| BANGLADESH People's Republic of Bangladesh Gana Prajatantri Banladesh Joined United Nations: 17 September 1974 Human Rights as assured by their constitution Click here Updated 07/08/10 |
| CAPITAL |
| POPULATION |
| CHIEF OF STATE |
| SELECTION PROCESS |
Dhaka
158,065,841 (July 2010 est.)
Sheikh Hasina Wajed
Prime Minister since 06 January 2009
Prime Minister since 06 January 2009
President elected by National Parliament for a five-year term
(eligible for a second term); Last election held: 11 February 2009
Next scheduled election: 2014
(eligible for a second term); Last election held: 11 February 2009
Next scheduled election: 2014
HEAD OF GOVERNMENT
SELECTION PROCESS
Following legislative elections, the leader of the majority party or
coalition is appointed prime minister by the president. Last
election: 29 December 2008
Next scheduled election: 2013
coalition is appointed prime minister by the president. Last
election: 29 December 2008
Next scheduled election: 2013
| DECLARATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS |
| ETHNIC GROUPS |
Bengali 98%, tribal groups, non-Bengali Muslims (1998)
| RELIGIONS |
Muslim 89.5%, Hindu 9.6%, other 0.9% (2004)
| GOVERNMENT STRUCTURE |
Parliamentary democracy -6 divisions; Legal system is based on English common law
Executive: President elected by National Parliament for a five-year term (eligible for a second term); following legislative elections, the
leader of the party that wins the most seats is usually appointed prime minister by the president. Elections last held: 29 December 2008,
(Next scheduled election: December 2013
Legislative: Unicameral National Parliament or Jatiya Sangsad; 300 seats elected by popular vote from single territorial
constituencies (the constitutional amendment reserving 30 seats for women over and above the 300 regular parliament seats expired
in May 2001); members serve five-year terms
elections: last held 29 December 2008 (next to be held: December 2013))
Judicial: Supreme Court (the chief justices and other judges are appointed by the president)
Executive: President elected by National Parliament for a five-year term (eligible for a second term); following legislative elections, the
leader of the party that wins the most seats is usually appointed prime minister by the president. Elections last held: 29 December 2008,
(Next scheduled election: December 2013
Legislative: Unicameral National Parliament or Jatiya Sangsad; 300 seats elected by popular vote from single territorial
constituencies (the constitutional amendment reserving 30 seats for women over and above the 300 regular parliament seats expired
in May 2001); members serve five-year terms
elections: last held 29 December 2008 (next to be held: December 2013))
Judicial: Supreme Court (the chief justices and other judges are appointed by the president)
| LANGUAGES |
Bangla (official, also known as Bengali), English
| BRIEF HISTORY |
The exact origin of the word Bangla or Bengal is unknown, though it is believed to be derived from the Dravidian-speaking tribe
Bang that settled in the area around the year 1000 BCE. Other accounts speculate that the name is derived from Vanga(bôngo),
which came from the Austric word "Bonga" meaning the Sun-god. According to Mahabharata, Purana, Harivamsha Vanga was one
of the adopted sons of king Vali who founded the Vanga kingdom. The Muslim Accounts refer that "Bong", a son of Hind (son of
Hām who was a son of Noah) colonized the area for the first time. The earliest reference to "Vangala"(bôngal) has been traced in
the Nesari plates (805 AD) of Rashtrakuta Govinda III which speak of Dharmapala as the king of Vangala. Shams-ud-din Ilyas
Shah took the title "Shah-e-Bangalah" and united the whole region under one nationality for the first time. The Proto-Australoids
were the earliest inhabitants of Bengal. Dravidians migrated to Bengal from Southern India, while Tibeto-Burman peoples migrated
from the Himalayas, followed by the Indo-Aryans from north-western India. The ancestors of modern Bengali people were a blend
of these peoples. Pathans, Iranians, Arabs and Turks also migrated to the region in the late Middle Ages while spreading Islam.
Remnants of civilization in the greater Bengal region date back three millennia. The civilization that flourished in this region before the
Aryan conquest was the Alpine civilization. The Alpines (Eastern Bracycephalic) from Taklamakan Desert in Central Asia settled in
eastern India (Bengal, Orissa and the plains of Assam) and formed the main elements of today's Bengali people. The Alpines were
divided into various indigenous tribes: Vanga (south Bengal), Pundra (north Bengal), and Rarh/Suhma (West Bengal) according to
their respective Totems. According to Mahavamsa, Vijaya Singha, a Vanga prince, conquered Lanka (modern day Sri Lanka) in
544 BC and gave the name Sinhala to the country. In 326 BCE, with the invasion of Alexander the Great the region again comes
into prominence. The Greek and Latin historians suggested that Alexander the Great withdrew from India anticipating the valiant
counter attack of the mighty Gangaridai and Prasioi empires which were located in the Bengal region. The pre-Gupta period of
bengal is shrouded with obscurity. Before the conquest of Samudragupta Bengal was divided into two kingdoms Pushkarana and
Samatata. Chandragupta II had to defeat a confederacy of Vanga kings. Bengal was a part of the Gupta Empire. However, the
Mrigashikhaban Stupa of Varendra is a strong proof that the Guptas themselves had originated from Bengal. This implies that the
Guptas were Bengali and the Gupta empire was in fact a Bengali empire. Even today the origin of the Guptas is still hotly debated.
By the sixth century, the Gupta Empire ruling over the northern Indian subcontinent was largely broken up. The first independent
Buddhist king of Bengal, Gopala I came to power in 750 in Gaur by democratic election. Gopala founded the Buddhist Pala
dynasty which lasted for four centuries (750-1120 AD), ushering in a period of relative stability and prosperity. The Palas were
followed by the Sena dynasty who brought the East and West Bengal under one ruler only during the twelfth century. The Sena
dynasty brought a revival of Hinduism and cultivated Sanskrit literature made its first appearance in Bengal during the twelfth century
AD when Sufi missionaries arrived. Later occasional Muslim invaders reinforced the process of conversion by building mosques,
madrassas and Sufi Khanqahs. Beginning in 1202 a military commander from the Delhi Sultanate, Ikhtiar Uddin Muhammad bin
Bakhtiar Khilji, overran Bihar and Bengal as far east as Rangpur, Bogra and the Brahmaputra River. The defeated Laksmanasena
and his two sons moved to a place then called Vikramapura (south of Dhaka), where their diminished dominion lasted until the late
thirteenth century. The period after Bakhtiar Khilji's death in 1206 devolved into infighting among the Khiljis - representative of a
pattern of succession struggles and intra-empire intrigues during later Turkish regimes. Ilyas Shah founded an independent dynasty
that lasted from 1342-1487 which successfully repulsed attempts by Delhi to reign them in. The Habshi rule gave way to the
Hussain Shahi dynasty that ruled from 1494-1538. Alauddin Hussain Shah, considered as the greatest of all the sultans of Bengal
for the cultural renaissance during his reign, conquered Kamarupa, Kamata, Jajnagar, Orissa and extended the sultanate all the way
to the port of Chittagong, which witnessed the arrival of the first Portuguese merchants. The last Sultan of the dynasty, who
continued to rule from Gaur, had to contend with rising Afghan activity on his northwestern border. Eventually, the Afghans broke
through and sacked the capital in 1538 where they remained for several decades until the arrival of the Mughals. Portuguese traders
and missionaries were the first Europeans to reach Bengal in the latter part of the fifteenth century. They were followed by
representatives of the Dutch, the French, and the British East India Company. During Aurangzeb's reign, the local Nawab sold three
villages, including one then known as Calcutta, to the British. The British East India Company gained official control of Bengal
following the Battle of Plassey in 1757. Scandals and the bloody rebellion known as the Sepoy Mutiny prompted the British
government to intervene in the affairs of the East India Company. In 1858, authority in India was transferred from the Company to
the crown and the rebellion was brutally suppressed. As the independence movement throughout British-controlled India began in
the late nineteenth century gained momentum during the twentieth century, Bengali politicians played an active role in Gandhi's
Congress Party and Jinnah's Muslim League, exposing the opposing forces of ethnic and religious nationalism. By exploiting the
latter, the British probably intended to distract the independence movement, for example by partitioning Bengal in 1905 along
religious lines (the split only lasted for seven years). British India was partitioned and the independent states of India and Pakistan
were created in 1947; the region of Bengal was divided along religious lines. The predominantly Muslim eastern half of Bengal
became the East Bengal (later renamed East Pakistan) state of Pakistan and the predominantly Hindu western part became the
Indian state of West Bengal. Almost from the advent of independent Pakistan in 1947, frictions developed between East and West
Pakistan, which were separated by more than 1,000 miles of Indian territory. East Pakistanis felt exploited by the West Pakistan-
dominated central government. Linguistic, cultural, and ethnic differences also contributed to the estrangement of East from West
Pakistan. The Language Movement began in 1948 and reached its climax in the killings of 21 February 1952, and ended in the
adoption of Bangla as one of the state languages of Pakistan. The question as to what would be the state language of Pakistan was
raised immediately after its creation. Great differences began developing between the two wings of Pakistan. While the west had a
minority share of Pakistan's total population, it had the maximum share of revenue allocation, industrial development, agricultural
reforms and civil development projects. Pakistan's military and civil services were dominated by the fair-skinned, Persian-cultured
Punjabis and Afghans. Only one regiment in the Pakistani Army was Bengali. And many Bengali Pakistanis could not share the
natural enthusiasm for the Kashmir issue, which they felt was leaving East Pakistan more vulnerable and threatened as a result. After
the Awami League won all the East Pakistan seats of the Pakistan's National Assembly in the 1970-71 elections, West Pakistan
opened talks with the East on constitutional questions about the division of power between the central government and the
provinces, as well as the formation of a national government headed by the Awami League. After the military crackdown by the
Pakistan army since the night of March 25, 1971 Sheikh Mujib Mujibur Rahman was arrested and the political leaders dispersed,
mostly fleeing to neighbouring India where they organized a provisional government afterwards. The people were at a loss. At this
crucial moment with a sudden forced political vacuum, the Eighth East Bengal Regiment under the leadership of Major Ziaur
Rahman revolted against the Pakistan Army and took up the Bangladesh flag as its mainstay on the night of March 26 - March 27,
1971. Major Zia declared, on behalf of the Great Leader Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the independence of Bangladesh. The two
nations had fought a war in 1965, mainly in the west, but the refugee pressure in India in the fall of 1971 produced new tensions in
the east. Indian sympathies lay with East Pakistan, and on December 3, 1971, India intervened on the side of the Bangladeshis. On
December 16, 1971, Pakistani forces surrendered, and Bangladesh ("Country of Bangla") was finally established the following day.
