CAPE VERDE
Republic of Cape Verde
Republica de Cabo Verde
Joined United Nations:  16 September 1975
Human Rights as assured by their constitution
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Updated 01/25/11
CAPITAL
POPULATION
CHIEF OF STATE
SELECTION PROCESS
Praia
508,659 (July 2010 est.)
Jose Maria Pereira Neves
Prime Minister since 1 February 2001
President elected by popular vote for a five-year term (eligible for a
second term); election last held 12 February 2006

Next scheduled election: 6 February 2011
HEAD OF GOVERNMENT
SELECTION PROCESS
Prime minister nominated by the National Assembly and
appointed by the president; elections: last held 22 January 2006

Next scheduled election: 6 February 2011
DECLARATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS
ETHNIC GROUPS
Creole (mulatto) 71%, African 28%, European 1%
RELIGIONS
Roman Catholic (infused with indigenous beliefs), Protestant (mostly Church of the Nazarene)
GOVERNMENT
STRUCTURE
Republic with 17 municipalities (concelhos, singular - concelho); Legal system is based on the legal system of Portugal; has not
accepted compulsory ICJ jurisdiction
Executive: President elected by popular vote for a five-year term (eligible for a second term); election last held 12 February 2006 (next to
be held in 6 February 2011); prime minister nominated by the National Assembly and appointed by the president
Legislative: Unicameral National Assembly or Assembleia Nacional (72 seats; members are elected by popular vote to serve
five-year terms)
elections: last held 22 January 2006 (next to be held in 6 February 2011)
Judicial: Supreme Tribunal of Justice or Supremo Tribunal de Justia
LANGUAGES
Portuguese, Crioulo (a blend of Portuguese and West African words)
BRIEF HISTORY
The first written record of Cape Verde can be found in the works "De choreographia" by Pomponius Mela and "Historia naturalis"
by Pliny the Elder. They called the islands "Gorgades" in remembering the home of the mythical Gorgons killed by Perseus and
afterwards - in typically ancient euhemerism - interpreted (against the written original statement) as the site where the Carthaginian
Hanno slew two female "Gorillai" and brought their skins into the temple of the female deity Tanit (the Carthaginian Juno) in
Carthage. According to Pliny the Elder, the Greek Xenophon Lampsacenus states that the Gorgades (Cape Verde) are situated
two days from "Hesperu Ceras" - today called Cap-Vert, the westernmost part of the African continent. According to Pliny the
Elder and his citation by Solinus, the sea voyage time from Atlantis (Madeira) crossing the Gorgades to the islands of the Ladies of
the West (Hesperides) is around 40 days. The Isles of the Blessed written of by Marinos of Tyre and referenced by Ptolemy in his
Geographia may have been the Cape Verde islands. The Portuguese explorers rediscovered the islands in 1456 or 1460 and
described the islands as "uninhabited". However, given the prevailing winds and ocean currents in the region, the islands may well
have been visited by Moors or Wolof, Serer, or perhaps Lebu fishermen from the Guinea Coast. Folklore suggests that the islands
may have been visited by Arabs, centuries before the arrival of the Europeans. The Portuguese explorer Jaime Cortesão reported a
story that Arabs were known to have visited an island which they referred to as "Aulil" or "Ulil" where they took salt from naturally
occurring salinas. Some believe they may have been referring to Sal Island. A recent hypothesis (1421 hypothesis by Gavin
Menzies) suggests the Chinese explorer Zheng He had reached the islands in 1420. However, this hypothesis has received no
support from mainstream historians. Whatever the case may have been, the population (if there was any) at the time of arrival of the
Portuguese, was not sufficiently well established to resist their complete penetration. In 1456, Alvise Cadamosto discovered some
of the islands. In the next decade, Diogo Dias and António Noli, captains in the service of prince Henry the Navigator, discovered
the remaining islands of the archipelago. When these mariners first landed in Cape Verde, the islands were barren of people but not
of vegetation. Seeing the islands today, you find it hard to imagine that they were once sufficiently verde (green) to entice the
