| CHILE Republic of Chile Republica de Chile Joined United Nations: 24 October 1945 Human Rights as assured by their constitution Click here Updated 07/06/10 |
| CAPITAL |
| POPULATION |
| CHIEF OF STATE |
| SELECTION PROCESS |
Santiago
16,746,491 (July 2010 est.)
Dr. Miguel Juan Sebastián Piñera
Echenique
President since 11 March 2010
Echenique
President since 11 March 2010
President elected by popular vote for a single four-year term;
election last held 13 December 2009, with runoff election held
17 January 2010
Next scheduled election: December 2013
election last held 13 December 2009, with runoff election held
17 January 2010
Next scheduled election: December 2013
HEAD OF GOVERNMENT
SELECTION PROCESS
According to the Chilean Constitution, the president is both the
chief of state and head of government
chief of state and head of government
| DECLARATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS |
| ETHNIC GROUPS |
White and White-Amerindian 95.4%, Mapuche 4%, other indigenous groups 0.6% (2002 census)
| RELIGIONS |
Roman Catholic 70%, Evangelical 15.1%, Jehovah's Witness 1.1%, other Christian 1%, other 4.6%, none 8.3% (2002 census)
| GOVERNMENT STRUCTURE |
Republic -13 regions (regiones, singular - region); Legal system is based on Code of 1857 derived from Spanish law and subsequent
codes influenced by French and Austrian law; judicial review of legislative acts in the Supreme Court; has not accepted compulsory
ICJ jurisdiction; note - in June 2005, Chile completed overhaul of its criminal justice system to a new, US-style adversarial system
Executive: President elected by popular vote for a single four-year term; election last held 13 December 2009, with runoff election held 17
January 2010 (next to be held December 2013)
Legislative: Bicameral National Congress or Congreso Nacional consists of the Senate or Senado (38 seats elected by popular
vote; members serve eight-year terms - one-half elected every four years) and the Chamber of Deputies or Camara de Diputados
(120 seats; members are elected by popular vote to serve four-year terms)
elections: Senate - last held 13 December 2009 (next to be held December 2013); Chamber of Deputies - last held 13 December
2009 (next to be held December 2013)
Judicial: Supreme Court or Corte Suprema (judges are appointed by the president and ratified by the Senate from lists of
candidates provided by the court itself; the president of the Supreme Court is elected every three years by the 20-member court);
Constitutional Tribunal
codes influenced by French and Austrian law; judicial review of legislative acts in the Supreme Court; has not accepted compulsory
ICJ jurisdiction; note - in June 2005, Chile completed overhaul of its criminal justice system to a new, US-style adversarial system
Executive: President elected by popular vote for a single four-year term; election last held 13 December 2009, with runoff election held 17
January 2010 (next to be held December 2013)
Legislative: Bicameral National Congress or Congreso Nacional consists of the Senate or Senado (38 seats elected by popular
vote; members serve eight-year terms - one-half elected every four years) and the Chamber of Deputies or Camara de Diputados
(120 seats; members are elected by popular vote to serve four-year terms)
elections: Senate - last held 13 December 2009 (next to be held December 2013); Chamber of Deputies - last held 13 December
2009 (next to be held December 2013)
Judicial: Supreme Court or Corte Suprema (judges are appointed by the president and ratified by the Senate from lists of
candidates provided by the court itself; the president of the Supreme Court is elected every three years by the 20-member court);
Constitutional Tribunal
| LANGUAGES |
Spanish (official), Mapudungun, German, English
| BRIEF HISTORY |
Chilean territory was possibly among the last areas to be populated in the Americas, though the proposal that the initial arrival of
humans to the continent took place either along the Pacific coast southwards in a rather rapid expansion long preceding the Clovis
culture, or even trans-Pacific migration, is attracting with more interest in recent times. Pre-Hispanic Chile was home to over a
dozen different indigenous peoples. Despite such diversity, it is possible to classify them into three major cultural groups: The
northern peoples, who developed rich handicrafts and were influenced by pre-Incan cultures; the Mapuche culture, who inhabited
the area between the river Choapa and the island of Chiloé, and lived primarily off agriculture; and the Patagonian culture,
composed of various nomadic tribes, who supported themselves through fishing and hunting (and who in Pacific/Pacific Coast
immigration scenario would be descended partly from the most ancient settlers). As the Inca Empire expanded it was only able to
integrate the northern part of Chile. Incan attempts to colonize Central Chile were unsuccessful, having met fierce resistance by
Mapuche warriors. The Lircay river subsequently became the boundary between the Incan empire and the Mapuche lands. The first
European to sight Chilean territory was Ferdinand Magellan, who crossed the Strait of Magellan on November 1, 1520. However,
the title of discoverer of Chile is usually assigned to Diego de Almagro. De Almagro was Francisco Pizarro's partner, and he
received command of the southern part of the Inca Empire (Nueva Toledo). He organized an expedition that brought him to central
Chile in 1537, but he found little of value to compare with the gold and silver of the Incas in Peru. Left with the impression that the
inhabitants of the area were poor, he returned to Peru, later to die in a Civil War. After this initial excursion there was little interest
from colonial authorities in further exploring modern-day Chile. However, Pedro de Valdivia, captain of the army, realizing the
potential for expanding the Spanish empire southward, asked Pizarro permission to invade and conquer the southern lands. With a
couple of hundred men, he subdued the local inhabitants and founded the city of Santiago de Nueva Extremadura, now Santiago de
Chile, in February 12, 1541. Although Valdivia found little gold in Chile he could see the agricultural richness of the land. He
continued his explorations of the region west of the Andes and founded over a dozen towns and established the first encomiendas.
The greatest resistance to Spanish rule came from the Mapuche culture, who opposed European conquest and colonization until
1880s; this resistance is traditionally labelled as the Arauco War. Valdivia died at the Battle of Tucapel, defeated by Lautaro, a
young Mapuche toqui (war chief) but the European conquest was well underway. The Spaniards never subjugated the Mapuche
territories; various attempt at conquest, both by military and peaceful means, failed. The Great Uprising of 1600 swept all Spanish
presence south of the Bío-Bío River (except for Valdivia and Chiloé), and the great river became the frontier line between Mapuche
lands and the Spanish realm. North of that line cities grew up slowly, and Chilean lands eventually became an important source of
food for the Viceroyalty of Peru. Chile was the least wealthy realm of the Spanish Crown for most of its colonial history. Only in the
18th century did a steady economic and demographic growth begin, an effect of the reforms by Spain's Bourbon dynasty and a
more stable situation along the frontier. The drive for independence from Spain was precipitated by usurpation of the Spanish throne
by Napoleon's brother Joseph Bonaparte; and can be divided into 3 stages. A national junta was established in the name of
Ferdinand VII— the deposed king — on September 18, 1810. This period is known as the "Patria Vieja" (old republic). The
second was characterized by the Spanish attempts to reimpose arbitrary rule during the period known in Chile as the Reconquista
("Reconquest": the term echoes the Reconquista in which the Christian kingdoms retook Iberia from the Muslims) which in turn led
to a prolonged struggle under José de San Martín and Bernardo O'Higgins, Chile's most renowned patriot and a member of South
America's Irish diaspora. Other revolutionary leaders included the guerilla leader Manuel Rodríguez and the exiled British admiral
Thomas Cochrane, who commanded the Chilean Navy from 1817-1822. Chilean independence was formally proclaimed on
February 12, 1818, and the last of its territory, Chiloé, was wrested from Spanish rule by 1826. The political revolt brought little
social change, however, and nineteenth century Chilean society preserved the essence of the stratified colonial social structure,
family politics, and the influence of the Roman Catholic Church. The system of presidential power eventually predominated, but
wealthy landowners continued to control Chile. Toward the end of the nineteenth century, the government in Santiago consolidated
its position in the south by persistently suppressing the Mapuche during the Occupation of the Araucanía. In 1881, it signed a treaty
with Argentina confirming Chilean sovereignty over the Strait of Magellan, but conceding all of oriental Patagonia, and a
considerable fraction of the territory it had during colonial times. As a result of the War of the Pacific with Peru and Bolivia (1879-
1883), Chile expanded its territory northward by almost one-third and acquired valuable nitrate deposits, the exploitation of which
led to an era of national affluence. In the 1870s, the church influence started to diminish slightly with the passing of several laws that
took some old roles of the church into the State's hands such as the registry of births and marriages. In 1886, José Manuel
Balmaceda was elected president. His economic policies visibly changed the existing liberal policies. He began to violate the
constitution and slowly began to establish a dictatorship. Congress decided to depose Balmaceda, who refused to step down. Jorge
Montt, among others, directed an armed conflict against Balmaceda, which soon extended into the Chilean Civil War of 1891.