The new country changed its name to Bangladesh on January 11, 1972 and became a parliamentary democracy under a
constitution. Shortly thereafter on March 19 Bangladesh signed a friendship treaty with India. In January 1975 economic and
political difficulties led to Sheikh Mujib's assumption of the presidency with greatly increased powers and he also nulled multi-party
system by creating one party rule. On August 15, 1975, he was killed in a military coup. Following two further coups (November 3
and November 6), Major General Ziaur Rahman emerged as de facto ruler, assuming the presidency in April 1977. In May 1981,
Zia in turn fell victim to a failed coup attempt; ten months later, on March 24, 1982, Lt. General Hossain Mohammad Ershad took
power, holding office until his resignation (December 6, 1990) that was engineered by western donors who now felt that, with the
Communist threat gone, they could do without dictators. Bangladesh had known only four years of democracy after its inception;
now the experiment was resumed following 2007 military rule under a State of emergency. Legislative elections were held in
December 2008 with Sheikh Hasina resuming the role of Prime Minister. Zillur Rahman was elected President in February 2009.
Source: Wikipedia: History of Bangladesh
Bang that settled in the area around the year 1000 BCE. Other accounts speculate that the name is derived from Vanga(bôngo),
which came from the Austric word "Bonga" meaning the Sun-god. According to Mahabharata, Purana, Harivamsha Vanga was one
of the adopted sons of king Vali who founded the Vanga kingdom. The Muslim Accounts refer that "Bong", a son of Hind (son of
Hām who was a son of Noah) colonized the area for the first time. The earliest reference to "Vangala"(bôngal) has been traced in
the Nesari plates (805 AD) of Rashtrakuta Govinda III which speak of Dharmapala as the king of Vangala. Shams-ud-din Ilyas
Shah took the title "Shah-e-Bangalah" and united the whole region under one nationality for the first time. The Proto-Australoids
were the earliest inhabitants of Bengal. Dravidians migrated to Bengal from Southern India, while Tibeto-Burman peoples migrated
from the Himalayas, followed by the Indo-Aryans from north-western India. The ancestors of modern Bengali people were a blend
of these peoples. Pathans, Iranians, Arabs and Turks also migrated to the region in the late Middle Ages while spreading Islam.
Remnants of civilization in the greater Bengal region date back three millennia. The civilization that flourished in this region before the
Aryan conquest was the Alpine civilization. The Alpines (Eastern Bracycephalic) from Taklamakan Desert in Central Asia settled in
eastern India (Bengal, Orissa and the plains of Assam) and formed the main elements of today's Bengali people. The Alpines were
divided into various indigenous tribes: Vanga (south Bengal), Pundra (north Bengal), and Rarh/Suhma (West Bengal) according to
their respective Totems. According to Mahavamsa, Vijaya Singha, a Vanga prince, conquered Lanka (modern day Sri Lanka) in
544 BC and gave the name Sinhala to the country. In 326 BCE, with the invasion of Alexander the Great the region again comes
into prominence. The Greek and Latin historians suggested that Alexander the Great withdrew from India anticipating the valiant
counter attack of the mighty Gangaridai and Prasioi empires which were located in the Bengal region. The pre-Gupta period of
bengal is shrouded with obscurity. Before the conquest of Samudragupta Bengal was divided into two kingdoms Pushkarana and
Samatata. Chandragupta II had to defeat a confederacy of Vanga kings. Bengal was a part of the Gupta Empire. However, the
Mrigashikhaban Stupa of Varendra is a strong proof that the Guptas themselves had originated from Bengal. This implies that the
Guptas were Bengali and the Gupta empire was in fact a Bengali empire. Even today the origin of the Guptas is still hotly debated.
