| COLOMBIA Republic of Colombia Republica de Colombia Joined United Nations: 5 November 1945 Human Rights as assured by their constitution Click here Updated 08/10/10 |
| CAPITAL |
| POPULATION |
| CHIEF OF STATE |
| SELECTION PROCESS |
Bogota
44,205,293 (July 2010 est.)
Juan Manuel Santos
President since 7 August 2010
President since 7 August 2010
President and vice president elected by popular vote for a
four-year term (eligible for a second term); election last held 30
May 2010 with a runoff election 20 June 2010
Next scheduled election: May 2014
four-year term (eligible for a second term); election last held 30
May 2010 with a runoff election 20 June 2010
Next scheduled election: May 2014
HEAD OF GOVERNMENT
Angelino Garzón
Vice President since 7 August 2010
Vice President since 7 August 2010
According to the Colombian Constitution, the president is both
the chief of state and head of government
the chief of state and head of government
| DECLARATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS |
| ETHNIC GROUPS |
Mestizo 58%, white 20%, mulatto 14%, black 4%, mixed black-Amerindian 3%, Amerindian 1%
| RELIGIONS |
Roman Catholic 90%, other 10%
| GOVERNMENT STRUCTURE |
Republic with a strong executive branch which dominates government structure -32 departments (departamentos, singular - departamento)
and 1 capital district (distrito capital); Legal system is based on Spanish law; a new criminal code modeled after US procedures was
enacted into law in 2004 and is gradually being implemented; judicial review of executive and legislative acts
Executive: President and vice president elected by popular vote for a four-year term (eligible for a second term); election last held 30
May 2010 with a runoff election 20 June 2010
Legislative: bicameral Congress or Congreso consists of the Senate or Senado (102 seats; members are elected by popular vote
to serve four-year terms) and the House of Representatives or Camara de Representantes (166 seats; members are elected by
popular vote to serve four-year terms)
elections: Senate - last held on 14 March 2010 (next to be held in March 2014); House of Representatives - last held on 14 March
2010 (next to be held in March 2014)
Judicial: Four roughly coequal, supreme judicial organs; Supreme Court of Justice or Corte Suprema de Justicia (highest court of
criminal law; judges are selected by their peers from the nominees of the Superior Judicial Council for eight-year terms); Council of
State (highest court of administrative law; judges are selected from the nominees of the Superior Judicial Council for eight-year
terms); Constitutional Court (guards integrity and supremacy of the constitution; rules on constitutionality of laws, amendments to the
constitution, and international treaties); Superior Judicial Council (administers and disciplines the civilian judiciary; resolves
jurisdictional conflicts arising between other courts; members are elected by three sister courts and Congress for eight-year terms)
and 1 capital district (distrito capital); Legal system is based on Spanish law; a new criminal code modeled after US procedures was
enacted into law in 2004 and is gradually being implemented; judicial review of executive and legislative acts
Executive: President and vice president elected by popular vote for a four-year term (eligible for a second term); election last held 30
May 2010 with a runoff election 20 June 2010
Legislative: bicameral Congress or Congreso consists of the Senate or Senado (102 seats; members are elected by popular vote
to serve four-year terms) and the House of Representatives or Camara de Representantes (166 seats; members are elected by
popular vote to serve four-year terms)
elections: Senate - last held on 14 March 2010 (next to be held in March 2014); House of Representatives - last held on 14 March
2010 (next to be held in March 2014)
Judicial: Four roughly coequal, supreme judicial organs; Supreme Court of Justice or Corte Suprema de Justicia (highest court of
criminal law; judges are selected by their peers from the nominees of the Superior Judicial Council for eight-year terms); Council of
State (highest court of administrative law; judges are selected from the nominees of the Superior Judicial Council for eight-year
terms); Constitutional Court (guards integrity and supremacy of the constitution; rules on constitutionality of laws, amendments to the
constitution, and international treaties); Superior Judicial Council (administers and disciplines the civilian judiciary; resolves
jurisdictional conflicts arising between other courts; members are elected by three sister courts and Congress for eight-year terms)
| LANGUAGES |
Spanish
| BRIEF HISTORY |
In ancient times this land was occupied by societies governed by chiefs. Gold, the sacred metal, adorned the political leaders and
was used as offerings to the gods. In the southwest of Colombia, the cultures which archaeologists call Tumaco, Calima, Malagana,
Cauca, San Agustín, Tierradentro, Nariño, Quimbaya and Tolima, were the first to work the metal they found in the rivers. Around
the beginning of our era these peoples lived in villages surrounded by fields. Trade and exchange routes ensured that ideas and news
travelled from one region to another. However, the zenith of the southwestern cultures declined around A.D. 1000 and the territory
was taken over by more populous egalitarian societies. When the European conquistadors arrived in 1500, goldwork was
characteristic of the cultures to the north: Sinú, Urabá, Tairona, Muisca. Their styles, while distinct from one another, shared a
preference for casting in tumbaga, an alloy of gold and copper. Gold objects accompanied the dead in their tombs, and today bear
witness to the spirit of the people who created them. The Spanish settled along the north coast of today's Colombia as early as
1500, but their first permanent settlement, at Santa Marta, was not established until 1525. In 1549, the institution of the Audiencia in
Santa Fe de Bogotá gave that city the status of capital of New Granada, comprised in large part of what is now territory of
Colombia. In 1717 the Viceroyalty of New Granada was originally created, and then it was temporarily removed, to finally be
reestablished in 1739. The Viceroyalty had Santa Fé de Bogotá as its capital. This Viceroyalty included some other provinces of
northwestern South America which had previously been under the jurisdiction of the Viceroyalties of New Spain or Peru and
correspond mainly to today's Venezuela, Ecuador and Panama. So, Bogotá became one of the principal administrative centers of
the Spanish possessions in the New World, along with Lima and Mexico City, though it remained somewhat backward compared
to those two cities in several economic and logistical ways. July 20, 1810, the citizens of Bogotá created the first representative
