| CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC Central African Republic Republique Centrafricaine Joined United Nations: 20 September 1960 Human Rights as assured by their constitution Click here Updated 09/22/10 |
| CAPITAL |
| POPULATION |
| CHIEF OF STATE |
| SELECTION PROCESS |
Bangui
4,511,488
note: estimates for this country explicitly take into account the effects of excess mortality
due to AIDS; this can result in lower life expectancy, higher infant mortality and death
rates, lower population and growth rates, and changes in the distribution of population by
age and sex than would otherwise be expected (July 2010 est.)
note: estimates for this country explicitly take into account the effects of excess mortality
due to AIDS; this can result in lower life expectancy, higher infant mortality and death
rates, lower population and growth rates, and changes in the distribution of population by
age and sex than would otherwise be expected (July 2010 est.)
Faustin-Archange Touadera
Prime Minister since 22 January 2008
Prime Minister since 22 January 2008
Under the new constitution, the president elected to a five-year term
(eligible for a second term); elections last held 13 March and 8 May
2005
Next scheduled election: 23 January 2011
(eligible for a second term); elections last held 13 March and 8 May
2005
Next scheduled election: 23 January 2011
HEAD OF GOVERNMENT
SELECTION PROCESS
Prime Minister appointed by the political party with a
parliamentary majority; elections: last held 13 March 2005 and
8 May 2005
Next scheduled election: 23 January 2011
parliamentary majority; elections: last held 13 March 2005 and
8 May 2005
Next scheduled election: 23 January 2011
| DECLARATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS |
| ETHNIC GROUPS |
Baya 33%, Banda 27%, Mandjia 13%, Sara 10%, Mboum 7%, M'Baka 4%, Yakoma 4%, other 2%
| RELIGIONS |
Indigenous beliefs 35%, Protestant 25%, Roman Catholic 25%, Muslim 15%
note: animistic beliefs and practices strongly influence the Christian majority
note: animistic beliefs and practices strongly influence the Christian majority
| GOVERNMENT STRUCTURE |
Republic with 4 prefectures (prefectures, singular - prefecture), 2 economic prefectures (prefectures economiques, singular - prefecture
economique), and 1 commune; Legal system is based on French law
Executive: Under the new constitution, the president elected to a five-year term (eligible for a second term); elections last held 13 March
and 8 May 2005 (next to be held in 23 January 2011); prime minister appointed by the political party with a parliamentary majority
Legislative: Unicameral National Assembly or Assemblee Nationale (109 seats; members are elected by popular vote to serve
five-year terms)
elections: last held 13 March 2005 and 8 May 2005 (next to be held in 23 January 2011)
Judicial: Supreme Court or Cour Supreme; Constitutional Court (3 judges appointed by the president, 3 by the president of the
National Assembly, and 3 by fellow judges); Court of Appeal; Criminal Courts; Inferior Courts
economique), and 1 commune; Legal system is based on French law
Executive: Under the new constitution, the president elected to a five-year term (eligible for a second term); elections last held 13 March
and 8 May 2005 (next to be held in 23 January 2011); prime minister appointed by the political party with a parliamentary majority
Legislative: Unicameral National Assembly or Assemblee Nationale (109 seats; members are elected by popular vote to serve
five-year terms)
elections: last held 13 March 2005 and 8 May 2005 (next to be held in 23 January 2011)
Judicial: Supreme Court or Cour Supreme; Constitutional Court (3 judges appointed by the president, 3 by the president of the
National Assembly, and 3 by fellow judges); Court of Appeal; Criminal Courts; Inferior Courts
| LANGUAGES |
French (official), Sangho (lingua franca and national language), tribal languages
| BRIEF HISTORY |
The Central African Republic is believed to have been settled from at least the 7th century on by overlapping empires, including the
Kanem-Bornu, Ouaddai, Baguirmi, and Dafour groups based around Lake Chad region and along Upper Nile. Later, various
sultanates claimed present-day C.A.R, using the entire Oubangui region as a slave reservoir, from which slaves were traded north
across the Sahara. Population migration in the 18th and 19th centuries brought new migrants into the area, including the Zande,
Banda, and Baya-Mandjia. In 1875 the Sudanese sultan Rabih az-Zubayr governed Upper-Oubangui, which included present-day
C.A.R. Europeans, primarily the French, German, and Belgians, arrived in the area in 1885. The French consolidated their legal
claim to the area through an 1887 convention with Congo Free State, which granted France possession of the right bank of the
Oubangui River. Two years later, the French established an outpost at Bangui, and in 1894, Oubangui-Chari became a French
territory. However, the French did not consolidate their control over the area until 1903, after having defeated the forces of Rabih in
the battle of Kousséri, and established colonial administration throughout the territory. In 1906, the Oubangui-Chari territory was
united with the Chad colony; in 1910, it became one of the four territories of the Federation of French Equatorial Africa (A.E.F.),
along with Chad, Republic of the Congo, and Gabon. The next thirty years were marked by small scale revolts against French rule
and the development of a plantation-style economy. In August 1940, the territory responded, with the rest of the A.E.F., to the call
from General Charles de Gaulle to fight for Free France. After World War II, the French Constitution of 1946 inaugurated the first
of a series of reforms that led eventually to complete independence for all French territories in western and equatorial Africa. In
1946, all A.E.F. inhabitants were granted French citizenship and allowed to establish local assemblies. The assembly in C.A.R. was
led by Barthélemy Boganda, a Catholic priest who also was known for his forthright statements in the French Assembly on the need
for African emancipation. In 1956 French legislation eliminated certain voting inequalities and provided for the creation of some
organs of self-government in each territory. The French constitutional referendum of September 1958 dissolved the A.E.F., and on
December 1 of the same year the Assembly declared the birth of the Central African Republic with Boganda as head of
government. Boganda ruled until his death in a March 1959 plane crash. His cousin, David Dacko, replaced him, governing the
country until 1965 and overseeing the country's declaration of independence on August 13, 1960. On January 1, 1966, following a
swift and almost bloodless coup, Colonel Jean-Bédel Bokassa assumed power as president of the Republic. Bokassa abolished the
constitution of 1959, dissolved the National Assembly, and issued a decree that placed all legislative and executive powers in the
hands of the president. On December 4, 1976, the republic became a monarchy -- the Central African Empire -- with the
promulgation of the imperial constitution and the proclamation of the president as Emperor Bokassa I. His regime was characterized
by numerous human rights atrocities. Following riots in Bangui and the murder of between 50 and 200 schoolchildren, former
President Dacko led a successful French-backed coup against Bokassa on September 20, 1979 and restored the Republic.