By the sixth century, the Gupta Empire ruling over the northern Indian subcontinent was largely broken up. The first independent
Buddhist king of Bengal, Gopala I came to power in 750 in Gaur by democratic election. Gopala founded the Buddhist Pala
dynasty which lasted for four centuries (750-1120 AD), ushering in a period of relative stability and prosperity. The Palas were
followed by the Sena dynasty who brought the East and West Bengal under one ruler only during the twelfth century. The Sena
dynasty brought a revival of Hinduism and cultivated Sanskrit literature made its first appearance in Bengal during the twelfth century
AD when Sufi missionaries arrived. Later occasional Muslim invaders reinforced the process of conversion by building mosques,
madrassas and Sufi Khanqahs. Beginning in 1202 a military commander from the Delhi Sultanate, Ikhtiar Uddin Muhammad bin
Bakhtiar Khilji, overran Bihar and Bengal as far east as Rangpur, Bogra and the Brahmaputra River. The defeated Laksmanasena
and his two sons moved to a place then called Vikramapura (south of Dhaka), where their diminished dominion lasted until the late
thirteenth century. The period after Bakhtiar Khilji's death in 1206 devolved into infighting among the Khiljis - representative of a
pattern of succession struggles and intra-empire intrigues during later Turkish regimes. Ilyas Shah founded an independent dynasty
that lasted from 1342-1487 which successfully repulsed attempts by Delhi to reign them in. The Habshi rule gave way to the
Hussain Shahi dynasty that ruled from 1494-1538. Alauddin Hussain Shah, considered as the greatest of all the sultans of Bengal
for the cultural renaissance during his reign, conquered Kamarupa, Kamata, Jajnagar, Orissa and extended the sultanate all the way
to the port of Chittagong, which witnessed the arrival of the first Portuguese merchants. The last Sultan of the dynasty, who
continued to rule from Gaur, had to contend with rising Afghan activity on his northwestern border. Eventually, the Afghans broke
through and sacked the capital in 1538 where they remained for several decades until the arrival of the Mughals. Portuguese traders
and missionaries were the first Europeans to reach Bengal in the latter part of the fifteenth century. They were followed by
representatives of the Dutch, the French, and the British East India Company. During Aurangzeb's reign, the local Nawab sold three
villages, including one then known as Calcutta, to the British. The British East India Company gained official control of Bengal
following the Battle of Plassey in 1757. Scandals and the bloody rebellion known as the Sepoy Mutiny prompted the British
government to intervene in the affairs of the East India Company. In 1858, authority in India was transferred from the Company to
the crown and the rebellion was brutally suppressed. As the independence movement throughout British-controlled India began in
the late nineteenth century gained momentum during the twentieth century, Bengali politicians played an active role in Gandhi's
Congress Party and Jinnah's Muslim League, exposing the opposing forces of ethnic and religious nationalism. By exploiting the
latter, the British probably intended to distract the independence movement, for example by partitioning Bengal in 1905 along
religious lines (the split only lasted for seven years). British India was partitioned and the independent states of India and Pakistan
were created in 1947; the region of Bengal was divided along religious lines. The predominantly Muslim eastern half of Bengal
became the East Bengal (later renamed East Pakistan) state of Pakistan and the predominantly Hindu western part became the
Indian state of West Bengal. Almost from the advent of independent Pakistan in 1947, frictions developed between East and West
Pakistan, which were separated by more than 1,000 miles of Indian territory. East Pakistanis felt exploited by the West Pakistan-
dominated central government. Linguistic, cultural, and ethnic differences also contributed to the estrangement of East from West
Pakistan. The Language Movement began in 1948 and reached its climax in the killings of 21 February 1952, and ended in the
adoption of Bangla as one of the state languages of Pakistan. The question as to what would be the state language of Pakistan was
raised immediately after its creation. Great differences began developing between the two wings of Pakistan. While the west had a
minority share of Pakistan's total population, it had the maximum share of revenue allocation, industrial development, agricultural
reforms and civil development projects. Pakistan's military and civil services were dominated by the fair-skinned, Persian-cultured
Punjabis and Afghans. Only one regiment in the Pakistani Army was Bengali. And many Bengali Pakistanis could not share the
natural enthusiasm for the Kashmir issue, which they felt was leaving East Pakistan more vulnerable and threatened as a result. After
the Awami League won all the East Pakistan seats of the Pakistan's National Assembly in the 1970-71 elections, West Pakistan
opened talks with the East on constitutional questions about the division of power between the central government and the
provinces, as well as the formation of a national government headed by the Awami League. After the military crackdown by the
Pakistan army since the night of March 25, 1971 Sheikh Mujib Mujibur Rahman was arrested and the political leaders dispersed,
mostly fleeing to neighbouring India where they organized a provisional government afterwards. The people were at a loss. At this
crucial moment with a sudden forced political vacuum, the Eighth East Bengal Regiment under the leadership of Major Ziaur
Rahman revolted against the Pakistan Army and took up the Bangladesh flag as its mainstay on the night of March 26 - March 27,
1971. Major Zia declared, on behalf of the Great Leader Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the independence of Bangladesh. The two
nations had fought a war in 1965, mainly in the west, but the refugee pressure in India in the fall of 1971 produced new tensions in
the east. Indian sympathies lay with East Pakistan, and on December 3, 1971, India intervened on the side of the Bangladeshis. On
December 16, 1971, Pakistani forces surrendered, and Bangladesh ("Country of Bangla") was finally established the following day.
The new country changed its name to Bangladesh on January 11, 1972 and became a parliamentary democracy under a
constitution. Shortly thereafter on March 19 Bangladesh signed a friendship treaty with India. In January 1975 economic and
political difficulties led to Sheikh Mujib's assumption of the presidency with greatly increased powers and he also nulled multi-party
system by creating one party rule. On August 15, 1975, he was killed in a military coup. Following two further coups (November 3
and November 6), Major General Ziaur Rahman emerged as de facto ruler, assuming the presidency in April 1977. In May 1981,
Zia in turn fell victim to a failed coup attempt; ten months later, on March 24, 1982, Lt. General Hossain Mohammad Ershad took
power, holding office until his resignation (December 6, 1990) that was engineered by western donors who now felt that, with the
Communist threat gone, they could do without dictators. Bangladesh had known only four years of democracy after its inception;
now the experiment was resumed following 2007 military rule under a State of emergency. Legislative elections were held in
December 2008 with Sheikh Hasina resuming the role of Prime Minister. Zillur Rahman was elected President in February 2009.
Source: Wikipedia: History of Bangladesh
| ECONOMIC OVERVIEW |
The economy has grown 5-6% per year since 1996 despite political instability, poor infrastructure, corruption, insufficient power
supplies, and slow implementation of economic reforms. Bangladesh remains a poor, overpopulated, and inefficiently-governed
nation. Although more than half of GDP is generated through the service sector, about 45% of Bangladeshis are employed in the
agriculture sector, with rice as the single-most-important product. Bangladesh's growth was resilient during the 2008-09 global
financial crisis and recession. Garment exports, totaling $12.3 billion in FY09 and remittances from overseas Bangladeshis totaling
$9.7 billion in FY09 accounted for almost 25% of GDP.
Source: CIA World Factbook (select Bangladesh)
supplies, and slow implementation of economic reforms. Bangladesh remains a poor, overpopulated, and inefficiently-governed
nation. Although more than half of GDP is generated through the service sector, about 45% of Bangladeshis are employed in the
agriculture sector, with rice as the single-most-important product. Bangladesh's growth was resilient during the 2008-09 global
financial crisis and recession. Garment exports, totaling $12.3 billion in FY09 and remittances from overseas Bangladeshis totaling
$9.7 billion in FY09 accounted for almost 25% of GDP.
Source: CIA World Factbook (select Bangladesh)
| POLITICAL CLIMATE |
The 2006–2008 Bangladeshi political crisis began in October 2006 when a caretaker government — designated by the constitution
to oversee the vote — assumed power without exhausting the provisions of selection of Chief of Caretaker government at the end
of October. Its purpose was to steer the country through the scheduled parliamentary elections. However, on 3 January 2007, the
Awami League made its predicted announcement that it (and the 18 smaller parties attached to it) would boycott the general
election scheduled to be held on 22 January 2007, questioning its fairness and the non-availability of an accurate voters list. This
announcement led to widespread violence and political rioting. This on-going political crisis has stemmed largely from an apparent
politicalisation of the civil administration, election commission and defense force that was perceived to be skewing the election
process towards a pre-determined result. This follows on from almost 2 decades of bitter rivalry between the Awami League and
Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP). The BNP-led government stepped down in October at the end of their term. Although the
caretaker government was appointed immediately afterwards, Awami League and its allies maintained their position regarding the
fairness of the upcoming election. Violence erupted throughout the country, killing more than 40 people.
A general election was held in Bangladesh on 29 December 2008. The two key parties in the election were the Bangladesh
Nationalist Party (BNP), led by Khaleda Zia, and the Awami League, led by Sheikh Hasina. The Awami League formed a fourteen-
party grand alliance (Mohajot) including Ershad's Jatiya Party, while the BNP formed a four-party alliance which included the
Islamist party Jamaat-e-Islami. The election was originally scheduled for January 2007, but it was postponed for an extended
period due to protests by the opposition and threats of general boycott.
The election resulted in a landslide victory for the Awami League-led grand alliance, which won 263 seats. The main rival four-party
alliance led by Bangladesh Nationalist Party and the Islamist Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh received only 32 seats, with the remaining
4 going to independent candidates.
Zillur Rahman was elected President by the National Assembly after running unopposed on 11 February 2009. He was sworn in the
next day.
Source: Wikipedia: Bangladeshi General Elections, 2008
to oversee the vote — assumed power without exhausting the provisions of selection of Chief of Caretaker government at the end
of October. Its purpose was to steer the country through the scheduled parliamentary elections. However, on 3 January 2007, the
Awami League made its predicted announcement that it (and the 18 smaller parties attached to it) would boycott the general
election scheduled to be held on 22 January 2007, questioning its fairness and the non-availability of an accurate voters list. This
announcement led to widespread violence and political rioting. This on-going political crisis has stemmed largely from an apparent
politicalisation of the civil administration, election commission and defense force that was perceived to be skewing the election
process towards a pre-determined result. This follows on from almost 2 decades of bitter rivalry between the Awami League and
Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP). The BNP-led government stepped down in October at the end of their term. Although the
caretaker government was appointed immediately afterwards, Awami League and its allies maintained their position regarding the
fairness of the upcoming election. Violence erupted throughout the country, killing more than 40 people.