Portuguese to return six years later to the island of São Tiago to found Ribeira Grande (now Cidade Velha), in 1462 -- the first
permanent European settlement city in the tropics. In Iberia the Reconquista movement was growing in its mission to recover
Catholic lands from the Muslim Moors who had first arrived in the 8th century. It was however in 1492 that the Spanish Inquisition
emerged in its fullest expression of anti-Semitism. This social pathology quickly spread to neighboring Portugal where King João II
and especially Manuel I in 1496, decided to exile thousands of Jews to São Tomé, Príncipe, and Cape Verde. The Portuguese
soon brought slaves from the West African coast to perform the hard labor. Positioned on the great trade routes between Africa,
Europe, and the New World, the archipelago prospered from the transatlantic slave trade, in the 16th century. The islands'
prosperity brought them unwanted attention in the form of a sacking at the hands of many pirates including England's Sir Francis
Drake, who in 1582 and 1585 sacked Ribeira Grande. After a French attack in 1712, the city declined in importance relative to
Praia, which became the capital in 1770. In 1747 the islands were hit with the first of the many droughts that have plagued them
ever since, with an average interval of five years. The situation was made worse by deforestation and overgrazing, which destroyed
the ground vegetation that provided moisture. Three major droughts in the 18th and 19th centuries resulted in well over 100,000
people starving to death. The Portuguese government sent almost no relief during any of the droughts. The 19th-century decline of
the lucrative slave trade was another blow to the country's economy. The fragile prosperity slowly vanished. Cape Verde's colonial
heyday was over. It was around this time that Cape Verdeans started emigrating to New England. This was a popular destination
because of the whales that abounded in the waters around Cape Verde, and as early as 1810 whaling ships from Massachusetts
and Rhode Island in the United States (U.S.) recruited crews from the islands of Brava and Fogo. At the end of the 19th century,
with the advent of the ocean liner, the island's position astride Atlantic shipping lanes made Cape Verde an ideal location for
resupplying ships with fuel (imported coal), water and livestock. Because of its excellent harbor, Mindelo (on the island of São
Vicente) became an important commercial centre during the 19th century, mainly because the British used Cape Verde as a storage
depot for coal which was bound for the Americas. The harbour area at Mindelo was developed by the British for this purpose. The
island was made a coaling and submarine cable station, and there was plenty of work for local labourers. This was the golden
period of the city, where it gained the cultural characteristics that made it the current cultural capital of the country. Although the
Cape Verdeans were treated badly by their colonial masters, they fared slightly better than Africans in other Portuguese colonies
because of their lighter skin. A small minority received an education and Cape Verde was the first Portuguese colony to have a
school for higher education. By the time of independence, a quarter of the population could read, compared to 5% in Portuguese
Guinea (now Guinea-Bissau). This largesse ultimately backfired on the Portuguese, however, as literate Cape Verdeans became
aware of the pressures for independence building on the mainland, while the islands continued suffering from frequent drought and
famine, at times from epidemic diseases and volcanic eruptions, and the Portuguese government did nothing. Thousands of people
died of starvation during the first half of the 20th century.  But in 1926, Portugal had become a rightist dictatorship which regarded
the colonies an economic frontier, to be developed in the interest of Portugal and the Portuguese. Frequent famine, unemployment,
poverty and the failure of the Portuguese government to address these issues caused resentment. And the Portuguese dictator
António de Oliveira Salazar wasn't about to give up his colonies as easily as the British and French had given up theirs. After World