Dacko's efforts to promote economic and political reforms proved ineffectual, and on September 20, 1981, he in turn was
overthrown in a bloodless coup by General André Kolingba. For four years, Kolingba led the country as head of the Military
Committee for National Recovery (CRMN). In 1985 the CRMN was dissolved, and Kolingba named a new cabinet with
increased civilian participation, signaling the start of a return to civilian rule. The process of democratization quickened in 1986 with
the creation of a new political party, the Rassemblement Démocratique Centrafricain (RDC), and the drafting of a new constitution
that subsequently was ratified in a national referendum. General Kolingba was sworn in as constitutional President on November 29,
1986. The constitution established a National Assembly made up of 52 elected deputies, elected in July 1987. Due to mounting
political pressure, in 1991 President Kolingba announced the creation of National Commission to rewrite the constitution to provide
for a multi-party system. Internal and international pressure led to multi-party presidential elections being held in 1992. Much of the
resources for these first democratic elections since independence came via locally represented donors and agencies called the
"Groupe informel des bailleurs de fonds et representants residents" (GIBAFOR)and help from the UN Office of Electoral
Assistance was also obtained. Most of the pressure came from the US and then somewhat less enthusiastically France. The
elections were held, but the government provoked logistical problems and other irregularities so they could nullify the results as a
means to prolong their stay in office. Internal and international pressure in particular from France continued and in rescheduled
elections held in October 1993, again with the help of the international community Ange-Félix Patassé won a second-round victory,
Notwithstanding several army mutinies and increasing civic concern both at his erratic style and arbitrary, corrupt method of
governing he was re-elected for another 6-year term in September 1999. Salary arrears, labor unrest, and unequal treatment of
military officers from different ethnic groups had also been among the causes of the three mutinies against the Patassé government in
1996 and 1997. The French succeeded in helping it to quell the disturbances, and an African peacekeeping force (MISAB)
occupied Bangui until 1998 when they were relieved by a United Nations peacekeeping mission (MINURCA). Economic
difficulties caused by the looting and destruction during the 1996 and 1997 mutinies, energy crises, and government mismanagement
continued to trouble Patassé's government through 2000. In March 2000 the last of the MINURCA forces departed Bangui. On 15
March 2003 rebels who controlled part of the country moved into Bangui and installed their commander, General François Bozizé,
as president, while President Patassé was out of the country. Bozize has since been elected President in an election considered by
observers to be fair and free. Patasse has been found guilty of major crimes in Bangui and CAR has brought a case to the
International Criminal Court against him and Jean Pierre Bemba from the neighbouring Democratic Republic of Congo accusing
them both of multiple crimes in suppressing one of the mutinies against Patasse. Civil tranquillity has yet to be established and parts
of the country remain out of government control. The UN continues to maintain a peace building mission in Bangui.
Source: Wikipedia: History of Central African Republic
Kanem-Bornu, Ouaddai, Baguirmi, and Dafour groups based around Lake Chad region and along Upper Nile. Later, various
sultanates claimed present-day C.A.R, using the entire Oubangui region as a slave reservoir, from which slaves were traded north
across the Sahara. Population migration in the 18th and 19th centuries brought new migrants into the area, including the Zande,
Banda, and Baya-Mandjia. In 1875 the Sudanese sultan Rabih az-Zubayr governed Upper-Oubangui, which included present-day
C.A.R. Europeans, primarily the French, German, and Belgians, arrived in the area in 1885. The French consolidated their legal
claim to the area through an 1887 convention with Congo Free State, which granted France possession of the right bank of the
Oubangui River. Two years later, the French established an outpost at Bangui, and in 1894, Oubangui-Chari became a French
territory. However, the French did not consolidate their control over the area until 1903, after having defeated the forces of Rabih in
the battle of Kousséri, and established colonial administration throughout the territory. In 1906, the Oubangui-Chari territory was
united with the Chad colony; in 1910, it became one of the four territories of the Federation of French Equatorial Africa (A.E.F.),
along with Chad, Republic of the Congo, and Gabon. The next thirty years were marked by small scale revolts against French rule
and the development of a plantation-style economy. In August 1940, the territory responded, with the rest of the A.E.F., to the call
from General Charles de Gaulle to fight for Free France. After World War II, the French Constitution of 1946 inaugurated the first
of a series of reforms that led eventually to complete independence for all French territories in western and equatorial Africa. In
1946, all A.E.F. inhabitants were granted French citizenship and allowed to establish local assemblies. The assembly in C.A.R. was
led by Barthélemy Boganda, a Catholic priest who also was known for his forthright statements in the French Assembly on the need
for African emancipation. In 1956 French legislation eliminated certain voting inequalities and provided for the creation of some
organs of self-government in each territory. The French constitutional referendum of September 1958 dissolved the A.E.F., and on
December 1 of the same year the Assembly declared the birth of the Central African Republic with Boganda as head of
government. Boganda ruled until his death in a March 1959 plane crash. His cousin, David Dacko, replaced him, governing the
country until 1965 and overseeing the country's declaration of independence on August 13, 1960. On January 1, 1966, following a
swift and almost bloodless coup, Colonel Jean-Bédel Bokassa assumed power as president of the Republic. Bokassa abolished the
constitution of 1959, dissolved the National Assembly, and issued a decree that placed all legislative and executive powers in the
hands of the president. On December 4, 1976, the republic became a monarchy -- the Central African Empire -- with the
promulgation of the imperial constitution and the proclamation of the president as Emperor Bokassa I. His regime was characterized
by numerous human rights atrocities. Following riots in Bangui and the murder of between 50 and 200 schoolchildren, former
President Dacko led a successful French-backed coup against Bokassa on September 20, 1979 and restored the Republic.
Dacko's efforts to promote economic and political reforms proved ineffectual, and on September 20, 1981, he in turn was
overthrown in a bloodless coup by General André Kolingba. For four years, Kolingba led the country as head of the Military
Committee for National Recovery (CRMN). In 1985 the CRMN was dissolved, and Kolingba named a new cabinet with
increased civilian participation, signaling the start of a return to civilian rule. The process of democratization quickened in 1986 with
the creation of a new political party, the Rassemblement Démocratique Centrafricain (RDC), and the drafting of a new constitution
that subsequently was ratified in a national referendum. General Kolingba was sworn in as constitutional President on November 29,
1986. The constitution established a National Assembly made up of 52 elected deputies, elected in July 1987. Due to mounting
political pressure, in 1991 President Kolingba announced the creation of National Commission to rewrite the constitution to provide
for a multi-party system. Internal and international pressure led to multi-party presidential elections being held in 1992. Much of the
resources for these first democratic elections since independence came via locally represented donors and agencies called the
"Groupe informel des bailleurs de fonds et representants residents" (GIBAFOR)and help from the UN Office of Electoral
Assistance was also obtained. Most of the pressure came from the US and then somewhat less enthusiastically France. The
elections were held, but the government provoked logistical problems and other irregularities so they could nullify the results as a
means to prolong their stay in office. Internal and international pressure in particular from France continued and in rescheduled
elections held in October 1993, again with the help of the international community Ange-Félix Patassé won a second-round victory,
Notwithstanding several army mutinies and increasing civic concern both at his erratic style and arbitrary, corrupt method of
governing he was re-elected for another 6-year term in September 1999. Salary arrears, labor unrest, and unequal treatment of
military officers from different ethnic groups had also been among the causes of the three mutinies against the Patassé government in
1996 and 1997. The French succeeded in helping it to quell the disturbances, and an African peacekeeping force (MISAB)
occupied Bangui until 1998 when they were relieved by a United Nations peacekeeping mission (MINURCA). Economic
difficulties caused by the looting and destruction during the 1996 and 1997 mutinies, energy crises, and government mismanagement
continued to trouble Patassé's government through 2000. In March 2000 the last of the MINURCA forces departed Bangui. On 15
March 2003 rebels who controlled part of the country moved into Bangui and installed their commander, General François Bozizé,
as president, while President Patassé was out of the country. Bozize has since been elected President in an election considered by
observers to be fair and free. Patasse has been found guilty of major crimes in Bangui and CAR has brought a case to the
International Criminal Court against him and Jean Pierre Bemba from the neighbouring Democratic Republic of Congo accusing
them both of multiple crimes in suppressing one of the mutinies against Patasse. Civil tranquillity has yet to be established and parts
of the country remain out of government control. The UN continues to maintain a peace building mission in Bangui.