Defeated, Balmaceda fled to Argentina's embassy, where he committed suicide. Jorge Montt became the new president. By the
1920s, the emerging middle and working classes were powerful enough to elect a reformist president, whose program was
frustrated by a conservative congress. A military coup led by General Luis Altamirano in 1924 set off a period of great political
instability that lasted until 1932. The longest lasting of the ten governments between those years was that of Gen. Carlos Ibáñez,
who briefly held power in 1925 and then again between 1927 and 1931 in what was a de facto dictatorship. When constitutional
rule was restored in 1932, a strong middle-class party, the Radicals, emerged. It became the key force in coalition governments for
the next 20 years. In the presidential election of 1970, Salvador Allende gained the presidency of Chile. Allende was a Marxist and
a member of Chile's Socialist Party, who headed the "Popular Unity" (UP) coalition of the Socialist, Communist, Radical, and
Social-Democratic Parties, along with dissident Christian Democrats, the Popular Unitary Action Movement (MAPU), and the
Independent Popular Action. His program included land reform and the nationalization of U.S. interests in Chile's major copper
mines. Immediately after the election, the United States expressed its disapproval and raised a number of economic sanctions
against Chile. In addition, the CIA's website reports that the agency aided three different Chilean opposition groups during that time
period and "sought to instigate a coup to prevent Allende from taking office(.)" By 1973, Chilean society had grown highly
polarized, between strong opponents and equally strong supporters of Salvador Allende and his government. Military actions and
movements, separate from the civilian authority, began to manifest in the countryside. A failed military coup was attempted against
Allende in June 1973. In its "Declaration of the Breakdown of Chile’s Democracy", on August 22, 1973, the Chamber of Deputies
of Chile asserted that Chilean democracy had broken down and called for Allende's removal, by military force if necessary, to
restore constitutional rule. Less than a month later, on September 11, 1973, the Chilean military deposed Allende, who committed
suicide as the Presidential Palace was surrounded and bombed. Subsequently, rather than restore governmental authority to the
civilian legislature, Augusto Pinochet exploited his role as Commander of the Army to seize total power and to establish himself at
the head of a junta. Controversy surrounds alleged CIA involvement in the coup. As early as the Church Committee Report (1975),
publicly available documents have indicated that the CIA attempted to prevent Allende from taking office after he was elected in
1970; the CIA itself released documents in 2000 acknowledging this and that Pinochet was one of their favored alternatives to take
power. Still, they deny having taken any active role in the events in Chile after Allende took office. After the coup, Chileans
witnessed a large-scale repression, which started as soon as October 1973, with at least 70 persons murdered by the infamous
Caravan of Death. The four-man junta headed by General Augusto Pinochet abolished civil liberties, dissolved the national
congress, banned union activities, prohibited strikes and collective bargaining, and erased the Allende administration's agrarian and
economic reforms. The junta jailed, tortured, and executed thousands of Chileans. According to the Rettig commission and the
Valech Report, close to 3,200 were executed, murdered or "disappeared", and at least 29 000 imprisoned and tortured; higher
estimates exist. The Concertación coalition would dominate Chilean politics for the next two decades, with its most recent victory
being the 2006 election of Socialist candidate Michelle Bachelet. It established in February 1991 the National Commission for Truth
and Reconciliation, which released in February 1991 the Rettig Report on human rights violations during Augusto Pinochet's
dictatorship. The election of Sebastian Pinera on 17 January 2010 marks the return of conservatives to power.
Source: Wikipedia: History of Chile
humans to the continent took place either along the Pacific coast southwards in a rather rapid expansion long preceding the Clovis
culture, or even trans-Pacific migration, is attracting with more interest in recent times. Pre-Hispanic Chile was home to over a
dozen different indigenous peoples. Despite such diversity, it is possible to classify them into three major cultural groups: The
northern peoples, who developed rich handicrafts and were influenced by pre-Incan cultures; the Mapuche culture, who inhabited
the area between the river Choapa and the island of Chiloé, and lived primarily off agriculture; and the Patagonian culture,
composed of various nomadic tribes, who supported themselves through fishing and hunting (and who in Pacific/Pacific Coast
immigration scenario would be descended partly from the most ancient settlers). As the Inca Empire expanded it was only able to
integrate the northern part of Chile. Incan attempts to colonize Central Chile were unsuccessful, having met fierce resistance by
Mapuche warriors. The Lircay river subsequently became the boundary between the Incan empire and the Mapuche lands. The first
European to sight Chilean territory was Ferdinand Magellan, who crossed the Strait of Magellan on November 1, 1520. However,
the title of discoverer of Chile is usually assigned to Diego de Almagro. De Almagro was Francisco Pizarro's partner, and he
received command of the southern part of the Inca Empire (Nueva Toledo). He organized an expedition that brought him to central
Chile in 1537, but he found little of value to compare with the gold and silver of the Incas in Peru. Left with the impression that the
inhabitants of the area were poor, he returned to Peru, later to die in a Civil War. After this initial excursion there was little interest
from colonial authorities in further exploring modern-day Chile. However, Pedro de Valdivia, captain of the army, realizing the
potential for expanding the Spanish empire southward, asked Pizarro permission to invade and conquer the southern lands. With a
couple of hundred men, he subdued the local inhabitants and founded the city of Santiago de Nueva Extremadura, now Santiago de
Chile, in February 12, 1541. Although Valdivia found little gold in Chile he could see the agricultural richness of the land. He
continued his explorations of the region west of the Andes and founded over a dozen towns and established the first encomiendas.