A general election was held in Bangladesh on 29 December 2008. The two key parties in the election were the Bangladesh
Nationalist Party (BNP), led by Khaleda Zia, and the Awami League, led by Sheikh Hasina. The Awami League formed a fourteen-
party grand alliance (Mohajot) including Ershad's Jatiya Party, while the BNP formed a four-party alliance which included the
Islamist party Jamaat-e-Islami. The election was originally scheduled for January 2007, but it was postponed for an extended
period due to protests by the opposition and threats of general boycott.
The election resulted in a landslide victory for the Awami League-led grand alliance, which won 263 seats. The main rival four-party
alliance led by Bangladesh Nationalist Party and the Islamist Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh received only 32 seats, with the remaining
4 going to independent candidates.
Zillur Rahman was elected President by the National Assembly after running unopposed on 11 February 2009. He was sworn in the
next day.
Source: Wikipedia: Bangladeshi General Elections, 2008
| INTERNATIONAL DISPUTES |
Discussions with India remain stalled to delimit a small section of river boundary, exchange territory for 51 small Bangladeshi
exclaves in India and 111 small Indian exclaves in Bangladesh, allocate divided villages, and stop illegal cross-border trade,
migration, violence, and transit of terrorists through the porous border; Bangladesh protests India's fencing and walling off
high-traffic sections of the porous boundary; a joint Bangladesh-India boundary commission resurveyed and reconstructed 92
missing pillars in 2007; after 21 years, Bangladesh resumes talks with Burma on delimiting a maritime boundary
exclaves in India and 111 small Indian exclaves in Bangladesh, allocate divided villages, and stop illegal cross-border trade,
migration, violence, and transit of terrorists through the porous border; Bangladesh protests India's fencing and walling off
high-traffic sections of the porous boundary; a joint Bangladesh-India boundary commission resurveyed and reconstructed 92
missing pillars in 2007; after 21 years, Bangladesh resumes talks with Burma on delimiting a maritime boundary
| REFUGEES AND INTERNALLY DISPLACED PERSONS (IDPS) |
Refugees (country of origin): 26,268 (Burma)
IDPs: 65,000 (land conflicts, religious persecution) (2007)
IDPs: 65,000 (land conflicts, religious persecution) (2007)
| TRAFFICKING IN PERSONS |
Current situation: Bangladesh is a source and transit country for men, women, and children trafficked for the purposes of
forced labor and commercial sexual exploitation; a significant share of Bangladesh's trafficking victims are men recruited for work
overseas with fraudulent employment offers who are subsequently exploited under conditions of forced labor or debt bondage;
children are trafficked within Bangladesh for commercial sexual exploitation, bonded labor, and forced labor; women and
children from Bangladesh are also trafficked to India and Pakistan for sexual exploitation
tier rating: Bangladesh is placed on
Tier 2 Watch List because it does not fully comply with the minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking; however, it is
making significant efforts to do so, including some progress in addressing sex trafficking; the government did not demonstrate
sufficient progress in criminally prosecuting and convicting labor trafficking offenders, particularly those responsible for the
recruitment of Bangladeshi workers for the purpose of labor trafficking (2009)
forced labor and commercial sexual exploitation; a significant share of Bangladesh's trafficking victims are men recruited for work
overseas with fraudulent employment offers who are subsequently exploited under conditions of forced labor or debt bondage;
children are trafficked within Bangladesh for commercial sexual exploitation, bonded labor, and forced labor; women and
children from Bangladesh are also trafficked to India and Pakistan for sexual exploitation
tier rating: Bangladesh is placed on
Tier 2 Watch List because it does not fully comply with the minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking; however, it is
making significant efforts to do so, including some progress in addressing sex trafficking; the government did not demonstrate
sufficient progress in criminally prosecuting and convicting labor trafficking offenders, particularly those responsible for the
recruitment of Bangladeshi workers for the purpose of labor trafficking (2009)
| HUMAN RIGHTS STATEMENTS, ANALYSIS AND CRITIQUES |
2009 Human Rights Report: Bangladesh
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
March 11, 2010
Bangladesh is a parliamentary democracy of 155 million citizens. On December 29, 2008, the Awami League (AL) alliance led by Sheikh
Hasina Wazed won 263 of 299 parliamentary seats in elections international and domestic observers considered to be free and fair, with
isolated irregularities and sporadic violence. The elections and the peaceful transfer of power ended two years of rule by a military-
backed caretaker government. Civilian authorities generally maintained effective control of the security forces.
The government's human rights record improved somewhat due to the return of a democratically elected government and the repeal of
the state of emergency.
On February 25-26, members of the BDR staged a mutiny, alleging poor pay and benefits, as well as corruption in the senior officer
corps, which were drawn from the army. During the two-day mutiny, BDR soldiers killed 57 officers and 15 of their family members,
including the director general and his wife. Security forces subsequently arrested more than 2,000 individuals allegedly involved in the
uprising. The government announced plans to try them under the existing BDR Act, which carries a maximum prison term of seven
years. Those charged with criminal acts were to be tried under the penal code in special tribunals. According to nongovernmental
organizations (NGOs) and media reports, 59 BDR soldiers died while in police custody or in the BDR barracks. There were credible
reports that many of the deceased had been tortured. To investigate these allegations, the government formed a committee, which
concluded that only two members died as a result of torture. No other government action was taken.
Click here to read more »
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
March 11, 2010
Bangladesh is a parliamentary democracy of 155 million citizens. On December 29, 2008, the Awami League (AL) alliance led by Sheikh
Hasina Wazed won 263 of 299 parliamentary seats in elections international and domestic observers considered to be free and fair, with
isolated irregularities and sporadic violence. The elections and the peaceful transfer of power ended two years of rule by a military-
backed caretaker government. Civilian authorities generally maintained effective control of the security forces.
The government's human rights record improved somewhat due to the return of a democratically elected government and the repeal of
the state of emergency.
- There was a slight increase in the number of extrajudicial killings by security forces; there remained cases of serious abuse,
including extrajudicial killings, custodial deaths, arbitrary arrest and detention, and harassment of journalists. - With the return of an elected government, reports of politically motivated violence increased 3.3 percent.
- The failure to investigate fully extrajudicial killings by security forces, including the deaths in custody of alleged mutineers from
the Bangladesh Rifles (BDR) border force, remained a matter of serious concern. - Some members of security forces acted with impunity and committed acts of physical and psychological torture.
- Violence against women and children remained a serious problem, as did trafficking in persons.
- Violence against religious and ethnic minorities still occurred, although many government and civil society leaders stated that these
acts often had political or economic motivations and could not be attributed only to religious belief or affiliation.
On February 25-26, members of the BDR staged a mutiny, alleging poor pay and benefits, as well as corruption in the senior officer
corps, which were drawn from the army. During the two-day mutiny, BDR soldiers killed 57 officers and 15 of their family members,
including the director general and his wife. Security forces subsequently arrested more than 2,000 individuals allegedly involved in the
uprising. The government announced plans to try them under the existing BDR Act, which carries a maximum prison term of seven
years. Those charged with criminal acts were to be tried under the penal code in special tribunals. According to nongovernmental
organizations (NGOs) and media reports, 59 BDR soldiers died while in police custody or in the BDR barracks. There were credible
reports that many of the deceased had been tortured. To investigate these allegations, the government formed a committee, which
concluded that only two members died as a result of torture. No other government action was taken.
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12 June 2009
COMMITTEE ON THE RIGHTS OF THE CHILD
Fifty-first session
CONSIDERATION OF REPORTS SUBMITTED BY STATES PARTIES UNDER ARTICLE 44 OF THE CONVENTION
Concluding Observations: BANGLADESH
A. Introduction
2. The Committee welcomes the submission of the combined third and fourth periodic report, as well as the written replies to the list of
issues (CRC/C/BGD/Q/4/Add.1), which updated the available information and gave a better understanding of the situation of children in
the State party. It regrets, however, that the report does not follow the Committee’s Revised General Guidelines regarding the form and
content of periodic reports (CRC/C/58/Rev.1). The Committee appreciates the constructive dialogue held with the high level and multi-
sectoral delegation on the progress made and challenges encountered in implementing the Convention.