Source: Wikipedia: History of Central African Republic
| ECONOMIC OVERVIEW |
Subsistence agriculture, together with forestry, remains the backbone of the economy of the Central African Republic (CAR), with
about 60% of the population living in outlying areas. The agricultural sector generates more than half of GDP. Timber has accounted
for about 16% of export earnings and the diamond industry, for 40%. Important constraints to economic development include the
CAR's landlocked position, a poor transportation system, a largely unskilled work force, and a legacy of misdirected
macroeconomic policies. Factional fighting between the government and its opponents remains a drag on economic revitalization.
Distribution of income is extraordinarily unequal. Grants from France and the international community can only partially meet
humanitarian needs.
Source: CIA World Factbook (select Central African Republic)
about 60% of the population living in outlying areas. The agricultural sector generates more than half of GDP. Timber has accounted
for about 16% of export earnings and the diamond industry, for 40%. Important constraints to economic development include the
CAR's landlocked position, a poor transportation system, a largely unskilled work force, and a legacy of misdirected
macroeconomic policies. Factional fighting between the government and its opponents remains a drag on economic revitalization.
Distribution of income is extraordinarily unequal. Grants from France and the international community can only partially meet
humanitarian needs.
Source: CIA World Factbook (select Central African Republic)
| POLITICAL CLIMATE |
Former coup leader Francois Bozize took more than 64% of the vote in the second round of presidential elections in May 2005,
ending two years of military rule. His rival was Martin Ziguele, a former prime minister.
The newly-elected president called for national unity. He had pledged in his campaign to bring security to the coup-prone country.
In 2003 Mr Bozize ousted the unpopular Ange-Felix Patasse - who was out of the country at the time - and declared himself
president. He promised to return the CAR to democratic rule and ran as an independent in the 2005 poll.
Mr Bozize is no stranger to politics, or to coups. He stood for president in the republic's first democratic elections in 1993, but lost
to Mr Patasse.
He led an unsuccessful coup in 1983 against military ruler Andre Kolingba and was suspected of being involved in a coup attempt
against President Patasse in 2001, which was thwarted with the help of Libyan troops.
Illegal weapons proliferate across the CAR, the legacy of years of unrest. Armed groups are active in the volatile north. The unrest
has displaced tens of thousands of Central Africans; many of them have crossed the border into Chad.
Source: BBC Country Report: Central African Republic
ending two years of military rule. His rival was Martin Ziguele, a former prime minister.
The newly-elected president called for national unity. He had pledged in his campaign to bring security to the coup-prone country.
In 2003 Mr Bozize ousted the unpopular Ange-Felix Patasse - who was out of the country at the time - and declared himself
president. He promised to return the CAR to democratic rule and ran as an independent in the 2005 poll.
Mr Bozize is no stranger to politics, or to coups. He stood for president in the republic's first democratic elections in 1993, but lost
to Mr Patasse.
He led an unsuccessful coup in 1983 against military ruler Andre Kolingba and was suspected of being involved in a coup attempt
against President Patasse in 2001, which was thwarted with the help of Libyan troops.
Illegal weapons proliferate across the CAR, the legacy of years of unrest. Armed groups are active in the volatile north. The unrest
has displaced tens of thousands of Central Africans; many of them have crossed the border into Chad.
Source: BBC Country Report: Central African Republic
| INTERNATIONAL DISPUTES |
Periodic skirmishes over water and grazing rights among related pastoral populations along the border with southern Sudan persist
| REFUGEES AND INTERNALLY DISPLACED PERSONS (IDPS) |
Refugees (country of origin): 7,900 (Sudan); 3,700 (Democratic Republic of the Congo); note - UNHCR resumed repatriation of
Southern Sudanese refugees in 2006
IDPs: 197,000 (ongoing unrest following coup in 2003) (2007)
Southern Sudanese refugees in 2006
IDPs: 197,000 (ongoing unrest following coup in 2003) (2007)
| ILLICIT DRUGS |
None reported.
| HUMAN RIGHTS STATEMENTS, ANALYSIS AND CRITIQUES |
2009 Human Rights Report: Central African Republic
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
March 11, 2010
The Central African Republic (CAR) is a constitutional republic whose population of approximately 4.3 million is governed by a strong
executive branch and weak legislative and judicial branches. Armed forces Chief of Staff General Francois Bozize seized power in a
military coup in 2003. Elections in 2005 resulted in Bozize's election as president. National and international observers judged the
elections to be generally free and fair despite some irregularities. Fighting between factions of armed groups, as well as between armed
groups and government security forces, increased, and much of the northwestern, northeastern, and extreme southeastern parts of the
country remained outside of government control. Banditry remained a serious threat to civilians throughout the northern prefectures.
Civilian authorities did not maintain effective control over the security forces.
The government's human rights record remained poor. Government abuses included:
Armed groups, some of which were unidentified, continued to kill, beat, and rape civilians and loot and burn villages in the north. Armed
groups kidnapped, beat, raped, and extorted money from local populations. There were reports of children as young as 12 serving as
fighters in armed groups.
Click here to read more »
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
March 11, 2010
The Central African Republic (CAR) is a constitutional republic whose population of approximately 4.3 million is governed by a strong
executive branch and weak legislative and judicial branches. Armed forces Chief of Staff General Francois Bozize seized power in a
military coup in 2003. Elections in 2005 resulted in Bozize's election as president. National and international observers judged the
elections to be generally free and fair despite some irregularities. Fighting between factions of armed groups, as well as between armed
groups and government security forces, increased, and much of the northwestern, northeastern, and extreme southeastern parts of the
country remained outside of government control. Banditry remained a serious threat to civilians throughout the northern prefectures.
Civilian authorities did not maintain effective control over the security forces.
The government's human rights record remained poor. Government abuses included:
- security forces continuing to commit extrajudicial executions in the north;
- torture, beatings, detention, and rape of suspects and prisoners;
- impunity, particularly among the military;
- harsh and life-threatening conditions in prisons and detention centers;
- arbitrary arrest and detention, prolonged pretrial detention, denial of fair trial;
- official corruption;
- occasional intimidation and restrictions on the press;
- restrictions on freedom of movement and on workers' rights.
