| CAMEROON Republic of Cameroon Republique du Cameroun Joined United Nations: 20 September 1960 Human Rights as assured by their constitution Click here Updated 10/06/10 |
| CAPITAL |
| POPULATION |
| CHIEF OF STATE |
| SELECTION PROCESS |
Yaounde
18,879,301
note: estimates for this country explicitly take into account the effects of excess mortality
due to AIDS; this can result in lower life expectancy, higher infant mortality and death
rates, lower population and growth rates, and changes in the distribution of population by
age and sex than would otherwise be expected (July 2010 est.)
note: estimates for this country explicitly take into account the effects of excess mortality
due to AIDS; this can result in lower life expectancy, higher infant mortality and death
rates, lower population and growth rates, and changes in the distribution of population by
age and sex than would otherwise be expected (July 2010 est.)
Philemon Yang
Prime Minister since 30 June 2009
Prime Minister since 30 June 2009
President elected by popular vote for a seven-year term (eligible for
a second term); election last held 11 October 2004
Next scheduled election: October 2011
a second term); election last held 11 October 2004
Next scheduled election: October 2011
HEAD OF GOVERNMENT
SELECTION PROCESS
Prime Minister appointed by the president
| DECLARATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS |
| ETHNIC GROUPS |
Cameroon Highlanders 31%, Equatorial Bantu 19%, Kirdi 11%, Fulani 10%, Northwestern Bantu 8%, Eastern Nigritic 7%, other
African 13%, non-African less than 1%
African 13%, non-African less than 1%
| RELIGIONS |
Indigenous beliefs 40%, Christian 40%, Muslim 20%
| GOVERNMENT STRUCTURE |
Republic; multiparty presidential regime with 10 provinces; Legal system is based on French civil law system, with common law
influence; accepts compulsory ICJ jurisdiction
Executive: President elected by popular vote for a seven-year term (eligible for a second term); election last held 11 October 2004 (next to
be held by October 2011); prime minister appointed by the president
Legislative: Unicameral National Assembly or Assemblee Nationale (180 seats; members are elected by direct popular vote to
serve five-year terms); note - the president can either lengthen or shorten the term of the legislature
elections: last held 22 July 2007 (next to be held in 2012)
Judicial: Supreme Court (judges are appointed by the president); High Court of Justice (consists of nine judges and six substitute
judges, elected by the National Assembly)
influence; accepts compulsory ICJ jurisdiction
Executive: President elected by popular vote for a seven-year term (eligible for a second term); election last held 11 October 2004 (next to
be held by October 2011); prime minister appointed by the president
Legislative: Unicameral National Assembly or Assemblee Nationale (180 seats; members are elected by direct popular vote to
serve five-year terms); note - the president can either lengthen or shorten the term of the legislature
elections: last held 22 July 2007 (next to be held in 2012)
Judicial: Supreme Court (judges are appointed by the president); High Court of Justice (consists of nine judges and six substitute
judges, elected by the National Assembly)
| LANGUAGES |
24 major African language groups, English (official), French (official)
| BRIEF HISTORY |
The earliest inhabitants of Cameroon were probably the Baka (Pygmies). They still inhabit the forests of the south and east
provinces. Bantu speakers originating in the Cameroonian highlands were among the first groups to move out before other invaders.
The Mandara kingdom in the Mandara Mountains was founded around 1500 and erected magnificent fortified structures, the
purpose and exact history of which is still unresolved. The Aro Confederacy of Nigeria, may have had presence in Western (likely
British) Cameroon due to migration in the 18th and 19th centuries. During the late 1770s and early 1800s, the Fulani, a pastoral
Islamic people of the western Sahel, conquered most of what is now northern Cameroon, subjugating or displacing its largely
non-Muslim inhabitants. Although the Portuguese arrived on Cameroon's coast in the 1500s, malaria prevented significant European
settlement and conquest of the interior until the late 1870s, when large supplies of the malaria suppressant, quinine, became
available. The early European presence in Cameroon was primarily devoted to coastal trade and the acquisition of slaves. The
northern part of Cameroon was an important part of the Muslim slave trade network. The slave trade was largely suppressed by the
mid-19th century. Christian missions established a presence in the late 19th century and continue to play a role in Cameroonian life.
Beginning on July 5, 1884, all of present-day Cameroon and parts of several of its neighbours became a German colony, Kamerun,
with a capital first at Buea and later at Yaoundé. The Imperial German government made substantial investments in the infrastructure
of Cameroon, including the extensive railways, such as the 160-metre single-span railway bridge on the Sanaga South branch.
Hospitals were opened all over the colony, including two major hospitals at Douala, one of which specialised in tropical diseases
(the Germans had discovered the Cholera Bacillus). Karl Ebermeir, who became governor in 1912, wrote in an official report in
1919 that the population of Kamerun had increased significantly. However, the indigenous peoples proved reluctant to work on
these projects, so the Germans instigated a harsh and unpopular system of forced labour. In fact, Jesko von Puttkamer was relieved
of duty as governor of the colony due to his untoward actions toward the native Cameroonians. In 1911 at the Treaty of Fez after
the Agadir Crisis, France ceded a nearly 300,000 km² portion of the territory of French Equatorial Africa to Kamerun which
became Neukamerun, while Germany ceded a smaller area in the north in present day Chad to France. In World War I the British
invaded Cameroon from Nigeria in 1914 in the West Africa campaign, with the last German fort in the country surrendering in
February 1916. After the war this colony was partitioned between the United Kingdom and France under a June 28, 1919 League
of Nations mandates (Class B). France gained the larger geographical share, transferred Neukamerun back to neighboring French
colonies, and ruled the rest from Yaoundé as Cameroun (French Cameroons). Britain's territory, a strip bordering Nigeria from the
sea to Lake Chad, with an equal population was ruled from Lagos as Cameroons (British Cameroons). German administrators
were allowed to once again run the plantations of the southwestern coastal area. A British Parliamentary Publication, Report on the
British Sphere of the Cameroons (May 1922, p.62-8), reports that the German plantations there were "as a whole . . . wonderful
examples of industry, based on solid scientific knowledge. The natives have been taught discipline and have come to realise what
can be achieved by industry. Large numbers who return to their villages take up cocoa or other cultivation on their own account,
thus increasing the general prosperity of the country." In 1955, the outlawed Union of the Peoples of Cameroon (UPC), based
largely among the Bamileke and Bassa ethnic groups, began an armed struggle for independence in French Cameroon. This
rebellion continued, with diminishing intensity, even after independence. Estimates of death from this conflict vary from thousands to
hundreds of thousands. French Cameroons achieved independence in 1960 as the Republic of Cameroon. The following year, on
October 1, 1961, the largely Muslim northern two-thirds of British Cameroons voted to join Nigeria; the largely Christian southern
third, Southern Cameroons, voted to join with the Republic of Cameroon to form the Federal Republic of Cameroon. The formerly
French and British regions each maintained substantial autonomy. Ahmadou Ahidjo, a French-educated Fulani, was chosen
president of the federation in 1961. Ahidjo, relying on a pervasive internal security apparatus, outlawed all political parties but his
own in 1966. He successfully suppressed the continuing UPC rebellion, capturing the last important rebel leader in 1970. In 1972, a
new constitution replaced the federation with a unitary state called the United Republic of Cameroon. Although Ahidjo's rule was
characterised as authoritarian, he was seen as noticeably lacking in charisma in comparison to many post-colonial African leaders.