B. Follow-up measures and progress achieved by the State party
4. The Committee notes with appreciation the adoption of many legislative measures including:
a) The Citizenship (Amendment) Ordinance 2008 whereby children born of Bangladeshi women married to non-Bangladeshi men are
now entitled to Bangladeshi citizenship;
b) The Bangladesh Labour Law, 2006 which particularly prohibits hazardous work for children below 18 years old;
c) The Birth and Deaths Registration Act 2004 which links birth registration to access to social services to stimulate and increase
demand;
d) The Prevention of Repression against Women and Children Act, 2000 (amended in 2003) to combat violence against girls and women;
and
e) The Acid Crimes Prevention Act, 2002.
C. Factors and difficulties impeding the implementation of the Convention
7. The Committee notes that certain factors, including pervasive poverty and natural disasters, notably severe flooding and cyclones,
impede the implementation of the rights of the child in the State party.
D. Main subjects of concern and recommendations
1. General measures of implementation
(arts. 4, 42 and 44, paragraph 6 of the Convention)
The Committee’s previous recommendations
8. The Committee notes with appreciation the efforts made by the State party to implement the Committee’s concluding observations
made upon the consideration of the State party’s second periodic report in 2003 (CRC/C/15/Add.221). Nevertheless, the Committee
regrets that several concerns and recommendations have been insufficiently or only partly addressed, including those related to:
reservations to articles 14 (1) and 21, definition of the child, coordination, birth registration, Children’s Ombudsman, allocation of
financial and human resources for children, equitable access to and quality of health and education services, and refugee children.
9. The Committee urges the State party to take all necessary measures to address the previous recommendations that have not been fully
implemented and to provide adequate follow-up to the recommendations contained in the present concluding observations on the third
and fourth periodic reports.
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COMMITTEE ON THE RIGHTS OF THE CHILD
Fifty-first session
CONSIDERATION OF REPORTS SUBMITTED BY STATES PARTIES UNDER ARTICLE 44 OF THE CONVENTION
Concluding Observations: BANGLADESH
A. Introduction
2. The Committee welcomes the submission of the combined third and fourth periodic report, as well as the written replies to the list of
issues (CRC/C/BGD/Q/4/Add.1), which updated the available information and gave a better understanding of the situation of children in
the State party. It regrets, however, that the report does not follow the Committee’s Revised General Guidelines regarding the form and
content of periodic reports (CRC/C/58/Rev.1). The Committee appreciates the constructive dialogue held with the high level and multi-
sectoral delegation on the progress made and challenges encountered in implementing the Convention.
B. Follow-up measures and progress achieved by the State party
4. The Committee notes with appreciation the adoption of many legislative measures including:
a) The Citizenship (Amendment) Ordinance 2008 whereby children born of Bangladeshi women married to non-Bangladeshi men are
now entitled to Bangladeshi citizenship;
b) The Bangladesh Labour Law, 2006 which particularly prohibits hazardous work for children below 18 years old;
c) The Birth and Deaths Registration Act 2004 which links birth registration to access to social services to stimulate and increase
demand;
d) The Prevention of Repression against Women and Children Act, 2000 (amended in 2003) to combat violence against girls and women;
and
e) The Acid Crimes Prevention Act, 2002.
C. Factors and difficulties impeding the implementation of the Convention
7. The Committee notes that certain factors, including pervasive poverty and natural disasters, notably severe flooding and cyclones,
impede the implementation of the rights of the child in the State party.
D. Main subjects of concern and recommendations
1. General measures of implementation
(arts. 4, 42 and 44, paragraph 6 of the Convention)
The Committee’s previous recommendations
8. The Committee notes with appreciation the efforts made by the State party to implement the Committee’s concluding observations
made upon the consideration of the State party’s second periodic report in 2003 (CRC/C/15/Add.221). Nevertheless, the Committee
regrets that several concerns and recommendations have been insufficiently or only partly addressed, including those related to:
reservations to articles 14 (1) and 21, definition of the child, coordination, birth registration, Children’s Ombudsman, allocation of
financial and human resources for children, equitable access to and quality of health and education services, and refugee children.
9. The Committee urges the State party to take all necessary measures to address the previous recommendations that have not been fully
implemented and to provide adequate follow-up to the recommendations contained in the present concluding observations on the third
and fourth periodic reports.
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Freedom In The World 2010 Report
Political Rights Score: 3
Civil Liberties Score: 4
Status: Partly Free
Ratings Change
Bangladesh’s political rights rating improved from 4 to 3 due to the installation of a new elected civilian government and
related gains in government functioning and accountability.
Overview
A new civilian government took office in January 2009 after the Awami League party won a sweeping victory in December 2008
elections, ending a period of indirect military rule. It moved to implement an ambitious reform agenda, which called for trials for those
suspected of committing war crimes during the 1971 war of independence, restoration of the 1972 constitution, and a crackdown on
Islamist political and militant groups. The government demonstrated its staying power in February, when it effectively quelled a mutiny
by paramilitary Bangladesh Rifles troops in which dozens of officers were killed. Despite significant openings in the political
environment, human rights abuses—particularly extrajudicial executions—remained a concern during the year.
The CG spent much of 2008 attempting to balance its anticorruption drive and electoral reforms with the need to win the cooperation of
the dominant political parties and ensure the success of the planned elections. Early in the year, Hasina (along with several family
members) was formally charged with extortion, and other high-level politicians continued to face arrest as well. By May, the main parties
jointly decided to boycott preelection talks with the EC unless their leaders were released. A series of CG capitulations regarding the
release of Hasina, Zia, and Zia’s sons marked the de facto collapse of the anticorruption campaign. The new EC also failed to address the
issue of suspected war criminals’ continued involvement in politics. Of particular concern was the Jamaat-e-Islami (Islamic Party),
whose leaders and student wing played a well-documented role in atrocities against civilians during the 1971 war of independence.
The emergency regulations, which had been eased in August and early December, were fully lifted on December 17, and the elections
followed on December 29. Although the long-standing party leaders remained in place, there was a considerable infusion of new blood
into the parties’ candidate lists. Turnout was extremely high, at 87 percent, and included a large proportion of first-time, women, and
minority voters. An electoral alliance led by the AL won a landslide of 263 seats (230 for the AL), while the BNP-led coalition took 32
seats (29 for the BNP and just 2 for the Jamaat-e-Islami). After initial protests, Zia accepted the results, and with Hasina taking office as
prime minister, Bangladesh returned to civilian rule after a two-year hiatus.
AL-backed candidates also won a majority of leadership positions in the January 2009 upazila parishad (subdistrict) elections, the first
local government polls to be held for 19 years. In contrast to the national elections, the January balloting was marred by more extensive
violence and intimidation, as well as electoral irregularities and suspected rigging. Separately, veteran AL politician Zillur Rahman was
chosen by Parliament as the new president in February. In July, Hasina reshuffled and expanded her cabinet to improve ministerial
performance. She also reasserted control over the AL by engineering the removal of four key party officials who had challenged her
dominance.
The new government moved quickly to implement its campaign promises and ratify most of the ordinances passed by the CG. Several
war crimes suspects were arrested, and in July the government submitted draft legislation regarding the establishment of a tribunal to
oversee prosecutions. Another key part of the AL’s agenda was to restore the 1972 constitution, nullifying all amendments enacted since
then. Among other effects, this would reinstate a ban on religious parties, posing a clear threat to parties like the Jamaat-e-Islami. The
government took a harder line on Islamist militants during the year, and by July security forces had arrested more than 40 JMB activists.
The BNP-led opposition continued to boycott Parliament and assail most of the AL government’s initiatives, including the constitutional
restoration, proposed revisions to education policy, and a shift toward amicable dispute resolution with neighboring India. However, the
BNP did not resort to the use of hartals during the year.
The government faced an early test in February, when troops from the Bangladesh Rifles (BDR), a paramilitary force tasked with border
security, mutinied in Dhaka and killed some 70 officers and civilians, including the BDR commander and several officers’ families. The
mutiny quickly ended after Hasina, with the army’s support, threatened to use force. An official investigation, released in May, ruled out
the involvement of politicians, Islamist militants, or foreign governments, but failed to clearly identify the cause of the revolt by the BDR,
which was known to harbor resentments over poor pay and other conditions of service. At the urging of the army, the government said
it would prosecute suspected mutineers, and at least 3,500 BDR members had been arrested by August. Several dozen of the detainees
died under suspicious circumstances, leading the government to promise an inquiry. The Supreme Court ruled in September that alleged
mutineers would not be prosecuted under the Army Act (which called for the death penalty), but would instead be tried under either the
BDR Act for minor offenses or a special tribunal under the penal code for criminal offenses. The trial of a first group of BDR members
accused of taking part in the mutiny started in late November.