- Mob violence resulted in deaths and injuries.
- Societal abuses included female genital mutilation (FGM), discrimination against women and Pygmies;
- trafficking in persons;
- forced labor;
- child labor, including forced child labor.
- Freedom of movement remained limited in the north because of actions by security forces, armed bandits, and armed groups.
- Sporadic fighting between government forces and armed groups continued to internally displace persons and increase the number
of refugees.
Armed groups, some of which were unidentified, continued to kill, beat, and rape civilians and loot and burn villages in the north. Armed
groups kidnapped, beat, raped, and extorted money from local populations. There were reports of children as young as 12 serving as
fighters in armed groups.
Click here to read more »
19 May 2010
Human Rights Council
Fourteenth session
Agenda item 3
Promotion and protection of all human rights, civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights, including the right to
development
Report of the Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions, Philip Alston*
Follow-up to the report on the mission to the Central African Republic**
Summary
The present report analyses the progress made by the Central African Republic in implementing recommendations made by the Special
Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions following his visit to the country from 31 January to 7 February 2008
(A/HRC/11/2/Add.3). Although killings and abuses committed by Government forces and rebel units have declined significantly since the
visit of the Special Rapporteur, the people of the Central African Republic remain at the mercy of other armed groups, including bandits,
self-defence groups, the Lord’s Resistance Army and the Chadian National Army. Protection of civilians is practically non-existent in all
regions of the country outside of Bangui, and insecurity remains particularly grave in the northeast and northwest of the country.
Although the Government has made a commitment to security sector reform and has taken admirable steps towards achieving it, its lack
of funding and institutional capacity has resulted in minimal improvement. Impunity for abuses committed on all sides remains the status
quo, and no high-ranking officials have been prosecuted for the most serious crimes.
The long-discussed national human rights commission has yet to be created. Despite ample planning, the disarmament, demobilization
and reintegration process has yet to begin in earnest. If necessary reforms in each of these areas are not implemented, killings will
continue, and there is a particularly significant risk of heightened violence in the lead-up to or following the national elections scheduled
for 2010.
II. Introduction
6. The Special Rapporteur visited the Central African Republic from 31 January–7 February 2008 and his final report was published on
27 May 2009.1 His report highlighted killings by bandits, rebel groups and Government forces – as well as killings of persons in
detention and persons accused of witchcraft. All of these types of killings and abuse continue today.
7. In his original report, the Special Rapporteur indicated that the Central African Republic was at an unusually favourable juncture for
change. Unfortunately, this potential for change has largely gone unrealized. Incursions by the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) are on the
increase. Bandits operate all over the country with impunity, committing arbitrary executions, kidnappings and other egregious human
rights abuses. Although the main rebel groups in the north have ostensibly made peace with the Government, tensions remain high due to
dissatisfaction with the stymied disarmament, demobilization and reintegration process and unfulfilled promises from the inclusive
political dialogue.2 Intermittent rebel attacks and killings continue. In addition, violence is increasingly committed along ethnic lines in the
northeast, with tensions arising amongst Kara, Goula and Rouanga ethnic militias. Across the country, “private justice” and killings of
alleged witches continue. The Government offers virtually no protection for civilians outside of Bangui.
Click here to read more »
Human Rights Council
Fourteenth session
Agenda item 3
Promotion and protection of all human rights, civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights, including the right to
development
Report of the Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions, Philip Alston*
Follow-up to the report on the mission to the Central African Republic**
Summary
The present report analyses the progress made by the Central African Republic in implementing recommendations made by the Special
Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions following his visit to the country from 31 January to 7 February 2008
(A/HRC/11/2/Add.3). Although killings and abuses committed by Government forces and rebel units have declined significantly since the
visit of the Special Rapporteur, the people of the Central African Republic remain at the mercy of other armed groups, including bandits,
self-defence groups, the Lord’s Resistance Army and the Chadian National Army. Protection of civilians is practically non-existent in all
regions of the country outside of Bangui, and insecurity remains particularly grave in the northeast and northwest of the country.
Although the Government has made a commitment to security sector reform and has taken admirable steps towards achieving it, its lack
of funding and institutional capacity has resulted in minimal improvement. Impunity for abuses committed on all sides remains the status
quo, and no high-ranking officials have been prosecuted for the most serious crimes.
The long-discussed national human rights commission has yet to be created. Despite ample planning, the disarmament, demobilization
and reintegration process has yet to begin in earnest. If necessary reforms in each of these areas are not implemented, killings will
continue, and there is a particularly significant risk of heightened violence in the lead-up to or following the national elections scheduled
for 2010.
II. Introduction
6. The Special Rapporteur visited the Central African Republic from 31 January–7 February 2008 and his final report was published on
27 May 2009.1 His report highlighted killings by bandits, rebel groups and Government forces – as well as killings of persons in
detention and persons accused of witchcraft. All of these types of killings and abuse continue today.
7. In his original report, the Special Rapporteur indicated that the Central African Republic was at an unusually favourable juncture for
change. Unfortunately, this potential for change has largely gone unrealized. Incursions by the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) are on the
increase. Bandits operate all over the country with impunity, committing arbitrary executions, kidnappings and other egregious human
rights abuses. Although the main rebel groups in the north have ostensibly made peace with the Government, tensions remain high due to
dissatisfaction with the stymied disarmament, demobilization and reintegration process and unfulfilled promises from the inclusive
political dialogue.2 Intermittent rebel attacks and killings continue. In addition, violence is increasingly committed along ethnic lines in the
northeast, with tensions arising amongst Kara, Goula and Rouanga ethnic militias. Across the country, “private justice” and killings of
alleged witches continue. The Government offers virtually no protection for civilians outside of Bangui.
Click here to read more »
Freedom In The World 2010 Report
Political Rights Score: 5
Civil Liberties Score: 5
Status: Partly Free
Overview
Despite the installation of a consensus government in January 2009, rebel groups continued to clash with government forces during the
year, creating thousands of new internally displaced persons and refugees. In October, former president Ange-Felix Patasse returned to
the country after six years in exile with the intention of running in the 2010 presidential election.
After a number of abortive peace agreements, the National Assembly in September 2008 passed an amnesty law providing government
and rebel forces with immunity for abuses committed after March 15, 2003. Peace talks resumed in December when President Bozize,
rebel groups, and opposition leaders agreed on the establishment of an interim government to lead the country until the next presidential
and legislative elections in 2010. The December peace talks, known as the Inclusive Political Dialogue, outlined a Disarmament,
Demobilization, and Reintegration (DDR) program in preparation for the 2010 elections.
The “consensus government” was installed in January 2009, but some rebel groups remained dissatisfied with government performance.