The greatest resistance to Spanish rule came from the Mapuche culture, who opposed European conquest and colonization until
1880s; this resistance is traditionally labelled as the Arauco War. Valdivia died at the Battle of Tucapel, defeated by Lautaro, a
young Mapuche toqui (war chief) but the European conquest was well underway. The Spaniards never subjugated the Mapuche
territories; various attempt at conquest, both by military and peaceful means, failed. The Great Uprising of 1600 swept all Spanish
presence south of the Bío-Bío River (except for Valdivia and Chiloé), and the great river became the frontier line between Mapuche
lands and the Spanish realm. North of that line cities grew up slowly, and Chilean lands eventually became an important source of
food for the Viceroyalty of Peru. Chile was the least wealthy realm of the Spanish Crown for most of its colonial history. Only in the
18th century did a steady economic and demographic growth begin, an effect of the reforms by Spain's Bourbon dynasty and a
more stable situation along the frontier. The drive for independence from Spain was precipitated by usurpation of the Spanish throne
by Napoleon's brother Joseph Bonaparte; and can be divided into 3 stages. A national junta was established in the name of
Ferdinand VII— the deposed king — on September 18, 1810. This period is known as the "Patria Vieja" (old republic). The
second was characterized by the Spanish attempts to reimpose arbitrary rule during the period known in Chile as the Reconquista
("Reconquest": the term echoes the Reconquista in which the Christian kingdoms retook Iberia from the Muslims) which in turn led
to a prolonged struggle under José de San Martín and Bernardo O'Higgins, Chile's most renowned patriot and a member of South
America's Irish diaspora. Other revolutionary leaders included the guerilla leader Manuel Rodríguez and the exiled British admiral
Thomas Cochrane, who commanded the Chilean Navy from 1817-1822. Chilean independence was formally proclaimed on
February 12, 1818, and the last of its territory, Chiloé, was wrested from Spanish rule by 1826. The political revolt brought little
social change, however, and nineteenth century Chilean society preserved the essence of the stratified colonial social structure,
family politics, and the influence of the Roman Catholic Church. The system of presidential power eventually predominated, but
wealthy landowners continued to control Chile. Toward the end of the nineteenth century, the government in Santiago consolidated
its position in the south by persistently suppressing the Mapuche during the Occupation of the Araucanía. In 1881, it signed a treaty
with Argentina confirming Chilean sovereignty over the Strait of Magellan, but conceding all of oriental Patagonia, and a
considerable fraction of the territory it had during colonial times. As a result of the War of the Pacific with Peru and Bolivia (1879-
1883), Chile expanded its territory northward by almost one-third and acquired valuable nitrate deposits, the exploitation of which
led to an era of national affluence. In the 1870s, the church influence started to diminish slightly with the passing of several laws that
took some old roles of the church into the State's hands such as the registry of births and marriages. In 1886, José Manuel
Balmaceda was elected president. His economic policies visibly changed the existing liberal policies. He began to violate the
constitution and slowly began to establish a dictatorship. Congress decided to depose Balmaceda, who refused to step down. Jorge
Montt, among others, directed an armed conflict against Balmaceda, which soon extended into the Chilean Civil War of 1891.
Defeated, Balmaceda fled to Argentina's embassy, where he committed suicide. Jorge Montt became the new president. By the
1920s, the emerging middle and working classes were powerful enough to elect a reformist president, whose program was
frustrated by a conservative congress. A military coup led by General Luis Altamirano in 1924 set off a period of great political
instability that lasted until 1932. The longest lasting of the ten governments between those years was that of Gen. Carlos Ibáñez,
who briefly held power in 1925 and then again between 1927 and 1931 in what was a de facto dictatorship. When constitutional
rule was restored in 1932, a strong middle-class party, the Radicals, emerged. It became the key force in coalition governments for
the next 20 years. In the presidential election of 1970, Salvador Allende gained the presidency of Chile. Allende was a Marxist and
a member of Chile's Socialist Party, who headed the "Popular Unity" (UP) coalition of the Socialist, Communist, Radical, and
Social-Democratic Parties, along with dissident Christian Democrats, the Popular Unitary Action Movement (MAPU), and the
Independent Popular Action. His program included land reform and the nationalization of U.S. interests in Chile's major copper
mines. Immediately after the election, the United States expressed its disapproval and raised a number of economic sanctions
against Chile. In addition, the CIA's website reports that the agency aided three different Chilean opposition groups during that time
period and "sought to instigate a coup to prevent Allende from taking office(.)" By 1973, Chilean society had grown highly
polarized, between strong opponents and equally strong supporters of Salvador Allende and his government. Military actions and
movements, separate from the civilian authority, began to manifest in the countryside. A failed military coup was attempted against
Allende in June 1973. In its "Declaration of the Breakdown of Chile’s Democracy", on August 22, 1973, the Chamber of Deputies
of Chile asserted that Chilean democracy had broken down and called for Allende's removal, by military force if necessary, to
restore constitutional rule. Less than a month later, on September 11, 1973, the Chilean military deposed Allende, who committed
suicide as the Presidential Palace was surrounded and bombed. Subsequently, rather than restore governmental authority to the
civilian legislature, Augusto Pinochet exploited his role as Commander of the Army to seize total power and to establish himself at
the head of a junta. Controversy surrounds alleged CIA involvement in the coup. As early as the Church Committee Report (1975),
publicly available documents have indicated that the CIA attempted to prevent Allende from taking office after he was elected in
1970; the CIA itself released documents in 2000 acknowledging this and that Pinochet was one of their favored alternatives to take
power. Still, they deny having taken any active role in the events in Chile after Allende took office. After the coup, Chileans
witnessed a large-scale repression, which started as soon as October 1973, with at least 70 persons murdered by the infamous
Caravan of Death. The four-man junta headed by General Augusto Pinochet abolished civil liberties, dissolved the national
congress, banned union activities, prohibited strikes and collective bargaining, and erased the Allende administration's agrarian and
economic reforms. The junta jailed, tortured, and executed thousands of Chileans. According to the Rettig commission and the
Valech Report, close to 3,200 were executed, murdered or "disappeared", and at least 29 000 imprisoned and tortured; higher
estimates exist. The Concertación coalition would dominate Chilean politics for the next two decades, with its most recent victory
being the 2006 election of Socialist candidate Michelle Bachelet. It established in February 1991 the National Commission for Truth
and Reconciliation, which released in February 1991 the Rettig Report on human rights violations during Augusto Pinochet's
dictatorship. The election of Sebastian Pinera on 17 January 2010 marks the return of conservatives to power.
Source: Wikipedia: History of Chile
| ECONOMIC OVERVIEW |
Chile has a market-oriented economy characterized by a high level of foreign trade and a reputation for strong financial institutions
and sound policy that have given it the strongest sovereign bond rating in South America. Exports account for more than one-fourth
of GDP, with commodities making up some three-quarters of total exports. Copper alone provides one-third of government
revenue. During the early 1990s, Chile's reputation as a role model for economic reform was strengthened when the democratic
government of Patricio AYLWIN - which took over from the military in 1990 - deepened the economic reform initiated by the
military government. Growth in real GDP averaged 8% during 1991-97, but fell to half that level in 1998 because of tight monetary
policies implemented to keep the current account deficit in check and because of lower export earnings - the latter a product of the
global financial crisis. A severe drought exacerbated the situation in 1999, reducing crop yields and causing hydroelectric shortfalls
and electricity rationing, and Chile experienced negative economic growth for the first time in more than 15 years. In the years since
then, growth has averaged 4% per year. Chile deepened its longstanding commitment to trade liberalization with the signing of a free
trade agreement with the US, which took effect on 1 January 2004. Chile claims to have more bilateral or regional trade agreements
than any other country. It has 57 such agreements (not all of them full free trade agreements), including with the European Union,
Mercosur, China, India, South Korea, and Mexico. Over the past five years, foreign direct investment inflows have quadrupled to
some $17 billion in 2008, but FDI dropped to about $7 billion in 2009 in the face of diminished investment throughout the world.
The Chilean government conducts a rule-based countercyclical fiscal policy, accumulating surpluses in sovereign wealth funds during
periods of high copper prices and economic growth, and allowing deficit spending only during periods of low copper prices and
growth. As of September 2008, those sovereign wealth funds - kept mostly outside the country and separate from Central Bank
reserves - amounted to more than $20 billion. Chile used $4 billion from this fund to finance a fiscal stimulus package to fend off
recession. The economy was starting to show signs of a rebound in the fourth quarter, 2009, although GDP still fell more than 1%
for the year. In December 2009, the OECD invited Chile to become a full member, after a two year period of compliance with
organization mandates. The magnitude 8.8 earthquake that struck Chile in February 2010 was one of the top ten strongest
earthquakes on record. It caused considerable damage near the epicenter, located about 70 miles from Concepcion - and about
200 miles southwest of Santiago.
