urging the United States government to speak up during the United Nations Universal Periodic Review
process Angola will participate in next month, specifically asking that the US urge Angola to respect freedom of expression and
association in the Cabinda province.
Finally, in what many observers also see as a reaction to the terrorist attack, Angola also expedited the ratification of a new constitution
this week that no longer allows for the direct election of the president. Going forward, the president will now be selected by Parliament;
thus the majority party following the next election will choose the new president. Considering current president Eduardo dos Santos’
MPLA party won parliamentary elections in 2008 with more than 80% of the vote, this move is seen as further cementing his domination
of Angolan politics. The main opposition party, UNITA, boycotted the constitutional vote.
Click here to read more>>
January 22, 2010
The new decade started off with a bang in Angola-literally. Fireworks exploded in the night sky at the opening games of the Africa Cup
of Nations soccer tournament on January 10th; and, sadly, gunfire shattered the day as the Togo soccer team was attacked on their way
to participate in the tourney.
The attack on the Togo national team occurred at they traveled through the Cabinda province. Cabinda is a small spit of land separated
from the northern territorial borders of Angola by the Democratic Republic of Congo. It is rich in oil and struggled with a separatist
movement for many years now. Those who live in the region wish for autonomy and there is an armed rebel faction, the Front for the
Liberation of the Enclave of Cabinda (FLEC), that claimed responsibility for the attack on the Togolese team.
However, there are many individuals in the Cabinda region engaging in peaceful measures to demand autonomy. Journalists, lawyers,
priests and citizens argue for the right of self determination. The Angolan government has harshly suppressed these individuals, denying
them right of free expression and association by dispersing peaceful protests, arresting individuals and banning organizations. One
journalist, Fernando Lelo, was imprisoned following an unfair trial because of his criticisms of the president.
In the wake of the Togo bus attack, the Angolan government has used anti-terrorism policies as an excuse to crack down further on
peaceful activists in the region. Francisco Luemba, a prominent lawyer and former member of banned human rights organization
Mpalabanda, was arrested on January 17th and charged with crimes against the state. Mpalabanda, the only human rights organization
previously operating in Cabinda, was banned in 2006 following charges that the organization incited violence and hatred.
Belchoir Lanso Tati, another former member of Mpalabanda, was arrested on January 13th and Padre Raul Tati, a Catholic priest, was
arrested on January 16th, both charged for the same offence of crimes against the state. Both Padre Tati and Belchoir have been
outspoken about the political tensions in Cabinda. Amnesty International urges the Angolan authorities to ensure that a thorough and
impartial investigation into the circumstances surrounding the attacks is carried out in accordance with international human rights
standards.
“Amnesty International calls on the government to ensure that this deplorable incident is not used as an excuse to violate the rights of
citizens in Cabinda through arbitrary arrests and detentions or any form of cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment.”
Amnesty International USA is urging the United States government to speak up during the United Nations Universal Periodic Review
process Angola will participate in next month, specifically asking that the US urge Angola to respect freedom of expression and
association in the Cabinda province.
Finally, in what many observers also see as a reaction to the terrorist attack, Angola also expedited the ratification of a new constitution
this week that no longer allows for the direct election of the president. Going forward, the president will now be selected by Parliament;
thus the majority party following the next election will choose the new president. Considering current president Eduardo dos Santos’
MPLA party won parliamentary elections in 2008 with more than 80% of the vote, this move is seen as further cementing his domination
of Angolan politics. The main opposition party, UNITA, boycotted the constitutional vote.
Click here to read more>>
| Click map for larger view |
| Click flag for Country Report |
Jose Eduardo Dos Santos
President since 21 September 1979
President since 21 September 1979
| TRAFFICKING IN PERSONS |
Current situation: Angola is a country of origin for women and children trafficked internally for the purpose of domestic servitude
and young men trafficked for the purpose of forced agricultural labor; women and children, primarily, are trafficked to South Africa,
the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Namibia, and Portugal; young boys are trafficked to Namibia to herd cattle; children are
also forced to act as couriers in cross-border trade between Namibia and Angola as part of a scheme to skirt import fees
Tier rating: Tier 2 Watch List - Angola is placed on Tier 2 Watch List because it does not fully comply with the minimum
standards for the elimination of trafficking; however, it is making significant efforts to do so; despite these overall significant efforts,
the Government of Angola has not investigated, prosecuted, or convicted any trafficking offenders; Angola does not have a
comprehensive law that specifically prohibits trafficking in persons, which constrained its anti-trafficking efforts; interagency
cooperation on trafficking issues increased, however, as have the government's efforts to raise the public's awareness of the dangers
of trafficking (2009)
and young men trafficked for the purpose of forced agricultural labor; women and children, primarily, are trafficked to South Africa,
the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Namibia, and Portugal; young boys are trafficked to Namibia to herd cattle; children are
also forced to act as couriers in cross-border trade between Namibia and Angola as part of a scheme to skirt import fees
Tier rating: Tier 2 Watch List - Angola is placed on Tier 2 Watch List because it does not fully comply with the minimum
standards for the elimination of trafficking; however, it is making significant efforts to do so; despite these overall significant efforts,
the Government of Angola has not investigated, prosecuted, or convicted any trafficking offenders; Angola does not have a
comprehensive law that specifically prohibits trafficking in persons, which constrained its anti-trafficking efforts; interagency
cooperation on trafficking issues increased, however, as have the government's efforts to raise the public's awareness of the dangers
of trafficking (2009)
Jose Eduardo Dos Santos
President since 21 September 1979
President since 21 September 1979