He didn't follow the anti-western policies pursued by many of these leaders, which helped Cameroon achieve a degree of
comparative political stability and economic growth. Ahidjo resigned as president in 1982 and was constitutionally succeeded by his
Prime Minister, Paul Biya, a career official from the Beti-Pahuin ethnic group. Ahidjo later regretted his choice of successors, but his
supporters failed to overthrow Biya in a 1984 coup. Biya won single-candidate elections in 1983 and 1984 when the country was
again named the Republic of Cameroon. Biya has remained in power, winning flawed multiparty elections in 1992, 1997, and 2004.
His Cameroon People's Democratic Movement (CPDM) party holds a sizeable majority in the legislature. On August 15, 1984,
Lake Monoun exploded in a limnic eruption that released carbon dioxide, suffocating 37 people to death. On August 21, 1986,
another limnic eruption at Lake Nyos killed as many as 1,800 people and 3,500 livestock. The two disasters are the only recorded
instances of limnic eruptions. Cameroon has received some international attention following the relative success of its football team.
It has qualified for the FIFA World Cup on a number of occasions. Its most notable performance was at Italia 90, when the team
beat Argentina, the then reigning Champions in the opening game; Cameroon eventually lost in extra time in the Quarter Finals to
England.
Source: Wikipedia: History of Cameroon
provinces. Bantu speakers originating in the Cameroonian highlands were among the first groups to move out before other invaders.
The Mandara kingdom in the Mandara Mountains was founded around 1500 and erected magnificent fortified structures, the
purpose and exact history of which is still unresolved. The Aro Confederacy of Nigeria, may have had presence in Western (likely
British) Cameroon due to migration in the 18th and 19th centuries. During the late 1770s and early 1800s, the Fulani, a pastoral
Islamic people of the western Sahel, conquered most of what is now northern Cameroon, subjugating or displacing its largely
non-Muslim inhabitants. Although the Portuguese arrived on Cameroon's coast in the 1500s, malaria prevented significant European
settlement and conquest of the interior until the late 1870s, when large supplies of the malaria suppressant, quinine, became
available. The early European presence in Cameroon was primarily devoted to coastal trade and the acquisition of slaves. The
northern part of Cameroon was an important part of the Muslim slave trade network. The slave trade was largely suppressed by the
mid-19th century. Christian missions established a presence in the late 19th century and continue to play a role in Cameroonian life.
Beginning on July 5, 1884, all of present-day Cameroon and parts of several of its neighbours became a German colony, Kamerun,
with a capital first at Buea and later at Yaoundé. The Imperial German government made substantial investments in the infrastructure
of Cameroon, including the extensive railways, such as the 160-metre single-span railway bridge on the Sanaga South branch.
Hospitals were opened all over the colony, including two major hospitals at Douala, one of which specialised in tropical diseases
(the Germans had discovered the Cholera Bacillus). Karl Ebermeir, who became governor in 1912, wrote in an official report in
1919 that the population of Kamerun had increased significantly. However, the indigenous peoples proved reluctant to work on
these projects, so the Germans instigated a harsh and unpopular system of forced labour. In fact, Jesko von Puttkamer was relieved
of duty as governor of the colony due to his untoward actions toward the native Cameroonians. In 1911 at the Treaty of Fez after
the Agadir Crisis, France ceded a nearly 300,000 km² portion of the territory of French Equatorial Africa to Kamerun which
became Neukamerun, while Germany ceded a smaller area in the north in present day Chad to France. In World War I the British
invaded Cameroon from Nigeria in 1914 in the West Africa campaign, with the last German fort in the country surrendering in
February 1916. After the war this colony was partitioned between the United Kingdom and France under a June 28, 1919 League
of Nations mandates (Class B). France gained the larger geographical share, transferred Neukamerun back to neighboring French
colonies, and ruled the rest from Yaoundé as Cameroun (French Cameroons). Britain's territory, a strip bordering Nigeria from the
sea to Lake Chad, with an equal population was ruled from Lagos as Cameroons (British Cameroons). German administrators
were allowed to once again run the plantations of the southwestern coastal area. A British Parliamentary Publication, Report on the
British Sphere of the Cameroons (May 1922, p.62-8), reports that the German plantations there were "as a whole . . . wonderful
examples of industry, based on solid scientific knowledge. The natives have been taught discipline and have come to realise what
can be achieved by industry. Large numbers who return to their villages take up cocoa or other cultivation on their own account,
thus increasing the general prosperity of the country." In 1955, the outlawed Union of the Peoples of Cameroon (UPC), based
largely among the Bamileke and Bassa ethnic groups, began an armed struggle for independence in French Cameroon. This
rebellion continued, with diminishing intensity, even after independence. Estimates of death from this conflict vary from thousands to
hundreds of thousands. French Cameroons achieved independence in 1960 as the Republic of Cameroon. The following year, on
October 1, 1961, the largely Muslim northern two-thirds of British Cameroons voted to join Nigeria; the largely Christian southern
third, Southern Cameroons, voted to join with the Republic of Cameroon to form the Federal Republic of Cameroon. The formerly
French and British regions each maintained substantial autonomy. Ahmadou Ahidjo, a French-educated Fulani, was chosen
president of the federation in 1961. Ahidjo, relying on a pervasive internal security apparatus, outlawed all political parties but his
own in 1966. He successfully suppressed the continuing UPC rebellion, capturing the last important rebel leader in 1970. In 1972, a
new constitution replaced the federation with a unitary state called the United Republic of Cameroon. Although Ahidjo's rule was
characterised as authoritarian, he was seen as noticeably lacking in charisma in comparison to many post-colonial African leaders.
He didn't follow the anti-western policies pursued by many of these leaders, which helped Cameroon achieve a degree of
comparative political stability and economic growth. Ahidjo resigned as president in 1982 and was constitutionally succeeded by his
Prime Minister, Paul Biya, a career official from the Beti-Pahuin ethnic group. Ahidjo later regretted his choice of successors, but his
supporters failed to overthrow Biya in a 1984 coup. Biya won single-candidate elections in 1983 and 1984 when the country was
again named the Republic of Cameroon. Biya has remained in power, winning flawed multiparty elections in 1992, 1997, and 2004.
His Cameroon People's Democratic Movement (CPDM) party holds a sizeable majority in the legislature. On August 15, 1984,
Lake Monoun exploded in a limnic eruption that released carbon dioxide, suffocating 37 people to death. On August 21, 1986,
another limnic eruption at Lake Nyos killed as many as 1,800 people and 3,500 livestock. The two disasters are the only recorded
instances of limnic eruptions. Cameroon has received some international attention following the relative success of its football team.
It has qualified for the FIFA World Cup on a number of occasions. Its most notable performance was at Italia 90, when the team
beat Argentina, the then reigning Champions in the opening game; Cameroon eventually lost in extra time in the Quarter Finals to
England.
Source: Wikipedia: History of Cameroon
| ECONOMIC OVERVIEW |
Because of its modest oil resources and favorable agricultural conditions, Cameroon has one of the best-endowed primary
commodity economies in sub-Saharan Africa. Still, it faces many of the serious problems facing other underdeveloped countries,
such as stagnating per capita income, a relatively inequitable distribution of income, a top-heavy civil service, and a generally
unfavorable climate for business enterprise. International oil and cocoa prices have a significant impact on the economy. Since 1990,
the government has embarked on various IMF and World Bank programs designed to spur business investment, increase efficiency
in agriculture, improve trade, and recapitalize the nation's banks. The IMF is pressing for more reforms, including increased budget
transparency, privatization, and poverty reduction programs.