War II, Portugal was intent to hold on to its former colonies, since 1951 called overseas territories. When most former African
colonies gained independence in 1957/1964, the Portuguese still held on. Consequently, following the Pijiguiti Massacre, the people
of Cape Verde and Guinea-Bissau fought one of the longest African liberation wars. After the fall (April 1974) of the fascist regime
in Portugal, widespread unrest forced the government to negotiate with the PAIGC, and on July 5, 1975, Cape Verde finally gained
independence from Portugal. Immediately following a November 1980 coup in Guinea-Bissau (Portuguese Guinea declared
independence in 1973 and was granted de jure independence in 1974), relations between the two countries became strained. Cape
Verde abandoned its hope for unity with Guinea-Bissau and formed the African Party for the Independence of Cape Verde
(PAICV). Problems have since been resolved, and relations between the countries are good. The PAICV and its predecessor
established a one-party system and ruled Cape Verde from independence until 1990. Responding to growing pressure for a political
opening, the PAICV called an emergency congress in February 1990 to discuss proposed constitutional changes to end one-party
rule. Opposition groups came together to form the Movement for Democracy (MpD) in Praia in April 1990. Together, they
campaigned for the right to contest the presidential election scheduled for December 1990. The one-party state was abolished
September 28, 1990, and the first multi-party elections were held in January 1991. The MpD won a majority of the seats in the
National Assembly, and the MpD presidential candidate António Mascarenhas Monteiro defeated the PAICV's candidate by
73.5% of the votes cast to 26.5%. He succeeded the country's first President, Aristides Pereira, who had served since 1975.
Legislative elections in December 1995 increased the MpD majority in the National Assembly. The party held 50 of the National
Assembly's 72 seats. A February 1996 presidential election returned President António Mascarenhas Monteiro to office. The
December 1995 and February 1996 elections were judged free and fair by domestic and international observers. In the presidential
election campaign of 2000 and 2001, two former prime ministers, Pedro Pires and Carlos Veiga were the main candidates. Pires
was the Prime Minister during the PAICV regime, while Veiga served as prime minister during most of Monteiro's presidency,
stepping aside only when it came time for campaigning. In what might have been one of the closest races in electoral history, Pires
won by 12 votes, he and Veiga each receiving nearly half the votes.
Source: Wikipedia: History of Cape Verde
ECONOMIC OVERVIEW
This island economy suffers from a poor natural resource base, including serious water shortages exacerbated by cycles of
long-term drought and poor soil for agriculture on several of the islands. The economy is service oriented with commerce, transport,
tourism, and public services accounting for about three-fourths of GDP. Although nearly 70% of the population lives in rural areas,
the share of food production in GDP is low. About 82% of food must be imported. The fishing potential, mostly lobster and tuna, is
not fully exploited. Cape Verde annually runs a high trade deficit financed by foreign aid and remittances from its large pool of
emigrants; remittances supplement GDP by more than 20%. Despite the lack of resources, sound economic management has
produced steadily improving incomes. Continued economic reforms are aimed at developing the private sector and attracting foreign
investment to diversify the economy. Future prospects depend heavily on the maintenance of aid flows, the encouragement of
tourism, remittances, and the momentum of the government's development program. Cape Verde became a member of the WTO in
July 2008.
Source: CIA World Factbook (select Cape Verde)
POLITICAL CLIMATE
Following independence in 1975, the African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde (PAIGC) established a one
party political system. This became the African Party for the Independence of Cape Verde (PAICV) in 1980, as Cape Verde
sought to distance itself from Guinea-Bissau, following unrest in that country.