Source: CIA World Factbook (select Chile)
and sound policy that have given it the strongest sovereign bond rating in South America. Exports account for more than one-fourth
of GDP, with commodities making up some three-quarters of total exports. Copper alone provides one-third of government
revenue. During the early 1990s, Chile's reputation as a role model for economic reform was strengthened when the democratic
government of Patricio AYLWIN - which took over from the military in 1990 - deepened the economic reform initiated by the
military government. Growth in real GDP averaged 8% during 1991-97, but fell to half that level in 1998 because of tight monetary
policies implemented to keep the current account deficit in check and because of lower export earnings - the latter a product of the
global financial crisis. A severe drought exacerbated the situation in 1999, reducing crop yields and causing hydroelectric shortfalls
and electricity rationing, and Chile experienced negative economic growth for the first time in more than 15 years. In the years since
then, growth has averaged 4% per year. Chile deepened its longstanding commitment to trade liberalization with the signing of a free
trade agreement with the US, which took effect on 1 January 2004. Chile claims to have more bilateral or regional trade agreements
than any other country. It has 57 such agreements (not all of them full free trade agreements), including with the European Union,
Mercosur, China, India, South Korea, and Mexico. Over the past five years, foreign direct investment inflows have quadrupled to
some $17 billion in 2008, but FDI dropped to about $7 billion in 2009 in the face of diminished investment throughout the world.
The Chilean government conducts a rule-based countercyclical fiscal policy, accumulating surpluses in sovereign wealth funds during
periods of high copper prices and economic growth, and allowing deficit spending only during periods of low copper prices and
growth. As of September 2008, those sovereign wealth funds - kept mostly outside the country and separate from Central Bank
reserves - amounted to more than $20 billion. Chile used $4 billion from this fund to finance a fiscal stimulus package to fend off
recession. The economy was starting to show signs of a rebound in the fourth quarter, 2009, although GDP still fell more than 1%
for the year. In December 2009, the OECD invited Chile to become a full member, after a two year period of compliance with
organization mandates. The magnitude 8.8 earthquake that struck Chile in February 2010 was one of the top ten strongest
earthquakes on record. It caused considerable damage near the epicenter, located about 70 miles from Concepcion - and about
200 miles southwest of Santiago.
Source: CIA World Factbook (select Chile)
| POLITICAL CLIMATE |
The politics of Chile takes place in a framework of a presidential representative democratic republic, whereby the President of Chile
is both head of state and head of government, and of a multi-party system. Executive power is exercised by the government.
Legislative power is vested in both the government and the two chambers of the National Congress. The Judiciary is independent of
the executive and the legislature.
Chile's current Constitution was approved in a national plebiscite in September 1980, under the military government of dictator
Augusto Pinochet. It entered into force in March 1981. After Pinochet leaving power in the 1988, saying this country is ready to
keep going alone along with a plebiscite, the Constitution was amended to ease provisions for future amendments to the
Constitution. In September 2005, President Ricardo Lagos signed into law several constitutional amendments passed by Congress.
These include eliminating the positions of appointed senators and senators for life, granting the President authority to remove the
commanders-in-chief of the armed forces, and reducing the presidential term from six to four years.
Michele Bachelet was elected as the first woman president of Chile in January 2006. She was replaced with the election of
Sebastian Pinera on 17 January 2010. He is the first conservative elected president since the toppling of Pinochet.
Source: Wikipedia: Politics of Chile
is both head of state and head of government, and of a multi-party system. Executive power is exercised by the government.
Legislative power is vested in both the government and the two chambers of the National Congress. The Judiciary is independent of
the executive and the legislature.
Chile's current Constitution was approved in a national plebiscite in September 1980, under the military government of dictator
Augusto Pinochet. It entered into force in March 1981. After Pinochet leaving power in the 1988, saying this country is ready to
keep going alone along with a plebiscite, the Constitution was amended to ease provisions for future amendments to the
Constitution. In September 2005, President Ricardo Lagos signed into law several constitutional amendments passed by Congress.
These include eliminating the positions of appointed senators and senators for life, granting the President authority to remove the
commanders-in-chief of the armed forces, and reducing the presidential term from six to four years.
Michele Bachelet was elected as the first woman president of Chile in January 2006. She was replaced with the election of
Sebastian Pinera on 17 January 2010. He is the first conservative elected president since the toppling of Pinochet.
Source: Wikipedia: Politics of Chile
| INTERNATIONAL DISPUTES |
Chile and Peru rebuff Bolivia's reinvigorated claim to restore the Atacama corridor, ceded to Chile in 1884, but Chile has offered
instead unrestricted but not sovereign maritime access through Chile to Bolivian gas and other commodities; Chile rejects Peru's
unilateral legislation to change its latitudinal maritime boundary with Chile to an equidistance line with a southwestern axis favoring
Peru, in October 2007, Peru took its maritime complaint with Chile to the ICJ; territorial claim in Antarctica (Chilean Antarctic
Territory) partially overlaps Argentine and British claims; the joint boundary commission, established by Chile and Argentina in
2001, has yet to map and demarcate the delimited boundary in the inhospitable Andean Southern Ice Field (Campo de Hielo Sur)
instead unrestricted but not sovereign maritime access through Chile to Bolivian gas and other commodities; Chile rejects Peru's
unilateral legislation to change its latitudinal maritime boundary with Chile to an equidistance line with a southwestern axis favoring
Peru, in October 2007, Peru took its maritime complaint with Chile to the ICJ; territorial claim in Antarctica (Chilean Antarctic
Territory) partially overlaps Argentine and British claims; the joint boundary commission, established by Chile and Argentina in
2001, has yet to map and demarcate the delimited boundary in the inhospitable Andean Southern Ice Field (Campo de Hielo Sur)
| TRAFFICKING IN PERSONS |
None reported.
| ILLICIT DRUGS |
Transshipment country for cocaine destined for Europe and the region; some money laundering activity, especially through the
Iquique Free Trade Zone; imported precursors passed on to Bolivia; domestic cocaine consumption is rising, making Chile a
significant consumer of cocaine (2008)
Iquique Free Trade Zone; imported precursors passed on to Bolivia; domestic cocaine consumption is rising, making Chile a
significant consumer of cocaine (2008)
| HUMAN RIGHTS STATEMENTS, ANALYSIS AND CRITIQUES |
2009 Human Rights Report: Chile
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
March 11, 2010
Chile is a multiparty democracy with a population of approximately 16 million. On December 13, in free and fair elections voters
chose Sebastian Pinera Echenique of the center-right Coalition for Change and Eduardo Frei Ruiz-Tagle of the center-left
Concertacion coalition as the two presidential candidates for a runoff election scheduled for January 17, 2010. Civilian authorities
generally maintained effective control of the security forces.
The government generally respected the human rights of its citizens.
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
March 11, 2010
Chile is a multiparty democracy with a population of approximately 16 million. On December 13, in free and fair elections voters
chose Sebastian Pinera Echenique of the center-right Coalition for Change and Eduardo Frei Ruiz-Tagle of the center-left
Concertacion coalition as the two presidential candidates for a runoff election scheduled for January 17, 2010. Civilian authorities
generally maintained effective control of the security forces.
The government generally respected the human rights of its citizens.
- There were isolated reports of excessive use of force and mistreatment by police forces, physical abuse in jails and prisons,
and generally substandard prison conditions. The government generally took steps to investigate and punish abusers. - Domestic violence against women and children was widespread.