Source: CIA World Factbook (select Cameroon)
commodity economies in sub-Saharan Africa. Still, it faces many of the serious problems facing other underdeveloped countries,
such as stagnating per capita income, a relatively inequitable distribution of income, a top-heavy civil service, and a generally
unfavorable climate for business enterprise. International oil and cocoa prices have a significant impact on the economy. Since 1990,
the government has embarked on various IMF and World Bank programs designed to spur business investment, increase efficiency
in agriculture, improve trade, and recapitalize the nation's banks. The IMF is pressing for more reforms, including increased budget
transparency, privatization, and poverty reduction programs.
Source: CIA World Factbook (select Cameroon)
| POLITICAL CLIMATE |
The government adopted legislation in 1990 to authorize the formation of multiple political parties and ease restrictions on forming
civil associations and private newspapers. Cameroon' s first multiparty legislative and presidential elections were held in 1992
followed by municipal elections in 1996 and another round of legislative and presidential elections in 1997. Because the government
refused to consider opposition demands for an independent election commission, the three major opposition parties boycotted the
October 1997 presidential election, which Biya easily won. The leader of one of the opposition parties, Bello Bouba Maigari of the
NUDP, subsequently joined the government.
Cameroon has a number of independent newspapers. Censorship was abolished in 1996, but the government sometimes seizes or
suspends newspapers and occasionally arrests journalists. Although a 1990 law authorizes private radio and television stations, the
government has not granted any licenses as of March 1998.
The Cameroonian Government's human rights record has been improving over the years but remains flawed. There continue to be
reported abuses, including beatings of detainees, arbitrary arrests, and illegal searches. The judiciary is frequently corrupt, inefficient,
and subject to political influence.
Worthy of note is the fact that Cameroon is the only country in which two Constitutions are applicable side-by-side. For example,
the 1972 Constitution designates the Prime Minister as constitutional successor of the Head of State in case of incapacity, death,
resignation or unaccountable absence of the incumbent. Contrarily, the 1996 Constitutional Reform designates the President of the
Senate as constitutional successor; but the Senate (provided for by 1996 Reform) does not exist. Apart from increasing the
presidential mandate from 5 years to 7 years, very few amendments of the 1996 Constitutional Reform have been applied.
Source: Wikipedia: Politics of Cameroon
civil associations and private newspapers. Cameroon' s first multiparty legislative and presidential elections were held in 1992
followed by municipal elections in 1996 and another round of legislative and presidential elections in 1997. Because the government
refused to consider opposition demands for an independent election commission, the three major opposition parties boycotted the
October 1997 presidential election, which Biya easily won. The leader of one of the opposition parties, Bello Bouba Maigari of the
NUDP, subsequently joined the government.
Cameroon has a number of independent newspapers. Censorship was abolished in 1996, but the government sometimes seizes or
suspends newspapers and occasionally arrests journalists. Although a 1990 law authorizes private radio and television stations, the
government has not granted any licenses as of March 1998.
The Cameroonian Government's human rights record has been improving over the years but remains flawed. There continue to be
reported abuses, including beatings of detainees, arbitrary arrests, and illegal searches. The judiciary is frequently corrupt, inefficient,
and subject to political influence.
Worthy of note is the fact that Cameroon is the only country in which two Constitutions are applicable side-by-side. For example,
the 1972 Constitution designates the Prime Minister as constitutional successor of the Head of State in case of incapacity, death,
resignation or unaccountable absence of the incumbent. Contrarily, the 1996 Constitutional Reform designates the President of the
Senate as constitutional successor; but the Senate (provided for by 1996 Reform) does not exist. Apart from increasing the
presidential mandate from 5 years to 7 years, very few amendments of the 1996 Constitutional Reform have been applied.
Source: Wikipedia: Politics of Cameroon
| INTERNATIONAL DISPUTES |
Joint Border Commission with Nigeria reviewed 2002 ICJ ruling on the entire boundary and bilaterally resolved differences,
including June 2006 Greentree Agreement that immediately ceded sovereignty of the Bakassi Peninsula to Cameroon with a full
phase-out of Nigerian control and patriation of residents in 2008; Cameroon and Nigeria agree on maritime delimitation in March
2008; sovereignty dispute between Equatorial Guinea and Cameroon over an island at the mouth of the Ntem River; only Nigeria
and Cameroon have heeded the Lake Chad Commission's admonition to ratify the delimitation treaty, which also includes the
Chad-Niger and Niger-Nigeria boundaries
including June 2006 Greentree Agreement that immediately ceded sovereignty of the Bakassi Peninsula to Cameroon with a full
phase-out of Nigerian control and patriation of residents in 2008; Cameroon and Nigeria agree on maritime delimitation in March
2008; sovereignty dispute between Equatorial Guinea and Cameroon over an island at the mouth of the Ntem River; only Nigeria
and Cameroon have heeded the Lake Chad Commission's admonition to ratify the delimitation treaty, which also includes the
Chad-Niger and Niger-Nigeria boundaries
| REFUGEES AND INTERNALLY DISPLACED PERSONS (IDPS) |
Refugees (country of origin): 20,000-30,000 (Chad); 3,000 (Nigeria); 24,000 (Central African Republic) (2007)
| ILLICIT DRUGS |
Not reported.
| HUMAN RIGHTS STATEMENTS, ANALYSIS AND CRITIQUES |
2009 Human Rights Report: Cameroon
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
March 11, 2010
Cameroon, with a population of approximately 18 million, is a republic dominated by a strong presidency. The country has a multiparty
system of government, but the Cameroon People's Democratic Movement (CPDM) has remained in power since it was created in 1985.
The president retains the power to control legislation or to rule by decree. In 2004 CPDM leader Paul Biya won reelection as president, a
position he has held since 1982. The election was flawed by irregularities, particularly in the voter registration process, but observers
concluded that the election results represented the will of the voters. The 2007 legislative and municipal elections had significant
deficiencies in the electoral process, including barriers to registration and inadequate safeguards against fraudulent voting, according to
international and domestic observers. Although civilian authorities generally maintained effective control of the security forces, security
forces sometimes acted independently of government authority.
Human rights abuses included:
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
March 11, 2010
Cameroon, with a population of approximately 18 million, is a republic dominated by a strong presidency. The country has a multiparty
system of government, but the Cameroon People's Democratic Movement (CPDM) has remained in power since it was created in 1985.
The president retains the power to control legislation or to rule by decree. In 2004 CPDM leader Paul Biya won reelection as president, a
position he has held since 1982. The election was flawed by irregularities, particularly in the voter registration process, but observers
concluded that the election results represented the will of the voters. The 2007 legislative and municipal elections had significant
deficiencies in the electoral process, including barriers to registration and inadequate safeguards against fraudulent voting, according to
international and domestic observers. Although civilian authorities generally maintained effective control of the security forces, security
forces sometimes acted independently of government authority.
Human rights abuses included:
- security force torture, beatings, and other abuses, particularly of detainees and prisoners.
- Prison conditions were harsh and life threatening.
- Authorities arbitrarily arrested and detained citizens advocating secession, local human rights monitors and activists, persons not
carrying government-issued identity cards, and other citizens. - There were incidents of prolonged and sometimes incommunicado pretrial detention and infringement on privacy rights.
- The government restricted freedoms of speech, press, assembly, and association, and harassed journalists.