In 1991, following growing pressure for a more pluralistic society, multi-party elections were held for the first time. The opposition
party, the Movement for Democracy (MpD), won the legislative elections, and formed the government. The MpD candidate also
defeated the PAICV candidate in the presidential elections. In the 1996 elections, the MpD increased their majority, but in the 2001
the PAICV returned to power, winning both the Legislative and the Presidential elections.

Generally, Cape Verde enjoys a stable democratic system. The elections have been considered free and fair, there is a free press,
and the rule of law is respected by the State. In acknowledgment of this, Freedom House granted Cape Verde two 1s in its annual
Freedom in the World report, a perfect score. It is the only African country to receive this score.
Source: Wikipedia: Politics of Cape Verde
INTERNATIONAL
DISPUTES
None reported.
U.S. State Department
United Nations Human
Rights Council
Amnesty International
Human Rights Watch
Freedom House
REFUGEES AND
INTERNALLY
DISPLACED PERSONS
(IDPS)
None reported.
ILLICIT DRUGS
Used as a transshipment point for Latin American cocaine destined for Western Europe, particularly because of Lusophone links
to Brazil, Portugal, and Guinea-Bissau; has taken steps to deter drug money laundering, including a 2002 anti-money laundering
reform that criminalizes laundering the proceeds of narcotics trafficking and other crimes and the establishment in 2008 of a
Financial Intelligence Unit (2008)
Instituto Cabo-verdiano para a
Igualdade e Equidade do Género
U. S. STATE
DEPARTMENT
HUMAN RIGHTS STATEMENTS, ANALYSIS AND CRITIQUES
2009 Human Rights Report: Cape Verde
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
March 11, 2010

Cape Verde, with a population of approximately 508,600, is a multiparty parliamentary democracy in which constitutional powers are
shared between the elected head of state, President Pedro Verona Rodrigues Pires, and Prime Minister Jose Maria Neves. Pires was
reelected for a second five-year term in 2006 in generally free and fair elections. The Supreme Court of Justice and National Electoral
Commission also declared the 2006 nationwide legislative elections generally free and fair. Although civilian authorities generally
maintained effective control of the security forces, there were some instances in which elements of the police forces committed abuses
against detainees.

The government generally respected the human rights of its citizens; however, problems were reported in some areas:
  • police abuse of detainees,
  • police impunity,
  • poor prison conditions,
  • lengthy pretrial detention,
  • excessive trial delays,
  • violence and discrimination against women,
  • child abuse,
  • some instances of child labor.
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UNITED NATIONS
HUMAN RIGHTS
COUNCIL
25 August 2006
Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women
Thirty-sixth session 7-25 August 2006
Concluding comments of the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women: Cape Verde

Introduction
2. The Committee commends the State party for ratifying the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against
Women without reservations. It expresses its appreciation to the State party for its combined initial, second, third, fourth, fifth and sixth
periodic report, which followed the Committee’s guidelines for the preparation of reports, but which was long overdue and lacked
reference to the Committee’s general recommendations. The Committee expresses its appreciation to the State party for the oral
presentation, the written replies to the list of issues and questions raised by its pre-session working group, and the further clarifications
to the questions orally posed by the Committee.

Positive aspects
6. The Committee commends the State party for addressing gender equality and the advancement of women through a human rights
framework and for taking into consideration international human rights instruments in the development of the National Gender Equality
and Equity Plan for the period 2005-2009, and the National Poverty Alleviation Programme.
7. The Committee welcomes the declared commitment and political will of the State party to implement fully the provisions of the
Convention and to work towards a speedy ratification of the Optional Protocol to the Convention.

Principal areas of concern and recommendations
Principal areas of concern and recommendations
11. While noting that international instruments may be invoked before the courts by any individual, the Committee is concerned that the
provisions of the Convention, including the general recommendations of the Committee that interpret the Convention, are not widely
known in the country and are not utilized in bringing cases related to gender-based discrimination before the courts.
12. The Committee calls upon the State party to widely disseminate the Convention and the Committee’s general recommendations to all
stakeholders, including government ministries, parliamentarians, the judiciary, political parties, non-governmental organizations, the
private sector and the general public. The Committee also encourages the State party to develop awareness-raising programmes and
training on the provisions of the Convention, including initiatives that aim to sensitize judges, lawyers and prosecutors at all levels.
13. The Committee notes that, although its Constitution refers to the principle of equality, the State party tends to use both the term
“equity” and “equality” in its plans and programmes. The Committee is concerned that the use of the term “equity” may be ambiguous in
regard to the achievement of substantive equality between women and men, as required by the Convention.
14. The Committee urges the State party to take note that the terms “equity” and “equality” convey different messages and that it is
necessary to avoid conceptual confusion. The Convention is aimed at eliminating discrimination against women and ensuring de jure and
de facto (formal and substantive) equality between women and men. The Committee therefore recommends that the State party use the
term “equality” in all its efforts aimed at the practical realization of the principle of equality of women and men, as required under
article 2 of the Convention.
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FREEDOM HOUSE
African Union Should Respond to Africans’ Desire for Greater Democracy
Washington
July 26, 2010

Freedom House strongly urges member states of the African Union (AU), as they meet this week in Kampala, Uganda, to make the
deepening of democratic development in the African region a top priority.