- There were incidents of trafficking in persons.
- Some indigenous people suffered discrimination.
- Many children were employed in the informal economy.
7 September 2009
Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination
Seventy-fifth session
3–28 August 2009
Consideration of reports submitted by States parties under article 9 of the Convention
Concluding observations of the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination
Chile
A. Introduction
2. The Committee welcomes the periodic report submitted by Chile. It appreciates the opportunity to renew its dialogue with the
State party and expresses its gratitude for the open and frank dialogue with the high-level delegation, which comprised numerous
experts in areas related to the Convention, and for the extensive and detailed oral and written responses to both the list of issues and
the questions posed orally by Committee members.
3. Noting the delay of over seven years in the submission of the report, the Committee invites the State party to respect the
timetable set by the Committee for the submission of future reports.
B. Positive aspects
4. The Committee welcomes the State party’s ratification in 2008 of the International Labour Organization (ILO) Convention
concerning Indigenous and Tribal Peoples in Independent Countries (No. 169) and, in 2005, of the International Convention on the
Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families.
5. The Committee welcomes the establishment of various institutions to promote and coordinate public policies on indigenous
matters, including the National Indigenous Development Corporation (CONADI), the Ministerial Council for Indigenous Affairs and
the indigenous units in ministries and regional administrations.
C. Principal subjects of concern and recommendations
Definition, punishment and imprescriptibility of torture
12. While taking note of the legislative proposals in the area of racial discrimination, the Committee notes with concern that there is
still no clear definition of racial discrimination in Chilean law (art. 1).
The Committee recommends that the State party should step up its efforts to adopt the bill on racial discrimination submitted to
parliament in 2005, and that it should ensure that a definition of racial discrimination that includes the elements set forth in
article 1 of the Convention is incorporated into the Chilean legal system.
Click here to read more »
Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination
Seventy-fifth session
3–28 August 2009
Consideration of reports submitted by States parties under article 9 of the Convention
Concluding observations of the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination
Chile
A. Introduction
2. The Committee welcomes the periodic report submitted by Chile. It appreciates the opportunity to renew its dialogue with the
State party and expresses its gratitude for the open and frank dialogue with the high-level delegation, which comprised numerous
experts in areas related to the Convention, and for the extensive and detailed oral and written responses to both the list of issues and
the questions posed orally by Committee members.
3. Noting the delay of over seven years in the submission of the report, the Committee invites the State party to respect the
timetable set by the Committee for the submission of future reports.
B. Positive aspects
4. The Committee welcomes the State party’s ratification in 2008 of the International Labour Organization (ILO) Convention
concerning Indigenous and Tribal Peoples in Independent Countries (No. 169) and, in 2005, of the International Convention on the
Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families.
5. The Committee welcomes the establishment of various institutions to promote and coordinate public policies on indigenous
matters, including the National Indigenous Development Corporation (CONADI), the Ministerial Council for Indigenous Affairs and
the indigenous units in ministries and regional administrations.
C. Principal subjects of concern and recommendations
Definition, punishment and imprescriptibility of torture
12. While taking note of the legislative proposals in the area of racial discrimination, the Committee notes with concern that there is
still no clear definition of racial discrimination in Chilean law (art. 1).
The Committee recommends that the State party should step up its efforts to adopt the bill on racial discrimination submitted to
parliament in 2005, and that it should ensure that a definition of racial discrimination that includes the elements set forth in
article 1 of the Convention is incorporated into the Chilean legal system.
Click here to read more »
Freedom In The World 2010 Report
Political Rights Score: 1
Civil Liberties Score: 1
Status: Free
Overview
Sebastian Pinera of the center-right Coalition for Change led the first round of the presidential election in December, and a runoff
was scheduled for January 2010. His candidacy was supported by several high-level defectors from the ruling center-left
Concertacion bloc, whose nominee—former president Eduardo Frei—would be Pinera’s runoff opponent. Pinera’s early success
came despite the popularity of outgoing president Michelle Bachelet and her administration’s robust social-welfare programs.
Early in her term, Bachelet faced huge student demonstrations demanding education improvements, and oversaw a botched reform
of Santiago’s public transit system. Concertacion’s strength was also undermined in 2009 by infighting among its four member
parties, three of which suffered defections. However, Bachelet presided over popular spending projects, including the construction
of new hospitals, homes, and nursery schools. In 2009, the government was able to continue social spending despite the global
economic downturn, as it had saved copper revenues aggressively during the previous commodities boom. Additional welfare
programs in 2009 included monthly cash transfers to senior citizens without a pension in the poorest 50 percent of the population.
Despite Bachelet’s personal popularity, Concertacion candidate Eduardo Frei, the former president, garnered only 30 percent in the
first round of the presidential election in December. Businessman and former senator Sebastian Pinera of the center-right Coalition
for Change led the voting with 44 percent, and he was set to face Frei in a January 2010 runoff. Frei’s candidacy was weakened in
part by Marco Enriquez-Ominami, a renegade Concertacion lawmaker who ran as an independent and won 20 percent of the first-
round vote. In the concurrent legislative election, the Coalition for Change edged out Concertacion in the 120-seat lower house, 58
seats to 57, with the remainder going to small parties and independents. The Concertacion also picked up one seat in the Senate.
Chile is an electoral democracy. Elections are considered free and fair. The constitution, which took effect in 1981 and has been
amended several times, currently calls for a president elected for a single four-year term, and a bicameral National Congress. The
Senate’s 38 members serve eight-year terms, with half coming up for election every four years, and the 120-member Chamber of
Deputies is elected for four years.
Click here to read more »
Political Rights Score: 1
Civil Liberties Score: 1
Status: Free
Overview
Sebastian Pinera of the center-right Coalition for Change led the first round of the presidential election in December, and a runoff
was scheduled for January 2010. His candidacy was supported by several high-level defectors from the ruling center-left
Concertacion bloc, whose nominee—former president Eduardo Frei—would be Pinera’s runoff opponent. Pinera’s early success
came despite the popularity of outgoing president Michelle Bachelet and her administration’s robust social-welfare programs.
Early in her term, Bachelet faced huge student demonstrations demanding education improvements, and oversaw a botched reform
of Santiago’s public transit system. Concertacion’s strength was also undermined in 2009 by infighting among its four member
parties, three of which suffered defections. However, Bachelet presided over popular spending projects, including the construction
of new hospitals, homes, and nursery schools. In 2009, the government was able to continue social spending despite the global
economic downturn, as it had saved copper revenues aggressively during the previous commodities boom. Additional welfare
programs in 2009 included monthly cash transfers to senior citizens without a pension in the poorest 50 percent of the population.
Despite Bachelet’s personal popularity, Concertacion candidate Eduardo Frei, the former president, garnered only 30 percent in the
first round of the presidential election in December. Businessman and former senator Sebastian Pinera of the center-right Coalition
for Change led the voting with 44 percent, and he was set to face Frei in a January 2010 runoff. Frei’s candidacy was weakened in
part by Marco Enriquez-Ominami, a renegade Concertacion lawmaker who ran as an independent and won 20 percent of the first-
round vote. In the concurrent legislative election, the Coalition for Change edged out Concertacion in the 120-seat lower house, 58
seats to 57, with the remainder going to small parties and independents. The Concertacion also picked up one seat in the Senate.
Chile is an electoral democracy. Elections are considered free and fair. The constitution, which took effect in 1981 and has been
amended several times, currently calls for a president elected for a single four-year term, and a bicameral National Congress. The
Senate’s 38 members serve eight-year terms, with half coming up for election every four years, and the 120-member Chamber of
Deputies is elected for four years.