council to defy Spanish authority, with full independence being proclaimed in 1810. A long Independency War, led mainly by Simón
Bolívar and Francisco de Paula Santander in New Granada ended after the Battle of Boyaca, on August 7, 1819. That year, the
Congress of Angostura established the Republic of Greater Colombia, which included all territories under jurisdiction of the
Viceroyalty of New Granada. Bolívar was elected first president of Greater Colombia and Francisco de Paula Santander, vice
president. As the Federation of Greater Colombia was dissolved in 1830, the Department of Cundinamarca (as established in
Angostura) became a new country, the Republic of New Granada. In 1863 the name of the Republic was changed officially to
"United States of Colombia", and in 1886 the country adopted its present name: "Republic of Colombia". Two political parties grew
out of conflicts between the followers of Bolivar and Santander and their political visions -- the Conservatives and the Liberals --
and have since dominated Colombian politics. Bolívar's supporters, who later formed the nucleus of the Conservative Party, sought
strong centralized government, alliance with the Roman Catholic Church, and a limited franchise. Santander's followers, forerunners
of the Liberals, wanted a decentralized government, state rather than church control over education and other civil matters, and a
broadened suffrage. Throughout the 19th century and early 20th centuries, each party held the presidency for roughly equal periods
of time. Colombia maintained a tradition of civilian government and regular, free elections. The military has seized power three times
in Colombia's history: in 1830, after the dissolution of Great Colombia; again in 1854; and from 1953 to 1957. Civilian rule was
restored within one year in the first two instances. Notwithstanding the country's commitment to democratic institutions, Colombia's
history has also been characterized by widespread, violent conflict. Two civil wars resulted from bitter rivalry between the
Conservative and Liberal parties. Thousand Days War (1899-1902) cost an estimated 100,000 lives, and up to 300,000 people
died during "La Violencia" (The Violence) of the late 1940s and 1950s, a bipartisan confrontation which erupted after the
assassination of Liberal popular candidate Jorge Eliécer Gaitán. A military coup in 1953 toppled the right-wing government of
Conservative Laureano Gómez and brought Gen. Gustavo Rojas Pinilla to power. Initially, Rojas enjoyed considerable popular
support, due largely to his success in reducing "La Violencia." When he did not restore democratic rule and occasionally engaged in
open repression, however, he was overthrown by the military in 1957 with the backing of both political parties, and a provisional
government was installed. In July 1957, former Conservative President Laureano Gomez (1950-1953) and former Liberal
President Alberto Lleras Camargo (1945-1946, 1958-1962) issued the "Declaration of Sitges," in which they proposed a "National
Front," whereby the Liberal and Conservative parties would govern jointly. The presidency would be determined by an alternating
conservative and liberal president every 4 years for 16 years; the two parties would have parity in all other elective offices. The
National Front ended "La Violencia", and National Front administrations attempted to institute far-reaching social and economic
reforms in cooperation with the Alliance for Progress. In the end, the contradictions between each successive Liberal and
Conservative administration made the results decidedly mixed. Despite the progress in certain sectors, many social and political
injustices continued. Although the system established by the Sitges agreement was phased out by 1974, the 1886 Colombian
constitution—in effect until 1991—required that the losing political party be given adequate and equitable participation in the
government which, according to many observers and later analysis, eventually resulted in some increase in corruption and legal
relaxation. The current 1991 constitution does not have that requirement, but subsequent administrations have tended to include
members of opposition parties. From 1974 until 1982, different presidential administrations chose to focus on ending the persistent
insurgencies that sought to undermine Colombia's traditional political system. Both groups claimed to represent the poor and weak
against the rich and powerful classes of the country, demanding the completion of true land and political reform, from an openly
Communist perspective. By 1974, another challenge to the state's authority and legitimacy had come from the 19th of April
Movement (M-19), a mostly urban guerrilla group founded allegedly in response to an electoral fraud. As these events were
developing, the growing illegal drug trade and its consequences were also increasingly becoming a matter of widespread importance
to all participants in the Colombian conflict. Guerrillas and newly wealthy drug lords had mutually uneven relations and thus
numerous incidents occurred between them. Narcoterrorists assassinated three presidential candidates before César Gaviria Trujillo
was elected in 1990. The M-19 and several smaller guerrilla groups were successfully incorporated into a peace process as the
1980s ended and the 90s began, which culminated in the elections for a Constituent Assembly of Colombia that would write a new
constitution, which took effect in 1991. Although the FARC and ELN accepted participation in the peace process, they did not
make explicit commitments to end the conflict. The FARC suspended talks in November 2000, to protest what it called
"paramilitary terrorism" but returned to the negotiating table in February 2001, following 2 days of meetings between President
Pastrana and FARC leader Manuel Marulanda. The Colombian Government and ELN in early 2001 continued discussions aimed
at opening a formal peace process. No single explanation fully addresses the deep roots of Colombia's present-day troubles, but
they include limited government presence in large areas of the interior, the expansion of illicit drug cultivation, endemic violence, and
social inequities. The United States approved a US$1.3 billion assistance package, mostly of military and counternarcotics nature,
but also including a small amount of social aid. As of 2004, two years after its implementation began, the security situation of inside
Colombia has shown some measure of an improvement and the economy, while still fragile, has also shown some positive signs
according to observers, but relatively little has yet to have been accomplished in structurally solving most of the country's other
grave problems, possibly in part due to legislative and political conflicts between the administration and the Colombian Congress
(including those over the controversial project to eventually re-elect Uribe), and a relative lack of freely allocated funds and credits.