Despite an overall increase in the number of elections occurring in Africa, the region suffered the largest setback in Freedom in the
World 2010, Freedom House’s annual global analysis of political rights and civil liberties, with 16 countries registering declines and only
4 securing gains. In addition to seriously flawed elections in Sudan and Ethiopia, the region saw increased crackdowns on freedom of
expression and association, and suppression of civil society and political opposition that often resulted in unlawful arrests, harassment,
and torture.

“The increased demand for democratic elections by Africans throughout the continent has made it clear that consolidated democracy is
what they envision for their countries,” said Paula Schriefer, advocacy director at Freedom House. “The African Union has the potential
to serve as a force for furthering democracy and human rights in the region, but it is currently not living up to that challenge.  We call on
the AU to strengthen its mechanisms for promoting human rights and monitoring elections.”

A number of factors aside from elections that define a consolidated democracy have eluded much of the region.  Some developments
from 2009/2010 which reflect this are:

Rampant crackdowns against civil society and NGOs
Civil society came under attack in several countries in 2009, including Zambia, where new legal restrictions on the activities of NGOs
were instituted; The Gambia, where civil society groups faced threats of violence; and in Ethiopia and The Congo (Kinshasa), where
human rights groups and other NGOs continued to face harassment.

Increased Pressure on the Media
Sub-Saharan Africa has seen the largest decline in press freedom with restrictive media legislation and attacks on journalists becoming
more prevalent. In Madagascar, several opposition media outlets were closed, and heightened attacks on journalists occurred in Congo
(Kinshasa), Rwanda, and Somalia. Additionally, increased restrictions on media, particularly surrounding elections, when governments
are tempted to censor, intimidate, threaten and harass journalists as well as close media outlets, occurred in Ethiopia, and Gabon among
others.  Problematic legislation continues to be an obstacle and space for independent journalism and media continues to shrink.

Limited Access to Information
Only 3 countries have access to information laws: South Africa, Uganda and Ethiopia, despite the fact that Article 9 (1) of the African
Charter on Human and People’s provides a right to seek, receive and impart information and the African Commission have made clear
statements on the right to access information.

“There are a number of strong democratic performers in the region, including Cape Verde, Ghana, and Mauritius, and there are some
such as Liberia and Malawi that have been moving strongly in the right direction of reform,” continued Schriefer. “Because we have
seen that countries perform better when they are incentivized to practice good governance, the role of regional organizations is an even
more powerful one.”
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AMNESTY
INTERNATIONAL
28 August 2009
Seven more ratifications needed for Enforced Disappearance Convention to enter into force


30 August 2009 marks the 26th International Day of the Disappeared. Every year, Amnesty International, along with associations of
families of the disappeared and other non-governmental organizations, remembers the disappeared and demands justice for victims of
enforced disappearances.

Governments use enforced disappearance as a tool of repression to silence dissent and eliminate political opposition, as well as to
persecute ethnic, religious and political groups. To combat this grave human rights violation on 20 December 2006 the UN General
Assembly adopted the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance.

The Convention obliges states to hold any person involved in an enforced disappearance criminally responsible. It recognizes the families'
rights to know the truth about the fate of a disappeared person and to obtain reparations. It also requires states to institute stringent
safeguards for people deprived of their liberty; to search for the disappeared person and, if they have died, to locate, respect and return
the remains.