- The government also impeded freedom of movement.
- Other problems included widespread official corruption;
- societal violence and discrimination against women;
- female genital mutilation (FGM);
- trafficking in persons, primarily children;
- discrimination against indigenous people, including pygmies, and homosexuals.
- The government restricted worker rights and the activities of independent labor organizations.
- Child labor, hereditary servitude, and forced labor, including forced child labor, were problems.
4 August 2010
Human Rights Committee
Ninety-ninth session
Geneva, 12-30 July 2010
Consideration of reports submitted by States parties under article 40 of the Covenant
Concluding observations of the Human Rights Committee
Cameroon
A. Introduction
2. The Committee welcomes the submission, albeit with some delay, of the State party’s fourth periodic report prepared in
accordance with the Committee’s guidelines. It also appreciates the written replies (CCPR/C/CMR/Q/4/Add.1) provided in advance by
the State party as well as the answers and information provided by the State party’s delegation during its dialogue with the Committee.
B. Positive aspects
4. The Committee welcomes the State party’s ratification during the reporting period of a number of international instruments
relating to human rights protected by the Covenant, in particular:
(a) The Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, in 2004;
(b) The Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children and the Protocol against
the Smuggling of Migrants by Land, Sea and Air, supplementing the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime,
in 2006.
C. Principal subjects of concern and recommendations
6. The Committee is concerned about the delays in ensuring effective remedies and appropriate compensation for violations of
Covenant rights in compliance with Views adopted by the Committee on Communications Nos. 458/1991 (Mukong), 1134/2002 (Gorji-
Dinka), 1353/2005 (Njaru), and 1186/2003 (Titahongo). (art. 2)
The State party should take the necessary measures to give full effect to the Committee’s Views and establish mechanisms to facilitate
the implementation of the Committee’s Views, so as to guarantee the right to an effective remedy as established in article 2, paragraph 3,
of the Covenant.
7. With regard to the commendable efforts of the State party to strengthen the independence of the National Commission on Human
Rights and Freedoms (NCHRF), the Committee considers that further measures could be taken with a view to ensuring the effective
functioning of the NCHRF in full independence from the Government. The Committee also notes concerns raised by civil society
organizations that reports of the NCHRF are not easily accessible. (art. 2)
The State party should further guarantee the independence of the NCHRF by providing it with adequate resources to carry out its
mandate effectively. Furthermore, reports publicized by the NCHRF should be widely disseminated and made easily accessible.
Click here to read more »
Human Rights Committee
Ninety-ninth session
Geneva, 12-30 July 2010
Consideration of reports submitted by States parties under article 40 of the Covenant
Concluding observations of the Human Rights Committee
Cameroon
A. Introduction
2. The Committee welcomes the submission, albeit with some delay, of the State party’s fourth periodic report prepared in
accordance with the Committee’s guidelines. It also appreciates the written replies (CCPR/C/CMR/Q/4/Add.1) provided in advance by
the State party as well as the answers and information provided by the State party’s delegation during its dialogue with the Committee.
B. Positive aspects
4. The Committee welcomes the State party’s ratification during the reporting period of a number of international instruments
relating to human rights protected by the Covenant, in particular:
(a) The Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, in 2004;
(b) The Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children and the Protocol against
the Smuggling of Migrants by Land, Sea and Air, supplementing the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime,
in 2006.
C. Principal subjects of concern and recommendations
6. The Committee is concerned about the delays in ensuring effective remedies and appropriate compensation for violations of
Covenant rights in compliance with Views adopted by the Committee on Communications Nos. 458/1991 (Mukong), 1134/2002 (Gorji-
Dinka), 1353/2005 (Njaru), and 1186/2003 (Titahongo). (art. 2)
The State party should take the necessary measures to give full effect to the Committee’s Views and establish mechanisms to facilitate
the implementation of the Committee’s Views, so as to guarantee the right to an effective remedy as established in article 2, paragraph 3,
of the Covenant.
7. With regard to the commendable efforts of the State party to strengthen the independence of the National Commission on Human
Rights and Freedoms (NCHRF), the Committee considers that further measures could be taken with a view to ensuring the effective
functioning of the NCHRF in full independence from the Government. The Committee also notes concerns raised by civil society
organizations that reports of the NCHRF are not easily accessible. (art. 2)
The State party should further guarantee the independence of the NCHRF by providing it with adequate resources to carry out its
mandate effectively. Furthermore, reports publicized by the NCHRF should be widely disseminated and made easily accessible.
Click here to read more »
Freedom In The World 2010 Report
Political Rights Score: 6
Civil Liberties Score: 6
Status: Not Free
Overview
The government continued to resist electoral reforms in 2009, and the opposition Social Democratic Front party launched a legal
challenge to the nomination of election commissioners who it argued were ruling party loyalists. Restrictions on the press also continued
during the year, but the publication of a critical report by the government-created National Commission on Human Rights and Freedoms
marked a step toward open public discussion.
In 2008, Biya secured a constitutional amendment to remove the two-term presidential limit set in 1996, allowing him to stand for
reelection in 2011. However, strike action by taxi drivers in Douala that year spurred broader antigovernment riots in several cities, as
citizens used the opportunity to protest the president’s move as well as the rising cost of living. The protests were the largest in many
years, and local human rights groups estimated that 100 people were killed and 1,500 arrested as riot police clashed with the protesters.
In a June 2009 cabinet reshuffle, Prime Minister Ephraim Inoni was replaced by Philemon Yang, another Anglophone and CPDM
politician. The defense minister, Remy Ze Meka, was also replaced. The ousted officials had both been linked to a corruption scandal
involving the purchase of a presidential aircraft in 2004.
The trial of SDF leader John Fru Ndi and 21 other party members, who were accused of murdering another SDF member in 2006, was
postponed indefinitely in July 2009. Many party members had been held in pretrial detention since 2006, and two had died in custody.
Critics had denounced the trial as politically motivated.
Cameroon is not an electoral democracy. Although the 1996 constitutional revisions created an upper chamber for the legislature, a
decentralized system of regional government, and a Constitutional Court, none of these provisions have been implemented. A 2008
constitutional amendment removed the 1996 limit of two seven-year terms for the president, allowing President Paul Biya to run again in
2011. The president is not required to consult the National Assembly, and the Supreme Court may review the constitutionality of a law
only at the president’s request. Since 1992, the executive has initiated every bill passed by the legislature. The unicameral National
Assembly has 180 seats, 153 of which are held by the ruling CPDM. Members are elected by direct popular vote to serve five-year
terms.
The National Elections Observatory (NEO) has little influence, and the Ministry of Territorial Administration and Decentralization
effectively controls elections. An elections commission, Elections Cameroon (ELECAM), was created in 2006, but the commissioners
were not named until December 2008. No civil society or opposition members were included, and 11 out of the 12 appointees were
reputedly CPDM loyalists. The SDF launched legal action in January 2009 to contest the body’s impartiality.
Click here to read more »
Political Rights Score: 6
Civil Liberties Score: 6
Status: Not Free
Overview
The government continued to resist electoral reforms in 2009, and the opposition Social Democratic Front party launched a legal
challenge to the nomination of election commissioners who it argued were ruling party loyalists. Restrictions on the press also continued
during the year, but the publication of a critical report by the government-created National Commission on Human Rights and Freedoms
marked a step toward open public discussion.