With such conflicting perspectives, it can be argued that a certain polarization between both supporters and opponents of President
Uribe seems to be forming both inside and outside the country. Uribe was reelected in 2006 after a change in the constitution
allowed presidents to be reelected. On June 20th of 2010, after two rounds of elections, Juan Manuel Santos Calderón, the new
head of Uribe's Social Unity Party was officially elected as President-Elect of the Republic of Colombia.
Source: Wikipedia: History of Colombia
was used as offerings to the gods. In the southwest of Colombia, the cultures which archaeologists call Tumaco, Calima, Malagana,
Cauca, San Agustín, Tierradentro, Nariño, Quimbaya and Tolima, were the first to work the metal they found in the rivers. Around
the beginning of our era these peoples lived in villages surrounded by fields. Trade and exchange routes ensured that ideas and news
travelled from one region to another. However, the zenith of the southwestern cultures declined around A.D. 1000 and the territory
was taken over by more populous egalitarian societies. When the European conquistadors arrived in 1500, goldwork was
characteristic of the cultures to the north: Sinú, Urabá, Tairona, Muisca. Their styles, while distinct from one another, shared a
preference for casting in tumbaga, an alloy of gold and copper. Gold objects accompanied the dead in their tombs, and today bear
witness to the spirit of the people who created them. The Spanish settled along the north coast of today's Colombia as early as
1500, but their first permanent settlement, at Santa Marta, was not established until 1525. In 1549, the institution of the Audiencia in
Santa Fe de Bogotá gave that city the status of capital of New Granada, comprised in large part of what is now territory of
Colombia. In 1717 the Viceroyalty of New Granada was originally created, and then it was temporarily removed, to finally be
reestablished in 1739. The Viceroyalty had Santa Fé de Bogotá as its capital. This Viceroyalty included some other provinces of
northwestern South America which had previously been under the jurisdiction of the Viceroyalties of New Spain or Peru and
correspond mainly to today's Venezuela, Ecuador and Panama. So, Bogotá became one of the principal administrative centers of
the Spanish possessions in the New World, along with Lima and Mexico City, though it remained somewhat backward compared
to those two cities in several economic and logistical ways. July 20, 1810, the citizens of Bogotá created the first representative
council to defy Spanish authority, with full independence being proclaimed in 1810. A long Independency War, led mainly by Simón
Bolívar and Francisco de Paula Santander in New Granada ended after the Battle of Boyaca, on August 7, 1819. That year, the
Congress of Angostura established the Republic of Greater Colombia, which included all territories under jurisdiction of the
Viceroyalty of New Granada. Bolívar was elected first president of Greater Colombia and Francisco de Paula Santander, vice
president. As the Federation of Greater Colombia was dissolved in 1830, the Department of Cundinamarca (as established in
Angostura) became a new country, the Republic of New Granada. In 1863 the name of the Republic was changed officially to
"United States of Colombia", and in 1886 the country adopted its present name: "Republic of Colombia". Two political parties grew
out of conflicts between the followers of Bolivar and Santander and their political visions -- the Conservatives and the Liberals --
and have since dominated Colombian politics. Bolívar's supporters, who later formed the nucleus of the Conservative Party, sought
strong centralized government, alliance with the Roman Catholic Church, and a limited franchise. Santander's followers, forerunners
of the Liberals, wanted a decentralized government, state rather than church control over education and other civil matters, and a
broadened suffrage. Throughout the 19th century and early 20th centuries, each party held the presidency for roughly equal periods
of time. Colombia maintained a tradition of civilian government and regular, free elections. The military has seized power three times
in Colombia's history: in 1830, after the dissolution of Great Colombia; again in 1854; and from 1953 to 1957. Civilian rule was
restored within one year in the first two instances. Notwithstanding the country's commitment to democratic institutions, Colombia's
history has also been characterized by widespread, violent conflict. Two civil wars resulted from bitter rivalry between the
Conservative and Liberal parties. Thousand Days War (1899-1902) cost an estimated 100,000 lives, and up to 300,000 people
died during "La Violencia" (The Violence) of the late 1940s and 1950s, a bipartisan confrontation which erupted after the
assassination of Liberal popular candidate Jorge Eliécer Gaitán. A military coup in 1953 toppled the right-wing government of
Conservative Laureano Gómez and brought Gen. Gustavo Rojas Pinilla to power. Initially, Rojas enjoyed considerable popular
support, due largely to his success in reducing "La Violencia." When he did not restore democratic rule and occasionally engaged in
open repression, however, he was overthrown by the military in 1957 with the backing of both political parties, and a provisional
government was installed. In July 1957, former Conservative President Laureano Gomez (1950-1953) and former Liberal
President Alberto Lleras Camargo (1945-1946, 1958-1962) issued the "Declaration of Sitges," in which they proposed a "National
Front," whereby the Liberal and Conservative parties would govern jointly. The presidency would be determined by an alternating
conservative and liberal president every 4 years for 16 years; the two parties would have parity in all other elective offices. The
National Front ended "La Violencia", and National Front administrations attempted to institute far-reaching social and economic