The Convention will enter into force when it has been ratified by 20 countries. Nigeria became the 13th country to ratify on 27 July
2009. Seven more ratifications are needed.  Amnesty International is campaigning for the Convention to enter into force as soon as
possible and believes this can be achieved by the end of 2009.
Currently Amnesty International is focusing its ratification campaign on the following ten countries: Burundi, Cape Verde, Costa Rica,
Lebanon, Morocco, Pakistan, Paraguay, Portugal, Serbia, and Timor Leste. Join our campaign! Write to these governments, asking that
they ratify the Convention.
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HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH
Steve Goose Delivers Statement on Retained Mines
Statement Delivered at the Tenth Meeting of States Parties to the Mine Ban Treaty in Geneva
December 3, 2010

Geneva, Switzerland

Mr. President,

Seventy-eight States Parties have declared that they do NOT retain any antipersonnel mines for training or development purposes.  
Kuwait joined this group in 2009.  Of these states, 24 previously stockpiled antipersonnel mines.

A total of 77 States Parties report that they do retain antipersonnel mines under the exception in Article 3 of the Mine Ban Treaty,
including four States Parties that reported for the first time this year that they were retaining mines. Cambodia declared it was retaining
182 mines after many years of reporting no retention, but it did not provide an explanation.  DR Congo confirmed for the first time that it
retains some live antipersonnel mines for training, but it did not disclose the types and numbers of mines retained.  Finally, Cape Verde
and Gambia both declared retained mines in their overdue initial Article 7 reports that were submitted in 2009.

One State Party, Equatorial Guinea, has never indicated whether it possesses antipersonnel mines, let alone retains any mines.  Its initial
transparency report was due in August 1999.

It is disconcerting that most States Parties that retain mines are not including information in their Article 7 reports on how the mines are
being used, as called for in Action 57 of the Cartagena Action Plan.  Indeed, we count only 28 States Parties that have used the expanded
format of Form D at least once since its adoption by States Parties in 2005.  These states are: Afghanistan, Argentina, Belgium, Bosnia
and Herzegovina, Canada, Chile, Croatia, Czech Republic, France, Germany, Guinea-Bissau, Indonesia, Japan, Latvia, Malawi,
Mauritania, Nicaragua, Peru, Portugal, Romania, Rwanda, Serbia, Slovakia, Tajikistan, Thailand, Tunisia, Turkey, and the United
Kingdom.

On a positive note, several states that did report noted a decrease in the number of mines retained after a reevaluation of their
requirements to ensure it is kept to the "minimum number absolutely necessary," as called for in Action 56 of the Cartagena Action Plan.  
Cyprus decided to reduce the number of mines it retains by destroying 494 mines in 2010, leaving a total of 500.  Indonesia destroyed
2,524 of its 4,978 mines initially retained, while Peru destroyed an additional 1,985 retained mines, leaving 2,060. The ICBL welcomes
these steps.

Also, Greece for the first time reported that it has consumed retained mines in training activities, a total of 1,066 mines in 2009.

Mr. President, a major concern for the ICBL is the large number of States Parties that retain mines, but apparently are not using those
mines for permitted purposes.  For these States Parties, the number of mines retained remains the same year after year, indicating none
are consumed (that is, destroyed) during training or research activities, and no other details are provided about how the mines are being
used.

A total of 13 States Parties have not reported consuming any mines for permitted purposes since the treaty entered force for them:
Angola, Bangladesh, Belarus, Bhutan, Burundi, Cape Verde, Cyprus, Djibouti, Ethiopia, Nigeria, Senegal, Togo, and Venezuela.  [Update:
Venezuela has indicated that it consumed retained mines in 2010]. Numerous other states have not reported consumption for multiple
years.  The ICBL sees this as an abuse of the exception for retaining mines.  If retained mines are not being utilized at all for the
permitted purposes, it would appear to constitute ongoing stockpiling, and should therefore be treated as a compliance issue.
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OFFICIAL
GOVERNMENT HUMAN
RIGHTS STATEMENT
TRANSLATED FROM PORTUGUESE BY GOOGLE TRANSLATE
Speech by President of the Republic National Assembly on the occasion of New Year
Ciidade Beach,
January 8, 2010

President of the National Assembly, Your Excellency,
Ladies and gentlemen, Excellencies,

I estimate that this act of simple exchange of greetings between the two bodies of national sovereignty, the President and the National
Assembly, it concentrates in itself an obvious symbolic value. Reflects the normal relations between these two higher institutions of our
state. Fact that this makes is of real importance, since the stability of institutional relations is an important piece of political stability, seen
in its fullest sense.