In February, the FDPC and the Movement of Central African Liberators for Justice (MLCJ) declared that they would resume violence,
and raids against the government by the FDPC continued through May. Both groups signed onto the DDR program in July. By
December 2009, the UN reported that the all rebel groups were participating in the peace process except the Convention of Patriots for
Justice and Peace (CPJP). CPJP has led attacks against the government in the northeast, displacing some 6,400 people internally and
driving an additional 9,000 into Chad. CPJP leader Charles Massi, who served as defense minister under Patasse, was arrested by
Chadian authorities in May. Massi was released in July, but re-arrested in December.
Beginning in June, clashes between the Ugandan military and the Lord’s Resistance Army, a Ugandan rebel group, intensified in
southeastern CAR, near Obo and M’Boki. The International Committee of the Red Cross estimated in October 2009that the cross-border
fighting had internally displaced over 4,500 CAR residents and forced 1,400 refugees into the country from the Democratic Republic of
Congo (DRC).
UNICEF estimated in early 2008 that there are some 197,000 internally displaced persons in the CAR, and that roughly a quarter of the
country’s four million citizens have been affected by armed conflict. Despite the country’s abundant natural resources, some 80 percent
of the population relies on subsistence agriculture. Decades of conflict and poor governance have led to economic and social collapse.
The CAR earned the fourth-worst ranking on the UN Development Programme’s 2009 Human Development Index.
Click here to read more »
Political Rights Score: 5
Civil Liberties Score: 5
Status: Partly Free
Overview
Despite the installation of a consensus government in January 2009, rebel groups continued to clash with government forces during the
year, creating thousands of new internally displaced persons and refugees. In October, former president Ange-Felix Patasse returned to
the country after six years in exile with the intention of running in the 2010 presidential election.
After a number of abortive peace agreements, the National Assembly in September 2008 passed an amnesty law providing government
and rebel forces with immunity for abuses committed after March 15, 2003. Peace talks resumed in December when President Bozize,
rebel groups, and opposition leaders agreed on the establishment of an interim government to lead the country until the next presidential
and legislative elections in 2010. The December peace talks, known as the Inclusive Political Dialogue, outlined a Disarmament,
Demobilization, and Reintegration (DDR) program in preparation for the 2010 elections.
The “consensus government” was installed in January 2009, but some rebel groups remained dissatisfied with government performance.
In February, the FDPC and the Movement of Central African Liberators for Justice (MLCJ) declared that they would resume violence,
and raids against the government by the FDPC continued through May. Both groups signed onto the DDR program in July. By
December 2009, the UN reported that the all rebel groups were participating in the peace process except the Convention of Patriots for
Justice and Peace (CPJP). CPJP has led attacks against the government in the northeast, displacing some 6,400 people internally and
driving an additional 9,000 into Chad. CPJP leader Charles Massi, who served as defense minister under Patasse, was arrested by
Chadian authorities in May. Massi was released in July, but re-arrested in December.
Beginning in June, clashes between the Ugandan military and the Lord’s Resistance Army, a Ugandan rebel group, intensified in
southeastern CAR, near Obo and M’Boki. The International Committee of the Red Cross estimated in October 2009that the cross-border
fighting had internally displaced over 4,500 CAR residents and forced 1,400 refugees into the country from the Democratic Republic of
Congo (DRC).
UNICEF estimated in early 2008 that there are some 197,000 internally displaced persons in the CAR, and that roughly a quarter of the
country’s four million citizens have been affected by armed conflict. Despite the country’s abundant natural resources, some 80 percent
of the population relies on subsistence agriculture. Decades of conflict and poor governance have led to economic and social collapse.
The CAR earned the fourth-worst ranking on the UN Development Programme’s 2009 Human Development Index.
Click here to read more »
International Criminal Court "working to protect African victims"
5 March 2009
The Sudanese authorities moved to expel international humanitarian organisations from the country on Wednesday in response to the
decision by the International Criminal Court to issue an arrest warrant for the country's President, Omar al Bashir. As they did so, the
ICC Prosecutor, Luis Moreno-Ocampo rejected criticism of the court's apparent focus on Africa in an interview for Amnesty
International's website.
Mr Moreno-Ocampo said that he was working to protect African victims. He said that Wednesday's decision to issue a warrant for
President al Bashir should give the people of Africa hope. He added that the most important aspect of the ICC's decision is that the arrest
warrant covers crimes committed on a daily basis in Sudan's Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) camps.
He also pointed to the cases before the ICC he is working on with the presidents of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Uganda
and the Central African Republic (CAR). These cases include:
* The prosecution of Thomas Lubanga Dyilo, alleged founder and leader of the Union des Patriotes Congolais (UPC), in relation to
child soldiers in DRC
* Arrest warrants against five senior leaders of the Lord's Resistance Army in relation to crimes against humanity and war crimes
committed in Uganda
* An investigation into crimes, including killings, rape and sexual violence and looting committed in 2002 and 2003 in the CAR
African leaders have been critical of the ICC's actions in relation to Sudan, with the African Union warning that issuing the arrest
warrant would destabilise the country's peace process. South African Nobel laureate Archbishop Desmond Tutu, however, accused
Africa's leaders of behaving shamefully.
"Are they on the side of the victim or the oppressor?" Tutu asked in a column in The New York Times. "Rather than stand by those who
have suffered in Darfur, African leaders have so far rallied behind the man responsible for turning that corner of Africa into a graveyard."
Mr Moreno-Ocampo explained the ICC's criteria to select cases which depend on the gravity of the crimes and a lack of national
proceedings. He said that he's monitoring the situation in other countries where there have been serious crimes, but national proceedings
are underway.
"I'm doing that in Colombia, in Georgia, in Afghanistan, in Cote d'Ivoire, in Kenya. Maybe I open an investigation, maybe not. In
Venezuela, I did not open an investigation, in Central African Republic, I opened an investigation – it depends."
Click here to read more »
5 March 2009
The Sudanese authorities moved to expel international humanitarian organisations from the country on Wednesday in response to the
decision by the International Criminal Court to issue an arrest warrant for the country's President, Omar al Bashir. As they did so, the
ICC Prosecutor, Luis Moreno-Ocampo rejected criticism of the court's apparent focus on Africa in an interview for Amnesty
International's website.
Mr Moreno-Ocampo said that he was working to protect African victims. He said that Wednesday's decision to issue a warrant for
President al Bashir should give the people of Africa hope. He added that the most important aspect of the ICC's decision is that the arrest
warrant covers crimes committed on a daily basis in Sudan's Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) camps.
He also pointed to the cases before the ICC he is working on with the presidents of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Uganda
and the Central African Republic (CAR). These cases include:
* The prosecution of Thomas Lubanga Dyilo, alleged founder and leader of the Union des Patriotes Congolais (UPC), in relation to
child soldiers in DRC
* Arrest warrants against five senior leaders of the Lord's Resistance Army in relation to crimes against humanity and war crimes
committed in Uganda
* An investigation into crimes, including killings, rape and sexual violence and looting committed in 2002 and 2003 in the CAR
African leaders have been critical of the ICC's actions in relation to Sudan, with the African Union warning that issuing the arrest
warrant would destabilise the country's peace process. South African Nobel laureate Archbishop Desmond Tutu, however, accused
Africa's leaders of behaving shamefully.