reforms in cooperation with the Alliance for Progress. In the end, the contradictions between each successive Liberal and
Conservative administration made the results decidedly mixed. Despite the progress in certain sectors, many social and political
injustices continued. Although the system established by the Sitges agreement was phased out by 1974, the 1886 Colombian
constitution—in effect until 1991—required that the losing political party be given adequate and equitable participation in the
government which, according to many observers and later analysis, eventually resulted in some increase in corruption and legal
relaxation. The current 1991 constitution does not have that requirement, but subsequent administrations have tended to include
members of opposition parties. From 1974 until 1982, different presidential administrations chose to focus on ending the persistent
insurgencies that sought to undermine Colombia's traditional political system. Both groups claimed to represent the poor and weak
against the rich and powerful classes of the country, demanding the completion of true land and political reform, from an openly
Communist perspective. By 1974, another challenge to the state's authority and legitimacy had come from the 19th of April
Movement (M-19), a mostly urban guerrilla group founded allegedly in response to an electoral fraud. As these events were
developing, the growing illegal drug trade and its consequences were also increasingly becoming a matter of widespread importance
to all participants in the Colombian conflict. Guerrillas and newly wealthy drug lords had mutually uneven relations and thus
numerous incidents occurred between them. Narcoterrorists assassinated three presidential candidates before César Gaviria Trujillo
was elected in 1990. The M-19 and several smaller guerrilla groups were successfully incorporated into a peace process as the
1980s ended and the 90s began, which culminated in the elections for a Constituent Assembly of Colombia that would write a new
constitution, which took effect in 1991. Although the FARC and ELN accepted participation in the peace process, they did not
make explicit commitments to end the conflict. The FARC suspended talks in November 2000, to protest what it called
"paramilitary terrorism" but returned to the negotiating table in February 2001, following 2 days of meetings between President
Pastrana and FARC leader Manuel Marulanda. The Colombian Government and ELN in early 2001 continued discussions aimed
at opening a formal peace process. No single explanation fully addresses the deep roots of Colombia's present-day troubles, but
they include limited government presence in large areas of the interior, the expansion of illicit drug cultivation, endemic violence, and
social inequities. The United States approved a US$1.3 billion assistance package, mostly of military and counternarcotics nature,
but also including a small amount of social aid. As of 2004, two years after its implementation began, the security situation of inside
Colombia has shown some measure of an improvement and the economy, while still fragile, has also shown some positive signs
according to observers, but relatively little has yet to have been accomplished in structurally solving most of the country's other
grave problems, possibly in part due to legislative and political conflicts between the administration and the Colombian Congress
(including those over the controversial project to eventually re-elect Uribe), and a relative lack of freely allocated funds and credits.
With such conflicting perspectives, it can be argued that a certain polarization between both supporters and opponents of President
Uribe seems to be forming both inside and outside the country. Uribe was reelected in 2006 after a change in the constitution
allowed presidents to be reelected. On June 20th of 2010, after two rounds of elections, Juan Manuel Santos Calderón, the new
head of Uribe's Social Unity Party was officially elected as President-Elect of the Republic of Colombia.
Source: Wikipedia: History of Colombia
| ECONOMIC OVERVIEW |
Colombia experienced accelerating growth between 2002 and 2007, chiefly due to improvements in domestic security, rising
commodity prices, and to President URIBE's promarket economic policies. Foreign direct investment reached a record $10 billion
in 2008. A series of policies enhanced Colombia's investment climate: President URIBE's pro-market measures; pro-business
reforms in the oil and gas sectors; and export-led growth fueled mainly by the Andean Trade Promotion and Drug Eradication Act.
Inequality, underemployment, and narcotrafficking remain significant challenges, and Colombia's infrastructure requires major
improvements to sustain economic expansion. Because of the global financial crisis and weakening demand for Colombia's exports,
Colombia's economy grew only 2.6% in 2008, and contracted slightly in 2009. In response, the URIBE administration cut capital
controls, arranged for emergency credit lines from multilateral institutions, and promoted investment incentives, such as Colombia's
modernized free trade zone mechanism, legal stability contracts, and new bilateral investment treaties and trade agreements. The
government also encouraged exporters to diversify their customer base beyond the United States and Venezuela, traditionally
Colombia's largest trading partners. The government is pursuing free trade agreements with European and Asian partners and awaits
the approval of a Canadian trade accord by Canada's parliament. In 2009, China replaced Venezuela as Colombia's number two
trading partner, largely because of Venezuela's decision to limit the entry of Colombian products. The business sector remains
concerned about the impact of the global recession on Colombia's economy, Venezuela's trade restrictions on Colombian exports,
an appreciating domestic currency, and the pending US Congressional approval of the US-Colombia Trade Promotion Agreement.