I believe that maturity and health of democracy reveal themselves in large measure on the quality of relations between practiced and
established institutions of the States and among its owners. In this vein, it is always desirable to safeguard or by attitudes, whether in
political discourse, the consideration due to the institutions and care that responds to the symbolism they represent.

After all, our attitudes and words always have social repercussions. They can even generate social attitudes and behavior less desirable in
relation to their own institutions and their owners. In this perspective, the role of politicians contribute, directly and indirectly to the rise
of the institutional culture of our society and for the credibility of political institutions. It is also true that the task goes beyond teaching
and civic and political field belongs to other social stakeholders.

It is my desire to take this concern, which I consider relevant to society and contribute in some way for the upliftment of our civic
culture, encouraging tolerance, respect and collaboration by citizens in defense of public order and protecting the common good. Indeed,
it is necessary to elevate the civility and respect for peace and welfare of people and, as well as oppose the reproductive disorder caused
by reckless fringe of our youth, role models pernicious existing elsewhere.

The country waits with serenity and hope, by the revision of the Constitution. It is expected for a revision to improve the governability
of the country, contributing to better management of the economy and public finances and provide our rule of law sufficient legal means
to fight with the necessary efficiency to more dangerous forms of organized crime and drug trafficking, thereby helping to ensure
internal security and public tranquility, as well as the external security of the country, which in turn should be strengthened by
international judicial cooperation.

I believe it is essential to safeguard the protection of fundamental rights of the citizen is no less important to the security of tools and
material and moral preliminaries, in advance, are the effective guarantees the free exercise by citizens of those fundamental rights and
which embody the capacity of preventive and deterrent of state institutions of law, finally, the protector of the enjoyment of individual
and collective rights. It must be borne in mind that insecurity and curtail crime, the citizen the free exercise of freedom.
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MINISTERIA DA
JUSTICIA DE CABO
VERDE
TRANSLATED FROM PORTUGUESE BY GOOGLE TRANSLATE
07/JUL/2010
Human Rights discusses with the government of Cape Verde forms of technical cooperation

The Executive Secretary Roger Sottile, the Human Rights Secretariat of the Presidency (SDH / PR), and Director of International
Cooperation, Maria do Carmo Rebolledo, fulfilled a series of commitments on Wednesday (7), the cities of Praia and Tarrafal in Cape
Verde. This is the second step of visits started on Monday (5), Guinea Bissau. They went to the country at the invitation of the Cape
Verdean government.

The Executive Secretary Roger Sottile, the Human Rights Secretariat of the Presidency (SDH / PR), and Director of International
Cooperation, Maria do Carmo Rebolledo, fulfilled a series of commitments on Wednesday (7), the cities of Praia and Tarrafal in Cape
Verde. This is the second step of visits started on Monday (5), Guinea Bissau. They went to the country at the invitation of the Cape
Verdean government.

Sottile and Maria do Carmo were received by the Minister of Justice, Marisa Mitchell, and the president of the National Commission for
Human Rights and Citizenship, Zelinda Cohen.

The construction of a technical cooperation agreement between the two countries was the main topic on the agenda. There will be a
meeting to discuss human rights among the African Countries of Portuguese Official Language (Palop). The group is made up of
Angola, Cape Verde Guinea-Bissau, Equatorial Guinea, Mozambique and Sao Tome and Principe. The meeting will be held this spring in
Cape Verde.

The members of SDH met with the dean of the University of Cape Verde, Antonio Silva. The central agenda was the implementation of
actions in the area of Human Rights Education by the entity with the support of SDH.