"Are they on the side of the victim or the oppressor?" Tutu asked in a column in The New York Times. "Rather than stand by those who
have suffered in Darfur, African leaders have so far rallied behind the man responsible for turning that corner of Africa into a graveyard."
Mr Moreno-Ocampo explained the ICC's criteria to select cases which depend on the gravity of the crimes and a lack of national
proceedings. He said that he's monitoring the situation in other countries where there have been serious crimes, but national proceedings
are underway.
"I'm doing that in Colombia, in Georgia, in Afghanistan, in Cote d'Ivoire, in Kenya. Maybe I open an investigation, maybe not. In
Venezuela, I did not open an investigation, in Central African Republic, I opened an investigation – it depends."
Click here to read more »
CAR/DR Congo: LRA Conducts Massive Abduction Campaign
New Regional Strategy Needed to Protect Civilians and Rescue Children
August 11, 2010
(Washington, DC) - The Ugandan rebel Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) has abducted more than 697 adults and children in a largely
unreported campaign in the Central African Republic and the neighboring Bas Uele district of northern Democratic Republic of Congo
over the past 18 months, Human Rights Watch said today. Nearly one-third of those abducted have been children, many of whom are
being forced to serve as soldiers or are being used for sex by the group's fighters.
During the abduction campaign, the LRA has brutally killed adults and children who tried to escape, walked too slowly, or were unable
to bear the heavy loads they were forced to carry, Human Rights Watch found in its investigations in the region. The LRA has killed at
least 255 adults and children, often by crushing their skulls with clubs. In dozens of cases, the LRA forced captive children to kill other
children and adults.
"The LRA continues its horrific campaign to replenish its ranks by brutally tearing children from their villages and forcing them to fight,"
said Anneke Van Woudenberg, senior Africa researcher at Human Rights Watch. "The evidence points to Joseph Kony, the LRA leader,
as the author of this atrocious campaign."
Human Rights Watch called on the affected governments and their allies to strengthen their protection of civilians and to put greater
emphasis on efforts to rescue the abducted children and others.
A month-long Human Rights Watch research mission to the Central African Republic (CAR) and the Bas Uele district of northern Congo
from July 12 to August 11, 2010, in which over 520 civilians were interviewed, including 90 former abductees, in individual and focus
group interviews, found that the LRA's abduction campaign was similar in both countries and is having a devastating impact on affected
communities.
In southeastern CAR, the LRA began large-scale abductions on July 21, 2009, and to date has abducted 304 people, including many
children. The LRA first attacked the villages surrounding Obo, before moving west toward Rafai, Guérékindo, Gouyanga, Kitessa and
Mboki, along the Congolese border, and north toward Djema, Baroua, and Derbissaka. Most recently, on June 12 and 13, 2010, the LRA
abducted 16 people in farms surrounding the town of Rafai, including a mother and her 2-year-old daughter, both of whom the rebels
later killed.
Click here to read more »
New Regional Strategy Needed to Protect Civilians and Rescue Children
August 11, 2010
(Washington, DC) - The Ugandan rebel Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) has abducted more than 697 adults and children in a largely
unreported campaign in the Central African Republic and the neighboring Bas Uele district of northern Democratic Republic of Congo
over the past 18 months, Human Rights Watch said today. Nearly one-third of those abducted have been children, many of whom are
being forced to serve as soldiers or are being used for sex by the group's fighters.
During the abduction campaign, the LRA has brutally killed adults and children who tried to escape, walked too slowly, or were unable
to bear the heavy loads they were forced to carry, Human Rights Watch found in its investigations in the region. The LRA has killed at
least 255 adults and children, often by crushing their skulls with clubs. In dozens of cases, the LRA forced captive children to kill other
children and adults.
"The LRA continues its horrific campaign to replenish its ranks by brutally tearing children from their villages and forcing them to fight,"
said Anneke Van Woudenberg, senior Africa researcher at Human Rights Watch. "The evidence points to Joseph Kony, the LRA leader,
as the author of this atrocious campaign."
Human Rights Watch called on the affected governments and their allies to strengthen their protection of civilians and to put greater
emphasis on efforts to rescue the abducted children and others.
A month-long Human Rights Watch research mission to the Central African Republic (CAR) and the Bas Uele district of northern Congo
from July 12 to August 11, 2010, in which over 520 civilians were interviewed, including 90 former abductees, in individual and focus
group interviews, found that the LRA's abduction campaign was similar in both countries and is having a devastating impact on affected
communities.
In southeastern CAR, the LRA began large-scale abductions on July 21, 2009, and to date has abducted 304 people, including many
children. The LRA first attacked the villages surrounding Obo, before moving west toward Rafai, Guérékindo, Gouyanga, Kitessa and
Mboki, along the Congolese border, and north toward Djema, Baroua, and Derbissaka. Most recently, on June 12 and 13, 2010, the LRA
abducted 16 people in farms surrounding the town of Rafai, including a mother and her 2-year-old daughter, both of whom the rebels
later killed.
Click here to read more »
Bozize Sets Elections For 2011
Central Africa | 08.05.10
After much debate, President Francois Bozize has given the green light to presidential and parliamentary elections in the Central African
Republic early next year.
“The president of the republic decrees that the electorate of the Central African Republic is called out on January 23, 2011, for
presidential and parliamentary elections,” said a statement, read out on state radio.
The elections, which had been due to take place on April 25, were put off until May and then postponed indefinitely as the opposition
called for delays, warning that security was not guaranteed in the strife-prone country.
In mid-June, the Independent Electoral Commission (CEI) proposed a vote on October 24, but Bozize chose not to follow its advice.
Bozize’s mandate to rule expired on June 11, but after the second postponement of the polls, the presidential and parliamentary mandates
were extended by constitutional law.
A postponement in the election had also been recommended by the committee of financial sponsors of the poll, consisting of the United
Nations, the European Union, France, and the United States.
Under the decree, the electoral campaign will begin on January 10 and will end at midnight on January 21.
Government spokesman Fidele Gouandjika explained the reason for the decision to media:
“The head of state has said and repeated that the new date of the elections must take account of the security conditions and progress in
the disarmament, demobilisation and reinsertion program for former rebels, which must reach the disarmament phase.”
Click here to read more »
Central Africa | 08.05.10
After much debate, President Francois Bozize has given the green light to presidential and parliamentary elections in the Central African
Republic early next year.
“The president of the republic decrees that the electorate of the Central African Republic is called out on January 23, 2011, for
presidential and parliamentary elections,” said a statement, read out on state radio.
The elections, which had been due to take place on April 25, were put off until May and then postponed indefinitely as the opposition
called for delays, warning that security was not guaranteed in the strife-prone country.
In mid-June, the Independent Electoral Commission (CEI) proposed a vote on October 24, but Bozize chose not to follow its advice.