Click here to read more »
Chile issues arrest warrants against at least 120 Pinochet agents
3 September 2009
The arrest warrants issued by a Chilean judge against at least 120 people – all of whom had worked as military or security
personnel – constitute an important step towards justice in a country that hasn't paid sufficient attention to its past, Amnesty
International said on Wednesday.
Chilean Judge Victor Montiglio issued the arrest warrants against the agents in relation to a number of security operations that
targeted opponents of Augusto Pinochet during the 1970s. It is not yet clear exactly how many arrest warrants have been issued
but it is thought that there may be as many as 165.
These security operations in question include Operation Condor – a coordinated campaign to detain and forcibly disappear people
opposed to the military regimes in South America – and Operation Colombo, in the context of which the enforced disappearance of
119 Chilean activists was portrayed by the government as a result of an internal feud.
Many of the warrants have been issued against agents who have not yet been tried for their roles in human rights violations
committed during the military regime.
“Chile has publicly recognized its troubled past,” said Susan Lee, Americas Director at Amnesty International. “What needs to
happen now is for the government to take more steps, such as forcing the Army to disclose once and for all the information it has
on the human rights violations committed during the Pinochet regime , to ensure that justice is done for all human rights abuses
during the Pinochet regime.”
Operation Condor was a plan coordinated by the military governments of Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Uruguay and Paraguay to
eliminate "opponents" during the 1970s and 1980s. In the context of the Operation, widespread human rights abuses were
committed, including killings and enforced disappearances.
Most of those responsible for the abuses have not yet been identified nor brought to justice.
Click here to read more »
3 September 2009
The arrest warrants issued by a Chilean judge against at least 120 people – all of whom had worked as military or security
personnel – constitute an important step towards justice in a country that hasn't paid sufficient attention to its past, Amnesty
International said on Wednesday.
Chilean Judge Victor Montiglio issued the arrest warrants against the agents in relation to a number of security operations that
targeted opponents of Augusto Pinochet during the 1970s. It is not yet clear exactly how many arrest warrants have been issued
but it is thought that there may be as many as 165.
These security operations in question include Operation Condor – a coordinated campaign to detain and forcibly disappear people
opposed to the military regimes in South America – and Operation Colombo, in the context of which the enforced disappearance of
119 Chilean activists was portrayed by the government as a result of an internal feud.
Many of the warrants have been issued against agents who have not yet been tried for their roles in human rights violations
committed during the military regime.
“Chile has publicly recognized its troubled past,” said Susan Lee, Americas Director at Amnesty International. “What needs to
happen now is for the government to take more steps, such as forcing the Army to disclose once and for all the information it has
on the human rights violations committed during the Pinochet regime , to ensure that justice is done for all human rights abuses
during the Pinochet regime.”
Operation Condor was a plan coordinated by the military governments of Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Uruguay and Paraguay to
eliminate "opponents" during the 1970s and 1980s. In the context of the Operation, widespread human rights abuses were
committed, including killings and enforced disappearances.
Most of those responsible for the abuses have not yet been identified nor brought to justice.
Click here to read more »
Chile: Abolish Criminal Defamation Provisions
Libel Charges Against Journalist Undermine Free Speech
January 13, 2010
(Washington, DC) - Chile should not use criminal libel laws to prevent individuals, in particular journalists, from fulfilling their role
in disseminating information on matters of serious public concern, Human Rights Watch said today.Pascale Bonnefoy, a freelance
reporter, will go on trial for libel on January 14, 2010, facing criminal charges for an article that named a retired military officer as
the man responsible for terrorizing thousands of political prisoners during the Pinochet regime, citing the reports of witnesses. She
faces up to 10 years in prison if found guilty.
"It is unacceptable that a journalist who published information of public interest regarding the darkest period of recent Chilean
history should face the prospect of a trial, far less imprisonment," said José Miguel Vivanco, Americas director at Human Rights
Watch. "Public figures in particular should expect to be open to criticism and debate that may offend or call into question their
reputation without resort to the criminal law."
In May 2006, an article by Bonnefoy was published in Chilean and international papers stating that several witnesses, including
military officers and political prisoners, identified a former Army lieutenant, Edwin Dimter, as "The Prince," a man who terrorized
thousands of political prisoners in the Chile Stadium after the military coup of September 11, 1973. The article said "The Prince"
had beaten and tormented the political prisoners and allegedly ordered the murder of one of them.
Dimter pressed criminal charges against Bonnefoy for libel in June 2006. Chilean law imposes criminal penalties for "falsely
attributing a crime to an individual if the crime should be investigated by authorities" and for issuing "an expression that causes
another individual to be dishonored, discredited, or viewed with contempt." Bonnefoy's trial starts on January 14.
"Not only is this prosecution incompatible with Chile's international human rights obligations, but it may also generate a chilling
effect that severely undermines freedom of expression in the country," Vivanco said.
International human rights bodies have long criticized the use of criminal defamation for allegations involving public officials in the
interest of promoting the vibrant public debate necessary in a democratic society. The Principles on Freedom of Expression
adopted by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights in 2000 assert that protection of the reputation of public officials
should be guaranteed only by civil sanctions.
Click here to read more »
Libel Charges Against Journalist Undermine Free Speech
January 13, 2010
(Washington, DC) - Chile should not use criminal libel laws to prevent individuals, in particular journalists, from fulfilling their role
in disseminating information on matters of serious public concern, Human Rights Watch said today.Pascale Bonnefoy, a freelance
reporter, will go on trial for libel on January 14, 2010, facing criminal charges for an article that named a retired military officer as
the man responsible for terrorizing thousands of political prisoners during the Pinochet regime, citing the reports of witnesses. She
faces up to 10 years in prison if found guilty.
"It is unacceptable that a journalist who published information of public interest regarding the darkest period of recent Chilean
history should face the prospect of a trial, far less imprisonment," said José Miguel Vivanco, Americas director at Human Rights
Watch. "Public figures in particular should expect to be open to criticism and debate that may offend or call into question their
reputation without resort to the criminal law."
In May 2006, an article by Bonnefoy was published in Chilean and international papers stating that several witnesses, including
military officers and political prisoners, identified a former Army lieutenant, Edwin Dimter, as "The Prince," a man who terrorized
thousands of political prisoners in the Chile Stadium after the military coup of September 11, 1973. The article said "The Prince"
had beaten and tormented the political prisoners and allegedly ordered the murder of one of them.
Dimter pressed criminal charges against Bonnefoy for libel in June 2006. Chilean law imposes criminal penalties for "falsely
attributing a crime to an individual if the crime should be investigated by authorities" and for issuing "an expression that causes
another individual to be dishonored, discredited, or viewed with contempt." Bonnefoy's trial starts on January 14.
"Not only is this prosecution incompatible with Chile's international human rights obligations, but it may also generate a chilling
effect that severely undermines freedom of expression in the country," Vivanco said.
International human rights bodies have long criticized the use of criminal defamation for allegations involving public officials in the
interest of promoting the vibrant public debate necessary in a democratic society. The Principles on Freedom of Expression
adopted by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights in 2000 assert that protection of the reputation of public officials
should be guaranteed only by civil sanctions.
Click here to read more »
TRANSLATED FROM SPANISH BY GOOGLE TRANSLATE
Monday, March 22, 2010
PRESIDENT PIÑERA CRITICAL OF HUMAN RIGHTS IN CUBA
The Head of State expressed its "deep concern over the situation affecting the dissident and prisoner of conscience in Cuba,
Guillermo Fariñas.