Source: CIA World Factbook (select Colombia)
commodity prices, and to President URIBE's promarket economic policies. Foreign direct investment reached a record $10 billion
in 2008. A series of policies enhanced Colombia's investment climate: President URIBE's pro-market measures; pro-business
reforms in the oil and gas sectors; and export-led growth fueled mainly by the Andean Trade Promotion and Drug Eradication Act.
Inequality, underemployment, and narcotrafficking remain significant challenges, and Colombia's infrastructure requires major
improvements to sustain economic expansion. Because of the global financial crisis and weakening demand for Colombia's exports,
Colombia's economy grew only 2.6% in 2008, and contracted slightly in 2009. In response, the URIBE administration cut capital
controls, arranged for emergency credit lines from multilateral institutions, and promoted investment incentives, such as Colombia's
modernized free trade zone mechanism, legal stability contracts, and new bilateral investment treaties and trade agreements. The
government also encouraged exporters to diversify their customer base beyond the United States and Venezuela, traditionally
Colombia's largest trading partners. The government is pursuing free trade agreements with European and Asian partners and awaits
the approval of a Canadian trade accord by Canada's parliament. In 2009, China replaced Venezuela as Colombia's number two
trading partner, largely because of Venezuela's decision to limit the entry of Colombian products. The business sector remains
concerned about the impact of the global recession on Colombia's economy, Venezuela's trade restrictions on Colombian exports,
an appreciating domestic currency, and the pending US Congressional approval of the US-Colombia Trade Promotion Agreement.
Source: CIA World Factbook (select Colombia)
| POLITICAL CLIMATE |
Colombia's present constitution, enacted on July 5, 1991, strengthened the administration of justice with the provision for
introduction of an adversarial system which ultimately is to entirely replace the existing Napoleonic Code. Other significant reforms
under the new constitution provide for civil divorce, dual nationality, the election of a vice president, and the election of departmental
governors. The constitution expanded citizens' basic rights, including that of "tutela," under which an immediate court action can be
requested by an individual if he or she feels that their constitutional rights are being violated and if there is no other legal recourse.
The national government has separate executive, legislative, and judicial branches
The president is elected for a four-year term and, since 2005, can be re-elected for one consecutive term. The 1991 constitution
reestablished the position of vice president, who is elected on the same ticket as the president. By law, the vice president will
succeed in the event of the president's resignation, illness, or death.
Source: Wikipedia: Politics of Colombia
introduction of an adversarial system which ultimately is to entirely replace the existing Napoleonic Code. Other significant reforms
under the new constitution provide for civil divorce, dual nationality, the election of a vice president, and the election of departmental
governors. The constitution expanded citizens' basic rights, including that of "tutela," under which an immediate court action can be
requested by an individual if he or she feels that their constitutional rights are being violated and if there is no other legal recourse.
The national government has separate executive, legislative, and judicial branches
The president is elected for a four-year term and, since 2005, can be re-elected for one consecutive term. The 1991 constitution
reestablished the position of vice president, who is elected on the same ticket as the president. By law, the vice president will
succeed in the event of the president's resignation, illness, or death.
Source: Wikipedia: Politics of Colombia
| INTERNATIONAL DISPUTES |
In December 2007, ICJ allocates San Andres, Providencia, and Santa Catalina islands to Colombia under 1928 Treaty but does
not rule on 82 degrees W meridian as maritime boundary with Nicaragua; managed dispute with Venezuela over maritime boundary
and Venezuelan-administered Los Monjes Islands near the Gulf of Venezuela; Colombian-organized illegal narcotics, guerrilla, and
paramilitary activities penetrate all neighboring borders and have caused Colombian citizens to flee mostly into neighboring
countries; Colombia, Honduras, Nicaragua, Jamaica, and the US assert various claims to Bajo Nuevo and Serranilla Bank
not rule on 82 degrees W meridian as maritime boundary with Nicaragua; managed dispute with Venezuela over maritime boundary
and Venezuelan-administered Los Monjes Islands near the Gulf of Venezuela; Colombian-organized illegal narcotics, guerrilla, and
paramilitary activities penetrate all neighboring borders and have caused Colombian citizens to flee mostly into neighboring
countries; Colombia, Honduras, Nicaragua, Jamaica, and the US assert various claims to Bajo Nuevo and Serranilla Bank
| REFUGEES AND INTERNALLY DISPLACED PERSONS (IDPs) |
IDPs: 1.8-3.5 million (conflict between government and illegal armed groups and FARC factions; drug wars) (2007)
| ILLICIT DRUGS |
Illicit producer of coca, opium poppy, and cannabis; world's leading coca cultivator with 167,000 hectares in coca cultivation in
2007, a 6% increase over 2006, producing a potential of 535 mt of pure cocaine; the world's largest producer of coca
derivatives; supplies cocaine to nearly all of the US market and the great majority of other international drug markets; in 2005,
aerial eradication dispensed herbicide to treat over 130,000 hectares but aggressive replanting on the part of coca growers
means Colombia remains a key producer; a significant portion of narcotics proceeds are either laundered or invested in Colombia
through the black market peso exchange; important supplier of heroin to the US market; opium poppy cultivation is estimated to
have fallen 25% between 2006 and 2007; most Colombian heroin is destined for the US market (2008)
2007, a 6% increase over 2006, producing a potential of 535 mt of pure cocaine; the world's largest producer of coca
derivatives; supplies cocaine to nearly all of the US market and the great majority of other international drug markets; in 2005,
aerial eradication dispensed herbicide to treat over 130,000 hectares but aggressive replanting on the part of coca growers
means Colombia remains a key producer; a significant portion of narcotics proceeds are either laundered or invested in Colombia
through the black market peso exchange; important supplier of heroin to the US market; opium poppy cultivation is estimated to
have fallen 25% between 2006 and 2007; most Colombian heroin is destined for the US market (2008)
| HUMAN RIGHTS STATEMENTS, ANALYSIS AND CRITIQUES |
2009 Human Rights Reports: Colombia
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
March 11, 2010
Colombia is a constitutional, multiparty democracy with a population of approximately 45 million. In May 2006 independent
presidential candidate Alvaro Uribe was reelected in elections that were considered generally free and fair. The 45-year internal
armed conflict continued between the government and terrorist organizations, particularly the Revolutionary Armed Forces of
Colombia (FARC) and the National Liberation Army (ELN). While civilian authorities generally maintained effective control of the
security forces, there were instances in which elements of the security forces acted in violation of state policy.