In 2008, Biya secured a constitutional amendment to remove the two-term presidential limit set in 1996, allowing him to stand for
reelection in 2011. However, strike action by taxi drivers in Douala that year spurred broader antigovernment riots in several cities, as
citizens used the opportunity to protest the president’s move as well as the rising cost of living. The protests were the largest in many
years, and local human rights groups estimated that 100 people were killed and 1,500 arrested as riot police clashed with the protesters.
In a June 2009 cabinet reshuffle, Prime Minister Ephraim Inoni was replaced by Philemon Yang, another Anglophone and CPDM
politician. The defense minister, Remy Ze Meka, was also replaced. The ousted officials had both been linked to a corruption scandal
involving the purchase of a presidential aircraft in 2004.
The trial of SDF leader John Fru Ndi and 21 other party members, who were accused of murdering another SDF member in 2006, was
postponed indefinitely in July 2009. Many party members had been held in pretrial detention since 2006, and two had died in custody.
Critics had denounced the trial as politically motivated.
Cameroon is not an electoral democracy. Although the 1996 constitutional revisions created an upper chamber for the legislature, a
decentralized system of regional government, and a Constitutional Court, none of these provisions have been implemented. A 2008
constitutional amendment removed the 1996 limit of two seven-year terms for the president, allowing President Paul Biya to run again in
2011. The president is not required to consult the National Assembly, and the Supreme Court may review the constitutionality of a law
only at the president’s request. Since 1992, the executive has initiated every bill passed by the legislature. The unicameral National
Assembly has 180 seats, 153 of which are held by the ruling CPDM. Members are elected by direct popular vote to serve five-year
terms.
The National Elections Observatory (NEO) has little influence, and the Ministry of Territorial Administration and Decentralization
effectively controls elections. An elections commission, Elections Cameroon (ELECAM), was created in 2006, but the commissioners
were not named until December 2008. No civil society or opposition members were included, and 11 out of the 12 appointees were
reputedly CPDM loyalists. The SDF launched legal action in January 2009 to contest the body’s impartiality.
Click here to read more »
BEIJING+15: REALIZING WOMEN’S RIGHTS
25 February 2010
Human rights, equality, the implementation of the BDPA and the achievement of the MDGs cannot move forward whilst particular
groups are stigmatized, marginalized, and subjected to discrimination and violence. In opposing coercive tactics, including the
promulgation of myths and fear-mongering, we must acknowledge, embrace and celebrate the diversity of human kind. To do less is an
insult to the foundation of the UN system.
-Statement from the Diverse Sexualities Caucus to the 49th Session of the UN Commission on the Status of Women, 10 March 2005
INTRODUCTION
At the Fourth UN World Conference on Women in Beijing, China, in September 1995, government delegates from 189 states adopted by
consensus the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action (BDPfA).1 This was a statement of political commitment by participating
governments to advance the goals of equality, development and peace for all women everywhere and to ensure the full implementation of
the human rights of women and girls. The Platform for Action set strategic objectives and outlined recommended actions to be taken
across 12 “critical areas of concern”.2
The BDPfA was a culmination of the strong advocacy process and earlier successful steps for recognition of women’s rights as human
rights in the 1980s and early 1990s by women human rights defenders and women’s groups worldwide. It reaffirmed the fundamental
principles set forth in earlier human rights instruments3 that the human rights of women are an inalienable, integral and indivisible part of
universal human rights. The BDPfA aimed to promote and protect the full enjoyment of all human rights and fundamental freedoms of all
women throughout their life cycle.4
GUARANTEE REPRODUCTIVE RIGHTS AND SEXUAL RIGHTS
At the 1994 Cairo International Conference on Population and Development, governments committed to the principle of reproductive
autonomy, recognizing the basic right of all couples and individuals to decide the number, spacing and timing of their children and to
have the information and means to do so, their right to the highest attainable standard of sexual and reproductive health and their right to
make decisions concerning reproduction free of discrimination, coercion and violence.33 The BDPfA expanded this commitment to
include individuals’ right to have control over and decide on matters related to their sexuality, including sexual and reproductive health,
free of coercion, discrimination and violence – a statement that, though it did not use the term, is recognized as a commitment to sexual
rights.
Violence against women and girls also jeopardizes their access to other human rights. As demonstrated by Amnesty International’s
research on violence against girls in schools, many girls drop out of school because of sexual harassment and violence, or fear of
violence.36 Access to education may also be impeded when girls are denied the right to freely determine their gender identity or sexual
orientation. In 2006, Amnesty International took action after 12 young women students were expelled from a college in Cameroon after
being accused of lesbianism. Three of the students and one friend, a young woman football player, were released after a court in Doula
sentenced them to a three-year suspended prison sentence and a fine. The court ordered that they would be imprisoned for six months if
they were found practising “homosexual acts”.37
Click here to read more »
25 February 2010
Human rights, equality, the implementation of the BDPA and the achievement of the MDGs cannot move forward whilst particular
groups are stigmatized, marginalized, and subjected to discrimination and violence. In opposing coercive tactics, including the
promulgation of myths and fear-mongering, we must acknowledge, embrace and celebrate the diversity of human kind. To do less is an
insult to the foundation of the UN system.
-Statement from the Diverse Sexualities Caucus to the 49th Session of the UN Commission on the Status of Women, 10 March 2005
INTRODUCTION
At the Fourth UN World Conference on Women in Beijing, China, in September 1995, government delegates from 189 states adopted by
consensus the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action (BDPfA).1 This was a statement of political commitment by participating
governments to advance the goals of equality, development and peace for all women everywhere and to ensure the full implementation of
the human rights of women and girls. The Platform for Action set strategic objectives and outlined recommended actions to be taken
across 12 “critical areas of concern”.2
The BDPfA was a culmination of the strong advocacy process and earlier successful steps for recognition of women’s rights as human
rights in the 1980s and early 1990s by women human rights defenders and women’s groups worldwide. It reaffirmed the fundamental
principles set forth in earlier human rights instruments3 that the human rights of women are an inalienable, integral and indivisible part of
universal human rights. The BDPfA aimed to promote and protect the full enjoyment of all human rights and fundamental freedoms of all
women throughout their life cycle.4
GUARANTEE REPRODUCTIVE RIGHTS AND SEXUAL RIGHTS
At the 1994 Cairo International Conference on Population and Development, governments committed to the principle of reproductive
autonomy, recognizing the basic right of all couples and individuals to decide the number, spacing and timing of their children and to
have the information and means to do so, their right to the highest attainable standard of sexual and reproductive health and their right to
make decisions concerning reproduction free of discrimination, coercion and violence.33 The BDPfA expanded this commitment to
include individuals’ right to have control over and decide on matters related to their sexuality, including sexual and reproductive health,
free of coercion, discrimination and violence – a statement that, though it did not use the term, is recognized as a commitment to sexual
rights.
Violence against women and girls also jeopardizes their access to other human rights. As demonstrated by Amnesty International’s
research on violence against girls in schools, many girls drop out of school because of sexual harassment and violence, or fear of
violence.36 Access to education may also be impeded when girls are denied the right to freely determine their gender identity or sexual
orientation. In 2006, Amnesty International took action after 12 young women students were expelled from a college in Cameroon after
being accused of lesbianism. Three of the students and one friend, a young woman football player, were released after a court in Doula
sentenced them to a three-year suspended prison sentence and a fine. The court ordered that they would be imprisoned for six months if
they were found practising “homosexual acts”.37
Click here to read more »
Cameroon: Decriminalize Same-Sex Acts
Carry Out UN Human Rights Committee Recommendations
August 19, 2010
(New York) - Cameroon should decriminalize consensual sexual acts between adults of the same sex, Human Rights Watch and
Alternatives-Cameroun said today. The groups urged the government of Cameroon to put into effect immediately the recommendations
of the United Nations Human Rights Committee, made public on July 29, 2010, to bring Cameroon's law into conformity with the
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR).