The President of the Republic, Sebastián Piñera, expressed his most forceful defense of human rights in Latin America, stressing
that "the Government of Chile will do everything in their power to contribute to that in Cuba there is a peaceful recovery process
democracy and a full restoration of respect for human rights and individual freedoms. "
After meeting with Senators DC, Andres Zaldivar, Ximena Rincon and Patrick Walker, the Head of State declared that "the position
of the Government of Chile is that the defense of democracy, human rights and individual freedoms in the XXI century are not only
a right of a country like Chile, but also an obligation. "
In this regard, reiterated its strongest condemnation of the circumstances surrounding the death, a few days ago, the dissident and
prisoner of conscience in Cuba, Orlando Zapata Tamayo and expressed "deep concern at the situation involving a fellow dissident
and prisoner of conscience in Cuba, such as Guillermo Fariñas.
Finally, the president highlighted the draft agreement approved by the Senate and House of Representatives in the field of human
rights in Cuba. In this regard, welcomed the presence of senators in the palace and said that "in this area the Government agrees
100% with the contents of the draft agreement recently approved by the Senate."
Click here to read more »
Monday, March 22, 2010
PRESIDENT PIÑERA CRITICAL OF HUMAN RIGHTS IN CUBA
The Head of State expressed its "deep concern over the situation affecting the dissident and prisoner of conscience in Cuba,
Guillermo Fariñas.
The President of the Republic, Sebastián Piñera, expressed his most forceful defense of human rights in Latin America, stressing
that "the Government of Chile will do everything in their power to contribute to that in Cuba there is a peaceful recovery process
democracy and a full restoration of respect for human rights and individual freedoms. "
After meeting with Senators DC, Andres Zaldivar, Ximena Rincon and Patrick Walker, the Head of State declared that "the position
of the Government of Chile is that the defense of democracy, human rights and individual freedoms in the XXI century are not only
a right of a country like Chile, but also an obligation. "
In this regard, reiterated its strongest condemnation of the circumstances surrounding the death, a few days ago, the dissident and
prisoner of conscience in Cuba, Orlando Zapata Tamayo and expressed "deep concern at the situation involving a fellow dissident
and prisoner of conscience in Cuba, such as Guillermo Fariñas.
Finally, the president highlighted the draft agreement approved by the Senate and House of Representatives in the field of human
rights in Cuba. In this regard, welcomed the presence of senators in the palace and said that "in this area the Government agrees
100% with the contents of the draft agreement recently approved by the Senate."
Click here to read more »
TRANSLATED FROM SPANISH BY GOOGLE TRANSLATE
CODEPU before leaving the Chilean ambassador to Argentina Miguel Otero
Wednesday, June 9, 2010 19:55
Press Release
"We hope the government's policy on human rights is respect for the dignity of victims and defenses not tolerate military rule for
most of the country and the international community, is a dictatorship that committed serious crimes against human rights "
To exit the ambassador Codepu Miguel Otero was the only possible way to compensate for the dignity of victims of the Pinochet
government and the entire country. To say that most of Chile did not feel the dictatorship is to ignore the many human rights
violations committed in the 17 years of the Pinochet regime and affected thousands of people. During the dictatorship, the country
was affected by the closure of parliament, banning political parties and the constant persecution of those who opposed the military
government. These and many other records, documented, show a systematic policy of repression that swept the country from
north to south. It's not sustainable to say that only a part lived the effects of this dictatorship, except you want to keep trying to
minimize and hide what happened, as were the statements of Ambassador Otero.
This should give pause to the President Piñera on the seriousness of the international community have the respect of human rights
and that these are a fundamental value of democratic processes. Ambassadors are the public face of the country and can not
tolerate defense of a military government which, for most of the country and the international community, is a dictatorship that
committed serious crimes against human rights.
We hope that the government's policy on human rights is respect for the dignity of victims and perform any action the state for
these thousands of victims and their families access to the rights of truth and justice that the country still owes them. Before the
rest of the country the government should jeopardize compliance with the goals and actions that allow us to ensure that these rights
be respected and promoted.
Click here to read more »
CODEPU before leaving the Chilean ambassador to Argentina Miguel Otero
Wednesday, June 9, 2010 19:55
Press Release
"We hope the government's policy on human rights is respect for the dignity of victims and defenses not tolerate military rule for
most of the country and the international community, is a dictatorship that committed serious crimes against human rights "
To exit the ambassador Codepu Miguel Otero was the only possible way to compensate for the dignity of victims of the Pinochet
government and the entire country. To say that most of Chile did not feel the dictatorship is to ignore the many human rights
violations committed in the 17 years of the Pinochet regime and affected thousands of people. During the dictatorship, the country
was affected by the closure of parliament, banning political parties and the constant persecution of those who opposed the military
government. These and many other records, documented, show a systematic policy of repression that swept the country from
north to south. It's not sustainable to say that only a part lived the effects of this dictatorship, except you want to keep trying to
minimize and hide what happened, as were the statements of Ambassador Otero.
This should give pause to the President Piñera on the seriousness of the international community have the respect of human rights
and that these are a fundamental value of democratic processes. Ambassadors are the public face of the country and can not
tolerate defense of a military government which, for most of the country and the international community, is a dictatorship that
committed serious crimes against human rights.
We hope that the government's policy on human rights is respect for the dignity of victims and perform any action the state for
these thousands of victims and their families access to the rights of truth and justice that the country still owes them. Before the
rest of the country the government should jeopardize compliance with the goals and actions that allow us to ensure that these rights
be respected and promoted.
Click here to read more »
TRANSLATED FROM SPANISH BY GOOGLE TRANSLATE
Presentation of the Human Rights Yearbook VI University
Chile
Santiago, June 24, 2010
It is my great honor to be able to share with you the thoughts I feel about reading the sixth Yearbook of Human Rights Faculty of
Law, University of Chile and am very grateful I extend the invitation to do so two people whom I admire, both professionally and
humanely: Cecilia Medina, with whom I pleasure of working in the past and Jose Zalaquett, one of the architects that I is living in
Chile.
My reflections arise from my position as a political scientist, who serves in an area somewhat bipedal: as executive director of a
center thought, a think tank, as they say now, with a look both the academy and with the expectation of contributing to the debate
of ideas and field of public policy recommendation. That is why my reading of Yearbook, although complete, has focused
selectively, like a zoom in the first two articles also serve as a framework and have a central character in the document: the
teacher's Line Barreiro, entitled "Citizenship, democracy and rule in transformation" and Professor Javier Couso, entitled "The
challenges of democracy constitutional in Latin America: between the populist temptation and utopia Constitution. " Both articles
appear, to eyes of a reader interested in issues, such as very complementary: the first, with the aim of explain some of the problems
affecting the difficulties governance of Latin American democracies, found the social inequalities seem to follow no effective
responses while the second contains two of the responses that have been tested in our region to address these persistent
inequalities: one, it calls populist temptation (right or left) and another that lists as exit neoconstitutionality. " It focuses on the
limitations of both responses and concludes by pointing out alternative paths. Moreover, I would say where one ends, the Barreiro,
concluding that seen in our region, "a statewide organization designed as systems privileges and subject populations that are
effective rights, which does not guarantee the universality of rights already enshrined in legal systems, "begins the other, the Couso,
reflecting the limitations and why not? The dangers of the alternatives that have followed some countries to respond to the crisis
response of democracies Latin America.
Reading the two articles raises many thoughts and questions, imagine allowing new avenues of thought and research. Without
But in honor of the time, I will focus in particular on three aspects have caught my attention.