Although significant human rights abuses remained, the government continued to make efforts to confront and address these
abuses. The following societal problems and governmental human rights abuses were reported during the year:
The FARC and ELN committed the following human rights abuses: political killings; widespread use of landmines; killings of off-
duty members of the public security forces and local officials; kidnappings and forced disappearances; massive forced
displacements; subornation and intimidation of judges, prosecutors, and witnesses; infringement on citizens' privacy rights;
restrictions on freedom of movement; widespread recruitment of child soldiers; attacks against human rights activists; violence
against women, including rape and forced abortions; and harassment, intimidation, and killings of teachers and trade unionists.
New illegal armed groups and paramilitary members who refused to demobilize also committed numerous human rights abuses.
The last United Self Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC) block demobilized in 2006, but AUC members who refused to demobilize,
AUC members who demobilized but later abandoned the peace process, and other new illegal armed groups remained targets of
security force action. These new groups lacked the organization, reach, and military capacity of the former AUC and focused
primarily on narcotics trafficking and extortion. The AUC demobilization led to a reduction in killings and other human rights
abuses, but paramilitary members who refused to demobilize and new illegal armed groups continued to commit numerous unlawful
acts and related abuses, including the following: political killings and kidnappings; physical violence; forced displacement;
subornation and intimidation of judges, prosecutors, and witnesses; infringement on citizens' privacy rights; restrictions on freedom
of movement; recruitment and use of child soldiers; violence against women, including rape; and harassment, intimidation, and
killings of human rights workers, journalists, teachers, and trade unionists.
Government statistics indicated that during the year kidnappings decreased 18 percent and mass killings decreased 13 percent
compared with the same period in 2008. The Prosecutor General's Human Rights Unit achieved convictions of 421 defendants for
human rights crimes, including 157 military personnel for extrajudicial executions, during the year. Through December the Justice
and Peace Law (JPL) process, wherein former paramilitary leaders confess their crimes and surrender assets in exchange for
reduced sentences, helped clarify more than 38,000 crimes involving 50,000 victims and led to the exhumation of 2,800 remains in
2,300 common graves, while the Supreme Court and prosecutor general's investigations of links between politicians and
paramilitary groups implicated 87 members of Congress, 15 governors, and 35 mayors, 66 of whom were detained at year's end.
In total, 18 politicians (13 members of Congress, four governors, and one mayor) had been convicted for ties to paramilitary
groups at year's end.
Click here to read more »
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
March 11, 2010
Colombia is a constitutional, multiparty democracy with a population of approximately 45 million. In May 2006 independent
presidential candidate Alvaro Uribe was reelected in elections that were considered generally free and fair. The 45-year internal
armed conflict continued between the government and terrorist organizations, particularly the Revolutionary Armed Forces of
Colombia (FARC) and the National Liberation Army (ELN). While civilian authorities generally maintained effective control of the
security forces, there were instances in which elements of the security forces acted in violation of state policy.
Although significant human rights abuses remained, the government continued to make efforts to confront and address these
abuses. The following societal problems and governmental human rights abuses were reported during the year:
- unlawful and extrajudicial killings;
- insubordinate military collaboration with new illegal armed groups and paramilitary members who refused to demobilize;
- forced disappearances;
- overcrowded and insecure prisons;
- torture and mistreatment of detainees;
- arbitrary arrest;
- a high number of pretrial detainees, some of whom were held with convicted prisoners;
- impunity and an inefficient judiciary subject to intimidation;
- illegal surveillance of civilian groups, political opponents, and government agencies;
- harassment and intimidation of journalists;
- unhygienic conditions at settlements for displaced persons, with limited access to health care, education, or employment;
- corruption;
- harassment of human rights groups and activists, including unfounded prosecutions;
- violence against women, including rape;
- child abuse and child prostitution;
- trafficking in women and children for the purpose of sexual exploitation;
- some societal discrimination against women, indigenous persons, and minorities;
- illegal child labor.