Bozize’s mandate to rule expired on June 11, but after the second postponement of the polls, the presidential and parliamentary mandates
were extended by constitutional law.
A postponement in the election had also been recommended by the committee of financial sponsors of the poll, consisting of the United
Nations, the European Union, France, and the United States.
Under the decree, the electoral campaign will begin on January 10 and will end at midnight on January 21.
Government spokesman Fidele Gouandjika explained the reason for the decision to media:
“The head of state has said and repeated that the new date of the elections must take account of the security conditions and progress in
the disarmament, demobilisation and reinsertion program for former rebels, which must reach the disarmament phase.”
Click here to read more »
TRANSLATED FROM FRENCH BY GOOGLE TRANSLATE
Thursday, August 20, 2009
MINURCAT
The United Nations Mission in Central African Republic and Chad was created September 25, 2007, by Resolution 1778 of UN Security
Council UN as part of a multidimensional operation intended to restore the necessary security conditions for voluntary return and
sustainable return of refugees and persons displaced by conflict in this region of the three borders straddling Chad, Central African
Republic and Sudan. This mission is for Chad / Central African UNAMID mission hybrid United Nations and African Union in Darfur,
Sudan. The United Nations Mission in Central African Republic and Chad (MINURCAT) was established by resolutions 1861 (2009),
1834 (2008) and 1778 (2007) Security Council in consultation with the authorities of Chad and the Central African Republic.
Resolution 1861 of UN Security Council authorizes the deployment in both countries of a military component of MINURCAT, to
succeed EUFOR's mandate when it expires.
MINURCAT include up to 300 police, 25 military liaison officers, 5,200 soldiers, and an appropriate number of civilian personnel.
MINURCAT perform the following mandate in eastern Chad and northeastern Central African Republic, in association with the team of
United Nations country and, as appropriate, in conjunction with the Office of United Nations support for the consolidation of peace in
Central African Republic (BONUCA) and without prejudice to the mandate of BONUCA;
Safety and protection of civilians:
a) Select, train, advise and facilitate support to elements of the Integrated Security Detachment;
b) Liaise with the national army, the gendarmerie and police, national guard nomadic, judicial authorities and prison officials in Chad and
the Central African Republic to help create a safer environment, especially in fighting against the problems of banditry and criminality;
c) To liaise with the Chadian Government and the High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) to support their efforts to relocate refugee
camps which are located near the border, and provide logistical support to UNHCR thereto, where she has the opportunity and on the
basis of a cost reimbursement;
d) Maintaining contacts with the Sudanese Government, Operation hybrid AU / UN operation in Darfur (UNAMID), BONUCA, the
Multinational Force of the Economic Community of Central African States Central African Republic (MICOPAX) and the
Commonwealth of Sahel-Saharan States (CEN-SAD) to exchange information on threats to humanitarian activities in the region;
e) Support the initiatives of national and local authorities in Chad to ease local tensions and promoting local reconciliation efforts, to
improve the climate for the return of IDPs;
Human Rights and Rule of Law
f) Contribute to monitoring and the promotion and defense of human rights in Chad, with a particular focus on SGBV, and
recommending to the competent authorities to take measures to combat against impunity;
g) Within its limitations, support the efforts of the Chadian Government and civil society to strengthen their capacities by providing
training on international standards of human rights and efforts to halt recruitment and use of children by armed groups;
h) Assist the Government of Chad to promote the rule of law, including supporting an independent judiciary and a strengthened legal
system, in close coordination with United Nations agencies;
Click here to read more>>
Thursday, August 20, 2009
MINURCAT
The United Nations Mission in Central African Republic and Chad was created September 25, 2007, by Resolution 1778 of UN Security
Council UN as part of a multidimensional operation intended to restore the necessary security conditions for voluntary return and
sustainable return of refugees and persons displaced by conflict in this region of the three borders straddling Chad, Central African
Republic and Sudan. This mission is for Chad / Central African UNAMID mission hybrid United Nations and African Union in Darfur,
Sudan. The United Nations Mission in Central African Republic and Chad (MINURCAT) was established by resolutions 1861 (2009),
1834 (2008) and 1778 (2007) Security Council in consultation with the authorities of Chad and the Central African Republic.
Resolution 1861 of UN Security Council authorizes the deployment in both countries of a military component of MINURCAT, to
succeed EUFOR's mandate when it expires.
MINURCAT include up to 300 police, 25 military liaison officers, 5,200 soldiers, and an appropriate number of civilian personnel.
MINURCAT perform the following mandate in eastern Chad and northeastern Central African Republic, in association with the team of
United Nations country and, as appropriate, in conjunction with the Office of United Nations support for the consolidation of peace in
Central African Republic (BONUCA) and without prejudice to the mandate of BONUCA;
Safety and protection of civilians:
a) Select, train, advise and facilitate support to elements of the Integrated Security Detachment;
b) Liaise with the national army, the gendarmerie and police, national guard nomadic, judicial authorities and prison officials in Chad and
the Central African Republic to help create a safer environment, especially in fighting against the problems of banditry and criminality;
c) To liaise with the Chadian Government and the High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) to support their efforts to relocate refugee
camps which are located near the border, and provide logistical support to UNHCR thereto, where she has the opportunity and on the
basis of a cost reimbursement;
d) Maintaining contacts with the Sudanese Government, Operation hybrid AU / UN operation in Darfur (UNAMID), BONUCA, the
Multinational Force of the Economic Community of Central African States Central African Republic (MICOPAX) and the
Commonwealth of Sahel-Saharan States (CEN-SAD) to exchange information on threats to humanitarian activities in the region;
e) Support the initiatives of national and local authorities in Chad to ease local tensions and promoting local reconciliation efforts, to
improve the climate for the return of IDPs;
Human Rights and Rule of Law
f) Contribute to monitoring and the promotion and defense of human rights in Chad, with a particular focus on SGBV, and
recommending to the competent authorities to take measures to combat against impunity;
g) Within its limitations, support the efforts of the Chadian Government and civil society to strengthen their capacities by providing
training on international standards of human rights and efforts to halt recruitment and use of children by armed groups;
h) Assist the Government of Chad to promote the rule of law, including supporting an independent judiciary and a strengthened legal
system, in close coordination with United Nations agencies;
Click here to read more>>
TRANSLATED FROM FRENCH BY GOOGLE TRANSLATE
Central African Republic
The political and judicial authorities CAR can waive the rules of criminal procedure
June 16, 2010
Paris, Nairobi, June 16, 2010 - The International Federation of Human Rights (FIDH) is concerned about threats against Symphorien
Balemby Me, Dean of the College of Lawyers of Central Africa, sought by the police following the fire of a building and denounced the
arbitrary arrests of members of his cabinet.
On 10 June 2010, the Office of Me Symphorien Balemby has been invested by members of the Gendarmerie Nationale, under direction
of Senior Deputy Public Prosecutor. After conducting in the absence of Me Balemby in search of his office, elements of the
Gendarmerie Nationale have arrested three members of the firm located on the premises. Ms. Albertine Balemby, Mr. Bienvenu Nganro
and Mr. Prosper Gbangba have since been arbitrarily detained in prison Bossembélé.