Click here to read more »
Political Rights Score: 3
Civil Liberties Score: 4
Status: Partly Free
Ratings Change
Bangladesh’s political rights rating improved from 4 to 3 due to the installation of a new elected civilian government and
related gains in government functioning and accountability.
Overview
A new civilian government took office in January 2009 after the Awami League party won a sweeping victory in December 2008
elections, ending a period of indirect military rule. It moved to implement an ambitious reform agenda, which called for trials for those
suspected of committing war crimes during the 1971 war of independence, restoration of the 1972 constitution, and a crackdown on
Islamist political and militant groups. The government demonstrated its staying power in February, when it effectively quelled a mutiny
by paramilitary Bangladesh Rifles troops in which dozens of officers were killed. Despite significant openings in the political
environment, human rights abuses—particularly extrajudicial executions—remained a concern during the year.
The CG spent much of 2008 attempting to balance its anticorruption drive and electoral reforms with the need to win the cooperation of
the dominant political parties and ensure the success of the planned elections. Early in the year, Hasina (along with several family
members) was formally charged with extortion, and other high-level politicians continued to face arrest as well. By May, the main parties
jointly decided to boycott preelection talks with the EC unless their leaders were released. A series of CG capitulations regarding the
release of Hasina, Zia, and Zia’s sons marked the de facto collapse of the anticorruption campaign. The new EC also failed to address the
issue of suspected war criminals’ continued involvement in politics. Of particular concern was the Jamaat-e-Islami (Islamic Party),
whose leaders and student wing played a well-documented role in atrocities against civilians during the 1971 war of independence.
The emergency regulations, which had been eased in August and early December, were fully lifted on December 17, and the elections
followed on December 29. Although the long-standing party leaders remained in place, there was a considerable infusion of new blood
into the parties’ candidate lists. Turnout was extremely high, at 87 percent, and included a large proportion of first-time, women, and
minority voters. An electoral alliance led by the AL won a landslide of 263 seats (230 for the AL), while the BNP-led coalition took 32
seats (29 for the BNP and just 2 for the Jamaat-e-Islami). After initial protests, Zia accepted the results, and with Hasina taking office as
prime minister, Bangladesh returned to civilian rule after a two-year hiatus.
AL-backed candidates also won a majority of leadership positions in the January 2009 upazila parishad (subdistrict) elections, the first
local government polls to be held for 19 years. In contrast to the national elections, the January balloting was marred by more extensive
violence and intimidation, as well as electoral irregularities and suspected rigging. Separately, veteran AL politician Zillur Rahman was
chosen by Parliament as the new president in February. In July, Hasina reshuffled and expanded her cabinet to improve ministerial
performance. She also reasserted control over the AL by engineering the removal of four key party officials who had challenged her
dominance.
The new government moved quickly to implement its campaign promises and ratify most of the ordinances passed by the CG. Several
war crimes suspects were arrested, and in July the government submitted draft legislation regarding the establishment of a tribunal to
oversee prosecutions. Another key part of the AL’s agenda was to restore the 1972 constitution, nullifying all amendments enacted since
then. Among other effects, this would reinstate a ban on religious parties, posing a clear threat to parties like the Jamaat-e-Islami. The
government took a harder line on Islamist militants during the year, and by July security forces had arrested more than 40 JMB activists.
The BNP-led opposition continued to boycott Parliament and assail most of the AL government’s initiatives, including the constitutional
restoration, proposed revisions to education policy, and a shift toward amicable dispute resolution with neighboring India. However, the
BNP did not resort to the use of hartals during the year.
The government faced an early test in February, when troops from the Bangladesh Rifles (BDR), a paramilitary force tasked with border
security, mutinied in Dhaka and killed some 70 officers and civilians, including the BDR commander and several officers’ families. The
mutiny quickly ended after Hasina, with the army’s support, threatened to use force. An official investigation, released in May, ruled out
the involvement of politicians, Islamist militants, or foreign governments, but failed to clearly identify the cause of the revolt by the BDR,
which was known to harbor resentments over poor pay and other conditions of service. At the urging of the army, the government said
it would prosecute suspected mutineers, and at least 3,500 BDR members had been arrested by August. Several dozen of the detainees
died under suspicious circumstances, leading the government to promise an inquiry. The Supreme Court ruled in September that alleged
mutineers would not be prosecuted under the Army Act (which called for the death penalty), but would instead be tried under either the
BDR Act for minor offenses or a special tribunal under the penal code for criminal offenses. The trial of a first group of BDR members
accused of taking part in the mutiny started in late November.
Click here to read more »
Bangladeshi security forces used excessive force during raid
1 July 2010
Bangladeshi security forces used excessive force during a raid on the house of a senior opposition politician on 27 June, Amnesty
International said on Thursday.
The Bangladesh Rapid Action Battalion (RAB) carried out a violent attack on those gathered peacefully inside the house of Mirza Abbas, a
leading Bangladesh National Party (BNP) politician and former mayor of Dhaka, according to testimony given to Amnesty International.
Victims of the raid described sustained and unprovoked beatings of activists and Mirza Abbas' family members, denial of medical
treatment after arrests, and the eliciting of signatures on blank forms as a condition of release, which Amnesty International suspects are
for the purpose of falsifying confessions.
Amnesty International has photographed injuries to male and female victims of the beatings.
More than twenty people were injured during the raid, including Mirza Abbas’ wife Afroza Abbas and his 85 year old mother.
BNP supporters had gathered at Mirza Abbas’s house after he been arrested and accused of involvement in violence during a general
strike called by the party.
"The government should immediately investigate the circumstances surrounding this violent raid and ensure that any people hurt by
security officials receive justice and appropriate compensation,” said Abbas Faiz, Amnesty International’s Bangladesh researcher, from
Dhaka.
Amnesty International is calling on the authorities to order security forces to comply with their obligations to exercise restraint and avoid
the use of excessive force as the country faces a series of clashes during protests.
At least 80 people have been injured over the past two days as police clashed with striking textile workers and protesters contesting the
arrest of three top leaders of the opposition Jamaat-e-Islami party.
The main opposition party, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), called for a national strike on 27 June. The strike, which was
generally orderly, sparked off clashes between the police and demonstrators in some parts of the country, including in Dhaka.
Hundreds of people have been arrested on allegations of involvement in violence, including Mirza Abbas.
“There has been no evidence that the people in Mirza Abbas’ house were violating any law or in any way threatening anyone, so the
violent actions of RAB seem totally unjustified,” said Abbas Faiz. “Given RAB’s history of using of excessive, even lethal, force, this
incident demands an immediate and strong reaction from the authorities.”
Click here to read more »
1 July 2010
Bangladeshi security forces used excessive force during a raid on the house of a senior opposition politician on 27 June, Amnesty
International said on Thursday.
The Bangladesh Rapid Action Battalion (RAB) carried out a violent attack on those gathered peacefully inside the house of Mirza Abbas, a
leading Bangladesh National Party (BNP) politician and former mayor of Dhaka, according to testimony given to Amnesty International.
Victims of the raid described sustained and unprovoked beatings of activists and Mirza Abbas' family members, denial of medical
treatment after arrests, and the eliciting of signatures on blank forms as a condition of release, which Amnesty International suspects are
for the purpose of falsifying confessions.
Amnesty International has photographed injuries to male and female victims of the beatings.
More than twenty people were injured during the raid, including Mirza Abbas’ wife Afroza Abbas and his 85 year old mother.
BNP supporters had gathered at Mirza Abbas’s house after he been arrested and accused of involvement in violence during a general
strike called by the party.
"The government should immediately investigate the circumstances surrounding this violent raid and ensure that any people hurt by
security officials receive justice and appropriate compensation,” said Abbas Faiz, Amnesty International’s Bangladesh researcher, from
Dhaka.
Amnesty International is calling on the authorities to order security forces to comply with their obligations to exercise restraint and avoid
the use of excessive force as the country faces a series of clashes during protests.
At least 80 people have been injured over the past two days as police clashed with striking textile workers and protesters contesting the
arrest of three top leaders of the opposition Jamaat-e-Islami party.
The main opposition party, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), called for a national strike on 27 June. The strike, which was
generally orderly, sparked off clashes between the police and demonstrators in some parts of the country, including in Dhaka.
Hundreds of people have been arrested on allegations of involvement in violence, including Mirza Abbas.