The FARC and ELN committed the following human rights abuses: political killings; widespread use of landmines; killings of off-
duty members of the public security forces and local officials; kidnappings and forced disappearances; massive forced
displacements; subornation and intimidation of judges, prosecutors, and witnesses; infringement on citizens' privacy rights;
restrictions on freedom of movement; widespread recruitment of child soldiers; attacks against human rights activists; violence
against women, including rape and forced abortions; and harassment, intimidation, and killings of teachers and trade unionists.
New illegal armed groups and paramilitary members who refused to demobilize also committed numerous human rights abuses.
The last United Self Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC) block demobilized in 2006, but AUC members who refused to demobilize,
AUC members who demobilized but later abandoned the peace process, and other new illegal armed groups remained targets of
security force action. These new groups lacked the organization, reach, and military capacity of the former AUC and focused
primarily on narcotics trafficking and extortion. The AUC demobilization led to a reduction in killings and other human rights
abuses, but paramilitary members who refused to demobilize and new illegal armed groups continued to commit numerous unlawful
acts and related abuses, including the following: political killings and kidnappings; physical violence; forced displacement;
subornation and intimidation of judges, prosecutors, and witnesses; infringement on citizens' privacy rights; restrictions on freedom
of movement; recruitment and use of child soldiers; violence against women, including rape; and harassment, intimidation, and
killings of human rights workers, journalists, teachers, and trade unionists.
Government statistics indicated that during the year kidnappings decreased 18 percent and mass killings decreased 13 percent
compared with the same period in 2008. The Prosecutor General's Human Rights Unit achieved convictions of 421 defendants for
human rights crimes, including 157 military personnel for extrajudicial executions, during the year. Through December the Justice
and Peace Law (JPL) process, wherein former paramilitary leaders confess their crimes and surrender assets in exchange for
reduced sentences, helped clarify more than 38,000 crimes involving 50,000 victims and led to the exhumation of 2,800 remains in
2,300 common graves, while the Supreme Court and prosecutor general's investigations of links between politicians and
paramilitary groups implicated 87 members of Congress, 15 governors, and 35 mayors, 66 of whom were detained at year's end.
In total, 18 politicians (13 members of Congress, four governors, and one mayor) had been convicted for ties to paramilitary
groups at year's end.
Click here to read more »
11 June 2010
Committee on the Rights of the Child
Fifty-fourth session
25 May -11 June 2010
Consideration of Reports submitted by States parties under article 12(1) of the Optional protocol to the Convention on
the Rights of the Child on the sale of children, child prostitution, and child pornography
Concluding observations: Colombia
Introduction
2. The Committee welcomes the submission of the State party's initial report. The Committee further welcomes its written
replies (CRC/C/OPSC/COL/Q/1/Add.1) to the list of issues and appreciates the constructive dialogue with a high-level and multi-
sectoral State party delegation, lead by the High Commissioner for Peace. The Committee however regrets that the report was
overdue and did not follow the reporting guidelines. Furthermore, the Committee notes that the report is primarily devoted to sexual
exploitation of children rather than the specific situations covered by the Protocol and that there is a lack of information about the
specific programmes and actions undertaken by State party.
I. General Observations
Positive aspects
4. The Committee notes with appreciation the adoption of the following legislation:
a.) The Law 1098 of 2006 on Childhood and Adolescence (El Codigo de la Infancia y Adolescencia);
b.) The Law 1329 of 17 July 2009 on provisions to combat commercial sexual exploitation of children (Por medio de la cual
se modifica el titulo de la Ley 599 y se dictan otra disposiciones para contrarrestar la explotación sexual comercial de niños, niñas y
adolescentes);
II. Data
5. The Committee, while appreciating the information contained in the State party reply to the list of issues, regrets that data
on the extent of sale of children, child prostitution and child pornography and on the number of children involved in these activities
are limited and not systematized, mainly due to the absence of a comprehensive data collection system. The Committee furthermore
is concerned over the lack of information regarding the number of cases that have been investigated and the number of offenders
who have been prosecuted and sanctioned.
6. The Committee recommends that the State party develop measures to identify children who have been victims of crimes
under the Protocol and establish a central database for registering violations of child rights in order to ensure that data relating to
offenses covered by the Protocol are systematically collected and disaggregated, inter alia by age, sex and ethnic group and
analysed, as they provide essential tools for measuring policy implementation. Data on the number of reported cases and the related
investigations and prosecutions should also be systematized. The Committee recommends that the government authority responsible
for the collection of statistics, National Administrative Department of Statistics (DANE), undertake further measures to coordinate,
systematise and unite data from various government entities, such as the Colombian Family Welfare Institute (ICBF), the Human
Rights Ombudsman’s Office (La Defensoría del Pueblo), the Attorney General’s Office (La Fiscalía General de la Nación) and the
Inspector General’s Office (La Procuradería General de la Nación).
Click here to read more »
Committee on the Rights of the Child
Fifty-fourth session
25 May -11 June 2010
Consideration of Reports submitted by States parties under article 12(1) of the Optional protocol to the Convention on
the Rights of the Child on the sale of children, child prostitution, and child pornography
Concluding observations: Colombia
Introduction
2. The Committee welcomes the submission of the State party's initial report. The Committee further welcomes its written
replies (CRC/C/OPSC/COL/Q/1/Add.1) to the list of issues and appreciates the constructive dialogue with a high-level and multi-
sectoral State party delegation, lead by the High Commissioner for Peace. The Committee however regrets that the report was
overdue and did not follow the reporting guidelines. Furthermore, the Committee notes that the report is primarily devoted to sexual
exploitation of children rather than the specific situations covered by the Protocol and that there is a lack of information about the
specific programmes and actions undertaken by State party.