Since 2005, Alternatives-Cameroun, Human Rights Watch, and other Cameroonian and international organizations have documented
abuses and violence against lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) people in Cameroon. Suspected homosexual men have been
arrested and beaten on their bodies, heads, and even the soles of their feet while in custody. Women suffer violence in their families if
they are suspected of being lesbians. In some cases, they have been forced to leave their homes or their children have been taken away
from them.
"Cameroon should guarantee lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender people the same rights as every other citizen," said Boris Dittrich,
advocacy director of the LGBT rights program at Human Rights Watch. "There is no reason why anyone in Cameroon should live in fear
of prosecution and abuse because of their sexual orientation or gender identity."
Alternatives-Cameroun and Human Rights Watch delivered an oral statement to the UN Human Rights Committee on July 12,
summarizing the human rights abuses people in Cameroon have experienced on the grounds of sexual orientation and gender identity.
Cameroon does not include services for men who have sex with men and women who have sex with women in their HIV prevention
programs, the groups told the committee. Alternatives-Cameroun has also found in its day-to-day work that this policy effectively bars
access for many of them to health services, treatment, and care.
The UN Human Rights Committee issued a recommendation to Cameroon's government to end social prejudice and stigmatization against
LGBT people and to guarantee public health programs that have "universal reach and ensure universal access to HIV/AIDS prevention,
treatment, care and support." The government should also carry out this recommendation, Human Rights Watch and
Alternatives-Cameroun said.
"By implementing this recommendation, Cameroon would do the bare minimum to realize the fundamental human rights enshrined in its
national constitution," said Steave Nemande, director of Alternatives-Cameroun. "To save lives, the government should immediately start
implementing effective education programs to combat HIV/AIDS."
Click here to read more »
Carry Out UN Human Rights Committee Recommendations
August 19, 2010
(New York) - Cameroon should decriminalize consensual sexual acts between adults of the same sex, Human Rights Watch and
Alternatives-Cameroun said today. The groups urged the government of Cameroon to put into effect immediately the recommendations
of the United Nations Human Rights Committee, made public on July 29, 2010, to bring Cameroon's law into conformity with the
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR).
Since 2005, Alternatives-Cameroun, Human Rights Watch, and other Cameroonian and international organizations have documented
abuses and violence against lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) people in Cameroon. Suspected homosexual men have been
arrested and beaten on their bodies, heads, and even the soles of their feet while in custody. Women suffer violence in their families if
they are suspected of being lesbians. In some cases, they have been forced to leave their homes or their children have been taken away
from them.
"Cameroon should guarantee lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender people the same rights as every other citizen," said Boris Dittrich,
advocacy director of the LGBT rights program at Human Rights Watch. "There is no reason why anyone in Cameroon should live in fear
of prosecution and abuse because of their sexual orientation or gender identity."
Alternatives-Cameroun and Human Rights Watch delivered an oral statement to the UN Human Rights Committee on July 12,
summarizing the human rights abuses people in Cameroon have experienced on the grounds of sexual orientation and gender identity.
Cameroon does not include services for men who have sex with men and women who have sex with women in their HIV prevention
programs, the groups told the committee. Alternatives-Cameroun has also found in its day-to-day work that this policy effectively bars
access for many of them to health services, treatment, and care.
The UN Human Rights Committee issued a recommendation to Cameroon's government to end social prejudice and stigmatization against
LGBT people and to guarantee public health programs that have "universal reach and ensure universal access to HIV/AIDS prevention,
treatment, care and support." The government should also carry out this recommendation, Human Rights Watch and
Alternatives-Cameroun said.
"By implementing this recommendation, Cameroon would do the bare minimum to realize the fundamental human rights enshrined in its
national constitution," said Steave Nemande, director of Alternatives-Cameroun. "To save lives, the government should immediately start
implementing effective education programs to combat HIV/AIDS."
Click here to read more »
Thursday, 23 September 2010
STATEMENT BY H.E. PAUL BIYA, PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF CAMEROON
Mr President,
No matter what is said, Africa has changed significantly over the last fifty years, and seems to be ready for a broad-based ideological
debate, provided that it is conducted in a true spirit of partnership. It is through this approach that we can realize the famous “Marshall
Plan” for Africa, which is often mentioned but is yet to see the light of day.
This concern induced Cameroon to organize an International Conference – Africa 21 – in Yaounde during the celebration of fifty years
of its independence. The conference made an objective assessment of the fifty years of independence of African countries as well as of
future opportunities for our continent. It was attended by several Heads of State and Government, former Prime Ministers, distinguished
representatives of international organizations, world famous experts, major corporate executives, as well as Nobel Peace Prizes.
The final declaration of the Conference which will be made available to you by members of my delegation, can serve as a genuine
“guide” for the rehabilitation of Africa, regarding both its economic recovery and its participation in international life. That is what it is all
about: ensuring that our continent does not remain forever aid-dependent and that it plays its rightful role in global affairs.
Permit me in this assembly to dwell on the second point. How can we today explain why Africa is the only continent without a
Permanent Member on the Security Council? How can we explain that it is unable to make its voice heard when its problems are
examined in global economic and financial bodies whereas the decisions taken will be imposed on it? At a time when emerging countries
are rightly clamouring for a seat on the Security Council commensurate with their economic and political weight, Africa as a whole
should not be forgotten.
For a long time, our continent has been treated, I dare say, as an object of international relations. Yet, it is directly concerned by most of
the major problems confronting humanity today, be it migratory flows, global warming, economic and financial regulation, terrorism,
etc. In short, it is sometimes the victim of phenomena for which it is not responsible. From this standpoint also, there is a need to make
progress where major negotiations appear to be bogged down.
Africans seek more understanding and sympathy in the true sense of the term. Indeed, the delayed development they suffer cannot be
reduced to the Millennium Development Goals. Admittedly, they want to come out of poverty, to eat their fill, but above all, to be free
from fear and want, to be freer, and to embrace the future without anxiety. In short, they want to live in a society that guarantees them
these minimum conditions of existence and wellbeing.
Most African countries have embarked on this path. For its part, Cameroon has, over the last decades, set up representative institutions,
established the rule of law and promoted respect for human rights. On the economic and social front, significant progress has been made
in the areas of public finance, education and health. Should this trend continue, our country can, in the medium term, attain the status of
an emerging country.
That to me seems to be the mindset of most African countries. Certainly, the international community has a role to play in supporting
them in their effort to join the mainstream of global society. To that end, it needs to show proof of more understanding, solidarity and,
of course, fraternity.
Click here to read more »
STATEMENT BY H.E. PAUL BIYA, PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF CAMEROON
Mr President,
No matter what is said, Africa has changed significantly over the last fifty years, and seems to be ready for a broad-based ideological
debate, provided that it is conducted in a true spirit of partnership. It is through this approach that we can realize the famous “Marshall
Plan” for Africa, which is often mentioned but is yet to see the light of day.
This concern induced Cameroon to organize an International Conference – Africa 21 – in Yaounde during the celebration of fifty years
of its independence. The conference made an objective assessment of the fifty years of independence of African countries as well as of
future opportunities for our continent. It was attended by several Heads of State and Government, former Prime Ministers, distinguished
representatives of international organizations, world famous experts, major corporate executives, as well as Nobel Peace Prizes.