“There has been no evidence that the people in Mirza Abbas’ house were violating any law or in any way threatening anyone, so the
violent actions of RAB seem totally unjustified,” said Abbas Faiz. “Given RAB’s history of using of excessive, even lethal, force, this
incident demands an immediate and strong reaction from the authorities.”
Click here to read more »
Bangladesh: Re-open Shuttered Newspaper; Free Editor
Investigate Serious Allegations of Torture in Detention
July 7, 2010
(New York) - The Bangladesh authorities' forced closing of a daily newspaper linked to the political opposition and the detention of its
editor appear to have violated both freedom of expression and due process, Human Rights Watch said today. The government should
immediately ensure that an impartial investigation is conducted into allegations by the editor, Mahmudur Rahman, that he was beaten and
abused in custody, Human Rights Watch said.
Human Rights Watch called on the government to reinstate the printing license of the newspaper, Amar Desh, and to allow it to re-open
immediately and operate without hindrance. The government also should ensure that Rahman is either immediately released or
immediately given a free and fair trial in accordance with international standards. Rahman told the magistrate that he was severely beaten
in police custody and that the Rapid Action Battalion, the anti-crime and anti-terrorism elite force of the Bangladesh police, later
blindfolded him and handcuffed him to the window bars in a cell, forcing him to stand there for a long period of time without food or
water.
"Shutting down a newspaper and jailing its editor shows the Bangladesh government apparently fears a free and unencumbered press,"
said Tej Thapa, South Asia researcher at Human Rights Watch. "Intimidation and violence against the media betray the principles of a
robust democracy, which is what the ruling Awami League said it was striving for when it campaigned for office."
More than 100 police in riot gear stormed the offices of Amar Desh in the middle of the night of June 2, 2010, and arrested Rahman. At
least 34 charges have been lodged against him, including 28 involving defamation. The police shut down the printing press, said the
paper's license to print had been revoked, and took away all copies of the newspaper that had been printed for that morning's
distribution. Police officers attacked and wounded several journalists working the late night shift.
Rahman and his staff had been under pressure from the government for critical reporting about the Bangladesh government. The paper
has remained shut ever since, with the government trying to justify its actions by accusing Rahman of fraud. In multiple rulings on
freedom of expression, the European Court of Human Rights has held that suspension of newspapers will be a human rights violation
unless the authorities demonstrate very strong justifications, including that less stringent restrictions were not possible.
"Questioning government actions and highlighting corruption and abuses of power are critically important media functions in any
democracy," Thapa said. "Rather than send in police with batons and padlocks, the government should respond to legitimate criticisms
by addressing them. Unsubstantiated allegations of fraud against an editor are no justification for shutting down a newspaper."
Human Rights Watch called on the judicial authorities in Bangladesh to act swiftly either to release Rahman, or if they have lawfully
obtained evidence to bring him to trial, to ensure that he receives a free and fair trial.
Click here to read more »
Investigate Serious Allegations of Torture in Detention
July 7, 2010
(New York) - The Bangladesh authorities' forced closing of a daily newspaper linked to the political opposition and the detention of its
editor appear to have violated both freedom of expression and due process, Human Rights Watch said today. The government should
immediately ensure that an impartial investigation is conducted into allegations by the editor, Mahmudur Rahman, that he was beaten and
abused in custody, Human Rights Watch said.
Human Rights Watch called on the government to reinstate the printing license of the newspaper, Amar Desh, and to allow it to re-open
immediately and operate without hindrance. The government also should ensure that Rahman is either immediately released or
immediately given a free and fair trial in accordance with international standards. Rahman told the magistrate that he was severely beaten
in police custody and that the Rapid Action Battalion, the anti-crime and anti-terrorism elite force of the Bangladesh police, later
blindfolded him and handcuffed him to the window bars in a cell, forcing him to stand there for a long period of time without food or
water.
"Shutting down a newspaper and jailing its editor shows the Bangladesh government apparently fears a free and unencumbered press,"
said Tej Thapa, South Asia researcher at Human Rights Watch. "Intimidation and violence against the media betray the principles of a
robust democracy, which is what the ruling Awami League said it was striving for when it campaigned for office."
More than 100 police in riot gear stormed the offices of Amar Desh in the middle of the night of June 2, 2010, and arrested Rahman. At
least 34 charges have been lodged against him, including 28 involving defamation. The police shut down the printing press, said the
paper's license to print had been revoked, and took away all copies of the newspaper that had been printed for that morning's
distribution. Police officers attacked and wounded several journalists working the late night shift.
Rahman and his staff had been under pressure from the government for critical reporting about the Bangladesh government. The paper
has remained shut ever since, with the government trying to justify its actions by accusing Rahman of fraud. In multiple rulings on
freedom of expression, the European Court of Human Rights has held that suspension of newspapers will be a human rights violation
unless the authorities demonstrate very strong justifications, including that less stringent restrictions were not possible.
"Questioning government actions and highlighting corruption and abuses of power are critically important media functions in any
democracy," Thapa said. "Rather than send in police with batons and padlocks, the government should respond to legitimate criticisms
by addressing them. Unsubstantiated allegations of fraud against an editor are no justification for shutting down a newspaper."
Human Rights Watch called on the judicial authorities in Bangladesh to act swiftly either to release Rahman, or if they have lawfully
obtained evidence to bring him to trial, to ensure that he receives a free and fair trial.
Click here to read more »
Following is the full text of speech of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina on the completion of one year of the present grand
alliance government.
06 January 2010
Conscious countrymen,
We are working for strengthening local government system and decentralization of power. Upazila parishads, after long time started its
activities through elected chairmen and vice-
chairmen.
We want to ensure freethinking, freedom of opinion and free flow of information. The cabinet approved a proposal to amend Crpc 1898
to uphold freedom of opinion. Right to information rules have been formulated based on Right to Information Act-2009. Information
Commission has been formed and it started functioning.
In last year 66 bills were passed in the parliament to establish rule of law, good governance, financial discipline and environmental
development.
Separation of judiciary has been given a permanent shape.
Law has been passed for trial of the war criminals. Primary venue has been selected for setting up tribunals. Trial process will begin
shortly, Inshallah.
Human Rights Commission has been formed and Human Rights Commission Act formulated.
Reelection of Bangladesh to UN Human Rights Council for the tenure 2009-2012 is recognition to this.
The blame what Bangladesh achieved, as a country of human rights violation and terrorism, during the period of four party alliance
government, is no more.
The country will celebrate golden jubilee in 2021. The year 2021 is the birth centenary of Father of the Nation Bangabandhu Sheikh
Mujibur Rahman. We want to build a Bangladesh by 2021 when there will no corruption, misrule and darkness of illiteracy. There will be
no poverty. People will be able to live with honour, dignity and prosperity.
We dream to build a Bangladesh by 2021 that will be rich in education and culture, knowledge and science and highly endowed with
technology to be known as Digital Bangladesh. Our future generation will stand in the global community by that time to say
in pride I am a Bengali, Bangladesh is my country. Bangla is my language. This is the lesson the Father of the Nation has left behind for
us. We are moving with this dream. Let us get united in search of this enlightened path. Let us build Sonar Bangla rising above narrow
personal, group and party interest.
Click here to read more »
alliance government.
06 January 2010
Conscious countrymen,
We are working for strengthening local government system and decentralization of power. Upazila parishads, after long time started its
activities through elected chairmen and vice-
chairmen.
We want to ensure freethinking, freedom of opinion and free flow of information. The cabinet approved a proposal to amend Crpc 1898
to uphold freedom of opinion. Right to information rules have been formulated based on Right to Information Act-2009. Information
Commission has been formed and it started functioning.
In last year 66 bills were passed in the parliament to establish rule of law, good governance, financial discipline and environmental
development.
Separation of judiciary has been given a permanent shape.
Law has been passed for trial of the war criminals. Primary venue has been selected for setting up tribunals. Trial process will begin
shortly, Inshallah.
Human Rights Commission has been formed and Human Rights Commission Act formulated.
Reelection of Bangladesh to UN Human Rights Council for the tenure 2009-2012 is recognition to this.
The blame what Bangladesh achieved, as a country of human rights violation and terrorism, during the period of four party alliance
government, is no more.