FIDH is concerned that this raid and the arrests made in breach of the Code of Criminal Procedure CAR and the principle of inviolability
of Offices and homes of lawyers, are the direct result of intervention by the President of the Republic, François Bozize, with the
Prosecutor of the Tribunal de Grande Instance in Bangui. The order allegedly respondent Bozize of the arrest of Me Balemby to respond
to a burning building, but without any charges being brought against him, is the ominous sign of a lack of independence of the Central
African judiciary.
Me Symphorien Balemby is now actively sought by all the national defense forces and security. FIDH is concerned that this genuine
manhunt does seriously affect the physical and moral integrity of Me Balemby. Our organization also fears for the safety of Ms.
Albertine Balemby, Mr. Bienvenu Nganro and Mr. Prosper Gbangba, arbitrarily detained in prison Bossembélé and which, according to
some accounts, would be subject to abuse.
These arrests and threats take place in a climate of increasing violations of human rights and political tensions in Central African Republic
would be linked to the maturity of the presidential election and to the military rebels and forces CAR armed.
FIDH therefore urges the Central African authorities to:
* Ensure in all circumstances the physical and moral integrity of Me Balemby Symphorien, Mrs. Albertine Balemby, Mr. Bienvenu
Nganro and Mr. Prosper Gbangba;
* Put an end to public threats of arrest Balemby Me and launch, if necessary, a judicial procedure against him under the provisions of the
Penal Code and the Code of Criminal Procedure, and shall ensure, in all circumstances, the right to a fair trial;
* Proceed with the immediate release of Ms. Albertine Balemby, Mr. Bienvenu Nganro and Mr. Prosper Gbangba in the absence of
charges against them and, where appropriate, to ensure their right to a fair trial;
* Investigate the acts of torture and cruel, degrading and nhumains allegedly perpetrated against them to jail and prosecute those
responsible Bossembélé and authors;
* Take all necessary measures, in accordance with regional and international law on the subject, to ensure proper administration of
justice including independence of the judiciary vis-à-vis the political authorities.
Click here to read more>>
Central African Republic
The political and judicial authorities CAR can waive the rules of criminal procedure
June 16, 2010
Paris, Nairobi, June 16, 2010 - The International Federation of Human Rights (FIDH) is concerned about threats against Symphorien
Balemby Me, Dean of the College of Lawyers of Central Africa, sought by the police following the fire of a building and denounced the
arbitrary arrests of members of his cabinet.
On 10 June 2010, the Office of Me Symphorien Balemby has been invested by members of the Gendarmerie Nationale, under direction
of Senior Deputy Public Prosecutor. After conducting in the absence of Me Balemby in search of his office, elements of the
Gendarmerie Nationale have arrested three members of the firm located on the premises. Ms. Albertine Balemby, Mr. Bienvenu Nganro
and Mr. Prosper Gbangba have since been arbitrarily detained in prison Bossembélé.
FIDH is concerned that this raid and the arrests made in breach of the Code of Criminal Procedure CAR and the principle of inviolability
of Offices and homes of lawyers, are the direct result of intervention by the President of the Republic, François Bozize, with the
Prosecutor of the Tribunal de Grande Instance in Bangui. The order allegedly respondent Bozize of the arrest of Me Balemby to respond
to a burning building, but without any charges being brought against him, is the ominous sign of a lack of independence of the Central
African judiciary.
Me Symphorien Balemby is now actively sought by all the national defense forces and security. FIDH is concerned that this genuine
manhunt does seriously affect the physical and moral integrity of Me Balemby. Our organization also fears for the safety of Ms.
Albertine Balemby, Mr. Bienvenu Nganro and Mr. Prosper Gbangba, arbitrarily detained in prison Bossembélé and which, according to
some accounts, would be subject to abuse.
These arrests and threats take place in a climate of increasing violations of human rights and political tensions in Central African Republic
would be linked to the maturity of the presidential election and to the military rebels and forces CAR armed.
FIDH therefore urges the Central African authorities to:
* Ensure in all circumstances the physical and moral integrity of Me Balemby Symphorien, Mrs. Albertine Balemby, Mr. Bienvenu
Nganro and Mr. Prosper Gbangba;
* Put an end to public threats of arrest Balemby Me and launch, if necessary, a judicial procedure against him under the provisions of the
Penal Code and the Code of Criminal Procedure, and shall ensure, in all circumstances, the right to a fair trial;
* Proceed with the immediate release of Ms. Albertine Balemby, Mr. Bienvenu Nganro and Mr. Prosper Gbangba in the absence of
charges against them and, where appropriate, to ensure their right to a fair trial;
* Investigate the acts of torture and cruel, degrading and nhumains allegedly perpetrated against them to jail and prosecute those
responsible Bossembélé and authors;
* Take all necessary measures, in accordance with regional and international law on the subject, to ensure proper administration of
justice including independence of the judiciary vis-à-vis the political authorities.
Click here to read more>>
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| Click flag for Country Report |
Francois Bozize
President since 5 March 2003 (coup)
President since 5 March 2003 (coup)
| TRAFFICKING IN PERSONS |
Current situation: Central African Republic is a source, transit, and destination country for men, women, and children trafficked
for the purposes of forced labor and sexual exploitation; the majority of victims are children trafficked within the country for sexual
exploitation, domestic servitude, street vending, and forced agricultural, mine, market and restaurant labor; to a lesser extent,
children are trafficked from the Central African Republic to Cameroon, Nigeria, and the Democratic Republic of Congo; rebels
conscript children into armed forces within the country
Tier rating: Tier 2 Watch List - Central African Republic is on the Tier 2 Watch List for the third consecutive year for its failure to
show evidence of increasing efforts to combat trafficking in 2007; efforts to address trafficking through vigorous law enforcement
measures and victim protection efforts were minimal, though awareness about trafficking appeared to be increasing in the country;
the government does not actively investigate cases, work to identify trafficking victims among vulnerable populations, or rescue and
provide care to victims; the government has not taken measures to reduce demand for commercial sex acts (2008)
for the purposes of forced labor and sexual exploitation; the majority of victims are children trafficked within the country for sexual
exploitation, domestic servitude, street vending, and forced agricultural, mine, market and restaurant labor; to a lesser extent,
children are trafficked from the Central African Republic to Cameroon, Nigeria, and the Democratic Republic of Congo; rebels
conscript children into armed forces within the country
Tier rating: Tier 2 Watch List - Central African Republic is on the Tier 2 Watch List for the third consecutive year for its failure to
show evidence of increasing efforts to combat trafficking in 2007; efforts to address trafficking through vigorous law enforcement
measures and victim protection efforts were minimal, though awareness about trafficking appeared to be increasing in the country;
the government does not actively investigate cases, work to identify trafficking victims among vulnerable populations, or rescue and
provide care to victims; the government has not taken measures to reduce demand for commercial sex acts (2008)