The final declaration of the Conference which will be made available to you by members of my delegation, can serve as a genuine
“guide” for the rehabilitation of Africa, regarding both its economic recovery and its participation in international life. That is what it is all
about: ensuring that our continent does not remain forever aid-dependent and that it plays its rightful role in global affairs.
Permit me in this assembly to dwell on the second point. How can we today explain why Africa is the only continent without a
Permanent Member on the Security Council? How can we explain that it is unable to make its voice heard when its problems are
examined in global economic and financial bodies whereas the decisions taken will be imposed on it? At a time when emerging countries
are rightly clamouring for a seat on the Security Council commensurate with their economic and political weight, Africa as a whole
should not be forgotten.
For a long time, our continent has been treated, I dare say, as an object of international relations. Yet, it is directly concerned by most of
the major problems confronting humanity today, be it migratory flows, global warming, economic and financial regulation, terrorism,
etc. In short, it is sometimes the victim of phenomena for which it is not responsible. From this standpoint also, there is a need to make
progress where major negotiations appear to be bogged down.
Africans seek more understanding and sympathy in the true sense of the term. Indeed, the delayed development they suffer cannot be
reduced to the Millennium Development Goals. Admittedly, they want to come out of poverty, to eat their fill, but above all, to be free
from fear and want, to be freer, and to embrace the future without anxiety. In short, they want to live in a society that guarantees them
these minimum conditions of existence and wellbeing.
Most African countries have embarked on this path. For its part, Cameroon has, over the last decades, set up representative institutions,
established the rule of law and promoted respect for human rights. On the economic and social front, significant progress has been made
in the areas of public finance, education and health. Should this trend continue, our country can, in the medium term, attain the status of
an emerging country.
That to me seems to be the mindset of most African countries. Certainly, the international community has a role to play in supporting
them in their effort to join the mainstream of global society. To that end, it needs to show proof of more understanding, solidarity and,
of course, fraternity.
Click here to read more »
TRANSLATED FROM FRENCH BY GOOGLE TRANSLATE
AWARENESS OF MEMBERS TO NATIONAL ACTION PLAN FOR THE PROMOTION AND PROTECTION OF HUMAN
RIGHTS OF CAMEROON (PANPPDH)
Yaounde, 24 and 25 September 2010
Presentation Note
I-BACKGROUND
World Conference on Human Rights held in Vienna in June 1993 recommended in paragraph 71 of its Programme of Action that "each
State consider the desirability of developing a national action plan includes measures for which would improve the promotion and
protection of human rights. "
Following this conference, African states reaffirmed their commitment to develop national action plans on human rights in paragraph 28
of the Plan of Action adopted during the first ministerial conference of the OAU on Human Rights held in Grand'Baie (Mauritius) in April
1999.
In this wake, a regional workshop held in Yaoundé on 18 and 19 December 2001 generated guidelines for the development and
implementation of national action plans for the promotion and protection of human rights in Africa whose central objective is the
strengthening of national capacities through a coordinated, coherent and more consistent in the field of human rights.
Cameroon, which is deploying multifaceted efforts for the promotion and protection of Human Rights decided to develop a plan that
would strengthen the legal and institutional framework in this area.
Indeed, many actors in the field of human rights without genuinely coherence, legibility, a platform, a scoreboard showing the priorities
and intervention strategies that would command a prior state of affairs.
International commitments and the role of international texts are generally unknown or ignored by the actors who are supposed to apply
and translate them into reality. That these stakeholders are the Government, civil society and donors have decided to give more visibility
to their actions, develop a national action plan which will enable Cameroon to the day of reckoning, to see progress and learn from
weaknesses, to consider further measures.
It must be said that the preamble to the Constitution of Cameroon states that the people of Cameroon affirms its commitment to
fundamental freedoms enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the UN Charter, the African Charter on Human and
Peoples and all related international conventions duly ratified. Furthermore, Article 65 of the Constitution states that the preamble is part
of the Constitution. These two provisions alone constitute the base of PANPPDH in that they legitimize the promotion and protection of
fundamental rights enshrined in various international legal instruments that Cameroon has ratified. As such, it is permissible to note that
Cameroon is party to almost all the conventions on human rights, the fact remains that more than ever it comes to consolidating acquis
and to ensure the effectiveness of these rights.
Click here to read more »
AWARENESS OF MEMBERS TO NATIONAL ACTION PLAN FOR THE PROMOTION AND PROTECTION OF HUMAN
RIGHTS OF CAMEROON (PANPPDH)
Yaounde, 24 and 25 September 2010
Presentation Note
I-BACKGROUND
World Conference on Human Rights held in Vienna in June 1993 recommended in paragraph 71 of its Programme of Action that "each
State consider the desirability of developing a national action plan includes measures for which would improve the promotion and
protection of human rights. "
Following this conference, African states reaffirmed their commitment to develop national action plans on human rights in paragraph 28
of the Plan of Action adopted during the first ministerial conference of the OAU on Human Rights held in Grand'Baie (Mauritius) in April
1999.
In this wake, a regional workshop held in Yaoundé on 18 and 19 December 2001 generated guidelines for the development and
implementation of national action plans for the promotion and protection of human rights in Africa whose central objective is the
strengthening of national capacities through a coordinated, coherent and more consistent in the field of human rights.
Cameroon, which is deploying multifaceted efforts for the promotion and protection of Human Rights decided to develop a plan that
would strengthen the legal and institutional framework in this area.
Indeed, many actors in the field of human rights without genuinely coherence, legibility, a platform, a scoreboard showing the priorities
and intervention strategies that would command a prior state of affairs.
International commitments and the role of international texts are generally unknown or ignored by the actors who are supposed to apply
and translate them into reality. That these stakeholders are the Government, civil society and donors have decided to give more visibility
to their actions, develop a national action plan which will enable Cameroon to the day of reckoning, to see progress and learn from
weaknesses, to consider further measures.
It must be said that the preamble to the Constitution of Cameroon states that the people of Cameroon affirms its commitment to
fundamental freedoms enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the UN Charter, the African Charter on Human and
Peoples and all related international conventions duly ratified. Furthermore, Article 65 of the Constitution states that the preamble is part
of the Constitution. These two provisions alone constitute the base of PANPPDH in that they legitimize the promotion and protection of
fundamental rights enshrined in various international legal instruments that Cameroon has ratified. As such, it is permissible to note that
Cameroon is party to almost all the conventions on human rights, the fact remains that more than ever it comes to consolidating acquis
and to ensure the effectiveness of these rights.
Click here to read more »
Press Release: (October 04, 2010)
PICAM’S APPEAL TO CAMEROONIANS TO REGISTER TO VOTE
"Voting is both a Right and a Responsibility"
1. Specific Recognitions
*The high degree of voters’ disenfranchisement in Cameroon today is caused by decades of elections irregularities.
*Most Cameroonians have completely lost faith in the electoral system to the point where they do not belief that their votes matter
anymore.
*The justifiable distrust by Cameroonians of the government’s handling of the electoral process is to blame for the pervasiveness of
voter apathy across the country.
*The Presidential Degree creating Elections Cameroon (ELECAM) is flawed and the appointment of members of the ruling CPDM
party to head this institution is troubling.
*Progressive Initiative for Cameroon (PICAM) fully understands and appreciates the critical role that voter registration plays in
allowing citizens participation in the ‘Democratic Process’ of their country.