The country will celebrate golden jubilee in 2021. The year 2021 is the birth centenary of Father of the Nation Bangabandhu Sheikh
Mujibur Rahman. We want to build a Bangladesh by 2021 when there will no corruption, misrule and darkness of illiteracy. There will be
no poverty. People will be able to live with honour, dignity and prosperity.
We dream to build a Bangladesh by 2021 that will be rich in education and culture, knowledge and science and highly endowed with
technology to be known as Digital Bangladesh. Our future generation will stand in the global community by that time to say
in pride I am a Bengali, Bangladesh is my country. Bangla is my language. This is the lesson the Father of the Nation has left behind for
us. We are moving with this dream. Let us get united in search of this enlightened path. Let us build Sonar Bangla rising above narrow
personal, group and party interest.
Click here to read more »
New Beginning For Human Rights Commission In Bangladesh
05 June 2010
Nothing but a great news.The government of Bangladesh and the United Nations signed an agreement Thursday aiming to strengthen the
country’s National Human Rights Commission.
“In the days when the news started to coming that human rights are violated in many way…Hope through the strong initiative goverment
will able to establish real values of human rights. We must stand resolute through establishing real values of human rights a goverment
can proof them success.”
The partnership will support the National Human Rights Commission to become an effective leader for the promotion and protection of
human rights for all in Bangladesh.", a United Nations Development Program (UNDP) statement said in Dhaka.
Under the agreement, the UNDP will contribute $7 million through a new project titled “Bangladesh National Human Rights Commission
Capacity Development Project” over the next five years.
Fundamental human rights are enshrined in the Bangladesh constitution and are at the core of the country development vision, which
focuses on pro-poor growth and outreach to the most vulnerable, including women and minority groups, the UNDP said.
The commission strengthens the institutional safeguards of these human rights and allows each citizen to seek and receive redress when
rights are violated, the statement said, adding that the Commission as a national independent institution is a symbol of the national
commitment to the recognition and respect of the human rights of all citizens.
Click here to read more »
05 June 2010
Nothing but a great news.The government of Bangladesh and the United Nations signed an agreement Thursday aiming to strengthen the
country’s National Human Rights Commission.
“In the days when the news started to coming that human rights are violated in many way…Hope through the strong initiative goverment
will able to establish real values of human rights. We must stand resolute through establishing real values of human rights a goverment
can proof them success.”
The partnership will support the National Human Rights Commission to become an effective leader for the promotion and protection of
human rights for all in Bangladesh.", a United Nations Development Program (UNDP) statement said in Dhaka.
Under the agreement, the UNDP will contribute $7 million through a new project titled “Bangladesh National Human Rights Commission
Capacity Development Project” over the next five years.
Fundamental human rights are enshrined in the Bangladesh constitution and are at the core of the country development vision, which
focuses on pro-poor growth and outreach to the most vulnerable, including women and minority groups, the UNDP said.
The commission strengthens the institutional safeguards of these human rights and allows each citizen to seek and receive redress when
rights are violated, the statement said, adding that the Commission as a national independent institution is a symbol of the national
commitment to the recognition and respect of the human rights of all citizens.
Click here to read more »
Wednesday, July 7, 2010
BANGLADESH: STILL NOT SAFE FOR MINORITIES
Source: Vijayvanni.com
Rabindra Ghosh
The advent of Sheikh Hasina Wajed in 2009 has not augured as well for the minority communities of Bangladesh , particularly the
Hindus, who remain as unprotected as in previous years. The grim reality is that there are no sincere governmental efforts to prevent the
grabbing of temple lands (or their restoration to the community, if grabbed by anti-social elements), grabbing of minority private lands
and property, or seizure of cremation grounds.
On the other hand, rape and particularly gang-rape, remain the sad fate of Hindu girls who fall into the hands of miscreants, and even the
tender age of six or eight years does not deter the evil-doers. There is forced conversion, especially of minor girls after abduction, and
extortion from Hindu families – a kind of illicit Jazia tax, as the price for remaining Hindu.
The Bangladesh Minority Watch (BDMW), a Human Rights and non-profit organization based in Dhaka, working for the protection of
the rights of Bangladesh Minorities specially destitute Hindus, Buddhists, other indigenous and Chakma groups, has consistently
demanded their protection as per international protocols.
Among the most painful and persistent atrocities is the continued destruction of temples and illegal seizure of temple lands and properties.
According to the law, temple properties cannot be transferred to individuals. But this has not deterred a roaring trade in illicit conveyance
deeds executed by the so-called owners of the lands, who died a hundred or two hundred years ago (!), which are then used to usurp
Hindu temple lands. This grabbing of Deity property is continuing currently at the hands of cadres of the ruling Awami League.
Sadly, I and my colleagues have over the years met the Indian Prime Minister (Atal Bihari Vajpayee), Home Ministers (L.K. Advani,
Shivraj Patil), even the Hon’ble President, but the Indian government has been less than forthcoming in its support to our legitimate
cause. The discrimination against Hindus is rampant, and from once comprising 30% of the population of the State of Bangladesh, they
are today barely 2% of the population. They have simply fled and melted into the neighbouring state of West Bengal, India, unable to bear
the sustained atrocities. They have come here for succour, unlike the Bangladeshi Muslims who come to India for economic
opportunities and the readily available ration cards and election I-cards!
The crux of the problem, in the opinion of Bangladesh Minority Watch, is the Eighth Amendment, whereby Gen. H.M. Ershad converted
the country into an Islamic Republic and made Islam the State Religion. Another Black Law is the Enemy (now Vested) Property Act of
1965, which remains on the statute book and is being mis-used to confiscate the property of Hindus. This is a key reason for the
continuous migration of Hindus from the country, though we do not want to leave our homes and hearths, and move only when totally
disempowered…
Click here to read more »
BANGLADESH: STILL NOT SAFE FOR MINORITIES
Source: Vijayvanni.com
Rabindra Ghosh
The advent of Sheikh Hasina Wajed in 2009 has not augured as well for the minority communities of Bangladesh , particularly the
Hindus, who remain as unprotected as in previous years. The grim reality is that there are no sincere governmental efforts to prevent the
grabbing of temple lands (or their restoration to the community, if grabbed by anti-social elements), grabbing of minority private lands
and property, or seizure of cremation grounds.
On the other hand, rape and particularly gang-rape, remain the sad fate of Hindu girls who fall into the hands of miscreants, and even the
tender age of six or eight years does not deter the evil-doers. There is forced conversion, especially of minor girls after abduction, and
extortion from Hindu families – a kind of illicit Jazia tax, as the price for remaining Hindu.
The Bangladesh Minority Watch (BDMW), a Human Rights and non-profit organization based in Dhaka, working for the protection of
the rights of Bangladesh Minorities specially destitute Hindus, Buddhists, other indigenous and Chakma groups, has consistently
demanded their protection as per international protocols.
Among the most painful and persistent atrocities is the continued destruction of temples and illegal seizure of temple lands and properties.
According to the law, temple properties cannot be transferred to individuals. But this has not deterred a roaring trade in illicit conveyance
deeds executed by the so-called owners of the lands, who died a hundred or two hundred years ago (!), which are then used to usurp
Hindu temple lands. This grabbing of Deity property is continuing currently at the hands of cadres of the ruling Awami League.
Sadly, I and my colleagues have over the years met the Indian Prime Minister (Atal Bihari Vajpayee), Home Ministers (L.K. Advani,
Shivraj Patil), even the Hon’ble President, but the Indian government has been less than forthcoming in its support to our legitimate
cause. The discrimination against Hindus is rampant, and from once comprising 30% of the population of the State of Bangladesh, they
are today barely 2% of the population. They have simply fled and melted into the neighbouring state of West Bengal, India, unable to bear
the sustained atrocities. They have come here for succour, unlike the Bangladeshi Muslims who come to India for economic
opportunities and the readily available ration cards and election I-cards!
The crux of the problem, in the opinion of Bangladesh Minority Watch, is the Eighth Amendment, whereby Gen. H.M. Ershad converted
the country into an Islamic Republic and made Islam the State Religion. Another Black Law is the Enemy (now Vested) Property Act of
1965, which remains on the statute book and is being mis-used to confiscate the property of Hindus. This is a key reason for the
continuous migration of Hindus from the country, though we do not want to leave our homes and hearths, and move only when totally
disempowered…
Click here to read more »
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Zillur Rahman
President since 12 February 2009
President since 12 February 2009
| ILLICIT DRUGS |
Transit country for illegal drugs produced in neighboring countries