The first is the importance of conception taking citizenship in a given society and the tensions they experience, in terms of need
rethinking. This concern occupies part Barreiro important article. Awarded in recognition that there are three large springs that feed
our theoretical perspectives on citizenship. A first theory, liberal root bound with the notion of status, a second, understand it as an
identity and a third is that defined as a process. The first would be more associated with an author who Barreiro highlights in his
article. We refer to Marshall, for whom citizenship is a status that determines the equality of all citizens in rights and duties, thus
allowing the integration and social cohesion. This is a basic equality, does not coincide with the differences produced by the market.
Moreover, it is compatible with them. This notion has been challenged by one that understands citizenship as identity, without
discarding the first notion, emphasizes the sense of shared identity and belonging. Might not suffice for this perspective, the
recognition of quality citizen by the legal and political system, but requires the self-recognition as a citizen. Our author takes the
contribution that the Feminism has done in the line to emphasize the concept of citizenship that connects to an idea of politics that
emphasizes its expressive dimension, the question is who we are. A third design displayed citizenship as a dynamic process, and
not simply a status that granted or removed. The person, as a citizen, makes known his will in deliberative processes to ensure
legitimate decisions. From combinations of these three notions of citizenship as status, as identity and as a process, this implies
different theories: liberal, libertarian, Republican, of civic virtue and cultural pluralism. Barreiro seems imply that, in general,
movements and dynamics that have prompted this re have occurred throughout the region, though not without tensions and
problems. However, awake reading questions not covered by the author as those relating to how to explain that in some contexts of
our continent, the re-branding has occurred, or subsisting still keeping the idea of citizenship and status, resulting in a combination
of liberal citizenship among libertarian, where it is understood as something passive and static, omitting Any mention of assets
rights, associated with participation in public life when not straight, the citizen is conceived as a rational consumer of public and
private property involved in a contract which confers authority to the State. This view is clearly privatizing, projecting to the citizen
as a customer. This ends up translating into the self-regulation, the depoliticization of public affairs and reducing policy area to a
mere technical and administrative matter. I'm not talking from Mars but from Latin America and, in particular, Chile, and that
explains, albeit partially, the resistance that developers have faced measures such as quotas, when tested to find ways capable of
addressing effectively the female political under representation by example.
Another question that arises from reading the text of Barreiro, in Similarly, is the recognition in critical key, which represented
progress these mechanisms in terms of responding to the demand for more inclusiveness of women in politics. The author does not
ask for their limitations and that these mechanisms have also been, in many cases, to reinforce some of the political oligarchy, given
the characteristics of women served by this route or even as idea of a quota, it was assumed that could spread like wild gunpowder
in the region, has helped expand the political imagination in terms of imagining alternative measures in countries that, as Chile, one
of the fundamental obstacles they encounter in their approval is cultural: the spread of individualistic cultural ethos meritocratic,
particularly at those who should approve them, which are parliamentarians.
Click here to read more>>
Presentation of the Human Rights Yearbook VI University
Chile
Santiago, June 24, 2010
It is my great honor to be able to share with you the thoughts I feel about reading the sixth Yearbook of Human Rights Faculty of
Law, University of Chile and am very grateful I extend the invitation to do so two people whom I admire, both professionally and
humanely: Cecilia Medina, with whom I pleasure of working in the past and Jose Zalaquett, one of the architects that I is living in
Chile.
My reflections arise from my position as a political scientist, who serves in an area somewhat bipedal: as executive director of a
center thought, a think tank, as they say now, with a look both the academy and with the expectation of contributing to the debate
of ideas and field of public policy recommendation. That is why my reading of Yearbook, although complete, has focused
selectively, like a zoom in the first two articles also serve as a framework and have a central character in the document: the
teacher's Line Barreiro, entitled "Citizenship, democracy and rule in transformation" and Professor Javier Couso, entitled "The
challenges of democracy constitutional in Latin America: between the populist temptation and utopia Constitution. " Both articles
appear, to eyes of a reader interested in issues, such as very complementary: the first, with the aim of explain some of the problems
affecting the difficulties governance of Latin American democracies, found the social inequalities seem to follow no effective
responses while the second contains two of the responses that have been tested in our region to address these persistent
inequalities: one, it calls populist temptation (right or left) and another that lists as exit neoconstitutionality. " It focuses on the
limitations of both responses and concludes by pointing out alternative paths. Moreover, I would say where one ends, the Barreiro,
concluding that seen in our region, "a statewide organization designed as systems privileges and subject populations that are
effective rights, which does not guarantee the universality of rights already enshrined in legal systems, "begins the other, the Couso,
reflecting the limitations and why not? The dangers of the alternatives that have followed some countries to respond to the crisis
response of democracies Latin America.
Reading the two articles raises many thoughts and questions, imagine allowing new avenues of thought and research. Without
But in honor of the time, I will focus in particular on three aspects have caught my attention.
The first is the importance of conception taking citizenship in a given society and the tensions they experience, in terms of need
rethinking. This concern occupies part Barreiro important article. Awarded in recognition that there are three large springs that feed
our theoretical perspectives on citizenship. A first theory, liberal root bound with the notion of status, a second, understand it as an
identity and a third is that defined as a process. The first would be more associated with an author who Barreiro highlights in his
article. We refer to Marshall, for whom citizenship is a status that determines the equality of all citizens in rights and duties, thus
allowing the integration and social cohesion. This is a basic equality, does not coincide with the differences produced by the market.
Moreover, it is compatible with them. This notion has been challenged by one that understands citizenship as identity, without
discarding the first notion, emphasizes the sense of shared identity and belonging. Might not suffice for this perspective, the
recognition of quality citizen by the legal and political system, but requires the self-recognition as a citizen. Our author takes the
contribution that the Feminism has done in the line to emphasize the concept of citizenship that connects to an idea of politics that
emphasizes its expressive dimension, the question is who we are. A third design displayed citizenship as a dynamic process, and
not simply a status that granted or removed. The person, as a citizen, makes known his will in deliberative processes to ensure
legitimate decisions. From combinations of these three notions of citizenship as status, as identity and as a process, this implies
different theories: liberal, libertarian, Republican, of civic virtue and cultural pluralism. Barreiro seems imply that, in general,
movements and dynamics that have prompted this re have occurred throughout the region, though not without tensions and
problems. However, awake reading questions not covered by the author as those relating to how to explain that in some contexts of
our continent, the re-branding has occurred, or subsisting still keeping the idea of citizenship and status, resulting in a combination
of liberal citizenship among libertarian, where it is understood as something passive and static, omitting Any mention of assets
rights, associated with participation in public life when not straight, the citizen is conceived as a rational consumer of public and
private property involved in a contract which confers authority to the State. This view is clearly privatizing, projecting to the citizen
as a customer. This ends up translating into the self-regulation, the depoliticization of public affairs and reducing policy area to a
mere technical and administrative matter. I'm not talking from Mars but from Latin America and, in particular, Chile, and that
explains, albeit partially, the resistance that developers have faced measures such as quotas, when tested to find ways capable of
addressing effectively the female political under representation by example.
Another question that arises from reading the text of Barreiro, in Similarly, is the recognition in critical key, which represented
progress these mechanisms in terms of responding to the demand for more inclusiveness of women in politics. The author does not
ask for their limitations and that these mechanisms have also been, in many cases, to reinforce some of the political oligarchy, given
the characteristics of women served by this route or even as idea of a quota, it was assumed that could spread like wild gunpowder
in the region, has helped expand the political imagination in terms of imagining alternative measures in countries that, as Chile, one
of the fundamental obstacles they encounter in their approval is cultural: the spread of individualistic cultural ethos meritocratic,
particularly at those who should approve them, which are parliamentarians.
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None reported.
Dr. Miguel Juan Sebastián Piñera
Echenique
President since 11 March 2010
Echenique
President since 11 March 2010