2. Appeal and Importance of Voter Registration
PICAM is appealing to all Cameroonians yet to register to vote, to do so as soon as possible. Voting is one of the fundamental elements
of the democratic process and voter registration provides every eligible citizen, the opportunity to be able to determine their choice of
government whether at the local level (municipal elections), at the national level (Presidential elections), and in the selection of their
representatives to the National Assembly (Parliamentary Elections).
PICAM notes that voter registration is the starting point in the process of democratic change in any society. Conversely, the legitimacy
of the process will be called into question if there are problems with voter registration - particularly with the integrity of the voters’
registry; the timely issuance of voter cards; the timely publication of voters’ lists; the certainty of polling stations; and an effective
mechanism for resolving problems with the voter registration process.
For Cameroonians to exercise their democratic right to vote, there must be a comprehensive and inclusive electoral register, which must
be carefully and transparently maintained to ensure that each eligible Cameroonian is registered to vote once only. Each eligible registered
voter must be guaranteed the right to cast a ballot during election and have that vote counted towards the determination of election result.
PICAM recognizes that voter registration in Cameroon has been plagued by serious irregularities in the past, and calls on the Government
of Cameroon to ensure transparency in the ongoing voter registration process.
3. Voting as a Right and a Responsibility of each Cameroonian
The ability to vote is one of the most cherished constitutional and human rights of all citizens. The act of voting in election provides an
important avenue to us to voice our opinions regarding electoral candidates and proposed governance policies. The act of voting also
gives us some element of control over our future through the election of leaders who best reflect our views and values. By not
registering to vote, we inadvertently give away our right and ability to influence overall government policies and those elected to public
offices.
PICAM notes that voting is not only our right, but also our responsibility as citizens of Cameroon. Although no one is under any legal
obligation to vote, voting is a fundamental responsibility of every citizen and should be exercised as often as the opportunity presents
itself. It is incumbent upon all Cameroonians to ensure that they do not surrender to others the decision to elect those who get into public
offices and make decisions on issues that affect them. In addition, massive participation at elections is an effective way of deterring
election fraud; making the rigging process more strenuous; and hold the government accountable when the overwhelming voice of the
people has been ostensibly rigged.
Click here to read more>>
PICAM’S APPEAL TO CAMEROONIANS TO REGISTER TO VOTE
"Voting is both a Right and a Responsibility"
1. Specific Recognitions
*The high degree of voters’ disenfranchisement in Cameroon today is caused by decades of elections irregularities.
*Most Cameroonians have completely lost faith in the electoral system to the point where they do not belief that their votes matter
anymore.
*The justifiable distrust by Cameroonians of the government’s handling of the electoral process is to blame for the pervasiveness of
voter apathy across the country.
*The Presidential Degree creating Elections Cameroon (ELECAM) is flawed and the appointment of members of the ruling CPDM
party to head this institution is troubling.
*Progressive Initiative for Cameroon (PICAM) fully understands and appreciates the critical role that voter registration plays in
allowing citizens participation in the ‘Democratic Process’ of their country.
2. Appeal and Importance of Voter Registration
PICAM is appealing to all Cameroonians yet to register to vote, to do so as soon as possible. Voting is one of the fundamental elements
of the democratic process and voter registration provides every eligible citizen, the opportunity to be able to determine their choice of
government whether at the local level (municipal elections), at the national level (Presidential elections), and in the selection of their
representatives to the National Assembly (Parliamentary Elections).
PICAM notes that voter registration is the starting point in the process of democratic change in any society. Conversely, the legitimacy
of the process will be called into question if there are problems with voter registration - particularly with the integrity of the voters’
registry; the timely issuance of voter cards; the timely publication of voters’ lists; the certainty of polling stations; and an effective
mechanism for resolving problems with the voter registration process.
For Cameroonians to exercise their democratic right to vote, there must be a comprehensive and inclusive electoral register, which must
be carefully and transparently maintained to ensure that each eligible Cameroonian is registered to vote once only. Each eligible registered
voter must be guaranteed the right to cast a ballot during election and have that vote counted towards the determination of election result.
PICAM recognizes that voter registration in Cameroon has been plagued by serious irregularities in the past, and calls on the Government
of Cameroon to ensure transparency in the ongoing voter registration process.
3. Voting as a Right and a Responsibility of each Cameroonian
The ability to vote is one of the most cherished constitutional and human rights of all citizens. The act of voting in election provides an
important avenue to us to voice our opinions regarding electoral candidates and proposed governance policies. The act of voting also
gives us some element of control over our future through the election of leaders who best reflect our views and values. By not
registering to vote, we inadvertently give away our right and ability to influence overall government policies and those elected to public
offices.
PICAM notes that voting is not only our right, but also our responsibility as citizens of Cameroon. Although no one is under any legal
obligation to vote, voting is a fundamental responsibility of every citizen and should be exercised as often as the opportunity presents
itself. It is incumbent upon all Cameroonians to ensure that they do not surrender to others the decision to elect those who get into public
offices and make decisions on issues that affect them. In addition, massive participation at elections is an effective way of deterring
election fraud; making the rigging process more strenuous; and hold the government accountable when the overwhelming voice of the
people has been ostensibly rigged.
Click here to read more>>
| Click map for larger view |
| Click flag for Country Report |
Paul Biya
President since 6 November 1982
President since 6 November 1982
| TRAFFICKING IN PERSONS |
Current situation: Cameroon is a source, transit, and destination country for women and children trafficked for the purposes of
forced labor and commercial sexual exploitation; most victims are children trafficked within country, with girls primarily trafficked for
domestic servitude and sexual exploitation; both boys and girls are also trafficked within Cameroon for forced labor in sweatshops,
bars, restaurants, and on tea and cocoa plantations; children are trafficked into Cameroon from neighboring states for forced labor
in agriculture, fishing, street vending, and spare-parts shops; Cameroon is a transit country for children trafficked between Gabon
and Nigeria, and from Nigeria to Saudi Arabia; it is a source country for women transported by sex-trafficking rings to Europe
Tier rating: Tier 2 Watch List - Cameroon is on the Tier 2 Watch List for its failure to provide evidence of increasing efforts to
combat human trafficking in 2007, particularly in terms of efforts to prosecute and convict trafficking offenders; while Cameroon
reported some arrests of traffickers, none of them were prosecuted or punished; the government does not identify trafficking victims
among vulnerable populations nor does it monitor the number of victims it intercepts (2008)
forced labor and commercial sexual exploitation; most victims are children trafficked within country, with girls primarily trafficked for
domestic servitude and sexual exploitation; both boys and girls are also trafficked within Cameroon for forced labor in sweatshops,
bars, restaurants, and on tea and cocoa plantations; children are trafficked into Cameroon from neighboring states for forced labor
in agriculture, fishing, street vending, and spare-parts shops; Cameroon is a transit country for children trafficked between Gabon
and Nigeria, and from Nigeria to Saudi Arabia; it is a source country for women transported by sex-trafficking rings to Europe
Tier rating: Tier 2 Watch List - Cameroon is on the Tier 2 Watch List for its failure to provide evidence of increasing efforts to
combat human trafficking in 2007, particularly in terms of efforts to prosecute and convict trafficking offenders; while Cameroon
reported some arrests of traffickers, none of them were prosecuted or punished; the government does not identify trafficking victims
among vulnerable populations nor does it monitor the number of victims it intercepts (2008)