By mid-afternoon, Sottile and Maria do Carmo visited the penal colony of Tarrafal, on the island of Santiago. The site was created by the
Portuguese government of the Estado Novo in 1936. The team was accompanied by the SDH Antonio Correa and Silva, University of
Cape Verde; and Zelinda Cohen of the National Commission for Human Rights and Citizenship.

At the end of the activities this Wednesday (7), Maria do Carmo returns to Guinea Bissau to continue work on the agreements signed
between the two countries. And Sottile goes to Johannesburg, where he follows the agenda on the African continent.

The Field Tarrafal or Tarrafal Concentration Camp, as it became known, began operations on 29 October 1936, with the first arrival of
prisoners. The site was known as "the slow death camp" in Cape Verde.

SDH supported last year the first international symposium to discuss the transformation of a local "Museum of Resistance."

Traveling exhibit Cinema and Human Rights Brazil Cape Verde - In December 2009, SDH promoted, together with the Ministry of
Foreign Affairs, Human Rights and Cinema Displays Itinerant - Brazil, Cape Verde. The exhibition was dedicated to audiovisual works of
both countries to address issues related to the topic.

For four days the public had the opportunity to watch the films presented at the Cultural Center Brazil, Cape Verde and the universities of
Cape Verde and Jean Piaget.

Cape Verde is an African country, an archipelago of volcanic origin, consisting of ten islands. It is located in the Atlantic Ocean, 640 km
west of Dakar, Senegal. Other neighbors are Mauritania, Gambia and Guinea-Bissau, ie all the West African coastline that runs from
Cape Blanco to Bijagos islands. Interestingly, the Cape Verde which names the country lies not in it, but hundreds of miles to the east,
Senegal.
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INSTITUTO
CABO-VERDIANO PARA
A IGUALDADE E
EQUIDADE DO GENERO
(ICIEG)
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RLB empowers young men in Mindelo in Promoting Gender Equality
4 December, 2010

Cape Verdean Institute for Gender Equity and Equality and the Network of Men Against Gender Violence - White Ribbon Campaign,
promotes 30-4 December in Mindelo (Sao Vicente), a training for trainers "Engaging Young Men in Promotion of Gender Equality ",
commemorating the first anniversary of the White Ribbon Campaign Launch of Cape Verde.

After Praia, also came the turn of Mindelo receive this training you will be held from 9am to 15hs, in the Room of Good Shepherd and
will be aimed at 25 young male leaders, to develop skills and learning techniques Working for the deconstruction of masculinity and
femininity, their relationship to GBV, and explore what are the gender issues of women and men.

The training will be taught by a Brazilian consultant who will be in Cape Verde, not only to train these young people in Mindelo, but also
to develop another training on the beach, but this time for some members of the White Ribbon Network in order to create a core of
trainers in the country.

This initiative falls under the Strategic Plan Network White Ribbon Cape Verde (RLBCV) 2009-2011, whose priorities are the fight
against GBV, responsible parenthood and the consolidation of the network.

It is intended to develop a project that aims to increase the visibility of the reasons why RLBCV advocates and create a platform for
critical discussion, creating and shaping public spaces of debate in Cape Verdean society. Within each priority area, deserve special
attention, youth, community mobilization, education, legal framework and the media.

In the area of youth, the network have a priority to establish partnerships with organizations working with young people so that together
they can invest in young boys and men, giving them the opportunity to share learning and expand their skills and knowledge. This will
allow young boys and men to integrate the network of trainers and gender activists so they can get involved as leaders, role models and
mentors for GBV.

Recall that the White Ribbon Network was created July 10, 2009, during a training of 30 men representative institutions, civil society
organizations that have motivated and willing to commit to designing and spearhead the campaign and act as multipliers.

This time, the same year, on December 4, launched the National Campaign for the White Ribbon Network - Network of Men Against
Gender Violence, in which this year celebrates its first anniversary.

Mindelo was the city chosen to mark this date with a training for trainers "Engaging Young Men in Promoting Gender Equality", which
has the support of UNIFEM partnership and the Red Cross, National Volunteer Program and Youth Center Mindelo.
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Pedro Verona Pires
President since 22 March 2001
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