I. General Observations
Positive aspects
4. The Committee notes with appreciation the adoption of the following legislation:
a.) The Law 1098 of 2006 on Childhood and Adolescence (El Codigo de la Infancia y Adolescencia);
b.) The Law 1329 of 17 July 2009 on provisions to combat commercial sexual exploitation of children (Por medio de la cual
se modifica el titulo de la Ley 599 y se dictan otra disposiciones para contrarrestar la explotación sexual comercial de niños, niñas y
adolescentes);
II. Data
5. The Committee, while appreciating the information contained in the State party reply to the list of issues, regrets that data
on the extent of sale of children, child prostitution and child pornography and on the number of children involved in these activities
are limited and not systematized, mainly due to the absence of a comprehensive data collection system. The Committee furthermore
is concerned over the lack of information regarding the number of cases that have been investigated and the number of offenders
who have been prosecuted and sanctioned.
6. The Committee recommends that the State party develop measures to identify children who have been victims of crimes
under the Protocol and establish a central database for registering violations of child rights in order to ensure that data relating to
offenses covered by the Protocol are systematically collected and disaggregated, inter alia by age, sex and ethnic group and
analysed, as they provide essential tools for measuring policy implementation. Data on the number of reported cases and the related
investigations and prosecutions should also be systematized. The Committee recommends that the government authority responsible
for the collection of statistics, National Administrative Department of Statistics (DANE), undertake further measures to coordinate,
systematise and unite data from various government entities, such as the Colombian Family Welfare Institute (ICBF), the Human
Rights Ombudsman’s Office (La Defensoría del Pueblo), the Attorney General’s Office (La Fiscalía General de la Nación) and the
Inspector General’s Office (La Procuradería General de la Nación).
Click here to read more »
Freedom In The World 2010 Report
Political Rights Score: 3
Civil Liberties Score: 4
Status: Partly Free
Overview
Political uncertainty increased in 2009 as President Alvaro Uribe’s supporters took steps to allow him to seek a third term in 2010.
A scandal involving government surveillance of civil society members, opposition politicians, and judges sharpened existing tensions
between the president and the Supreme Court. Meanwhile, the significant security gains of recent years appeared to level off, as
violence rose in some cities and rural zones. Relations with neighboring Venezuela continued to worsen amid recriminations over a
U.S.-Colombian military accord and Caracas’s alleged toleration of Colombian rebel activity on Venezuelan territory.
Top AUC leaders continued in 2007 and 2008 to testify about their crimes. In certain instances they refused to admit culpability,
but others yielded valuable information on paramilitary operations and thousands of unsolved murders. In April 2008, 14
paramilitary chiefs were extradited to the United States, where they faced long prison sentences for drug trafficking. The
Colombian government argued that this would break their ongoing control over drug distribution networks, but rights groups feared
that the transfers would truncate the confessions process, a concern validated in 2009 as testimony from some of the most
important leaders ceased. In August 2009 the Colombian Supreme Court prohibited further extraditions of former paramilitary
leaders still involved in the justice and peace process.
Observers also raised concerns that the extraditions effectively removed potential witnesses in the ongoing “parapolitics” scandal,
which linked scores of politicians to paramilitaries. By the end of 2009, over 80 congressmen—including the president’s cousin,
Mario Uribe—had been arrested, convicted, or were under investigation. The case stoked tensions between the president and the
Supreme Court, which is tasked with investigating sitting lawmakers. Several dozen congressmen resigned to remove their cases
from the court’s purview, but in 2009 the court ruled that it would retain jurisdiction over investigations of resigned congressmen.
Meanwhile, in February 2009, evidence emerged of a massive telephone, e-mail, and personal surveillance operation initiated in
2003 by Colombia’s intelligence agency, the Administrative Security Department (DAS). Among its targets were journalists,
nongovernmental organization (NGO) workers, politicians, and Supreme Court justices. Dozens of DAS employees were dismissed
and 10 were charged. Nonetheless, signs of continued wiretapping were revealed in August. In September, Uribe announced that
the DAS would be disbanded, with most of its functions absorbed by the police.
The DAS scandal added to the strains in the relationship between the president and the Supreme Court. Among other contributing
factors, the administration lodged accusations of corruption within the court, the court rejected all attorney general candidates
proposed by Uribe, and a series of court-led investigations focused on supposed exchanges of favors surrounding the passage of a
2004 constitutional amendment that had allowed Uribe’s reelection in 2006.
Click here to read more »
Political Rights Score: 3
Civil Liberties Score: 4
Status: Partly Free
Overview
Political uncertainty increased in 2009 as President Alvaro Uribe’s supporters took steps to allow him to seek a third term in 2010.
A scandal involving government surveillance of civil society members, opposition politicians, and judges sharpened existing tensions
between the president and the Supreme Court. Meanwhile, the significant security gains of recent years appeared to level off, as
violence rose in some cities and rural zones. Relations with neighboring Venezuela continued to worsen amid recriminations over a
U.S.-Colombian military accord and Caracas’s alleged toleration of Colombian rebel activity on Venezuelan territory.
Top AUC leaders continued in 2007 and 2008 to testify about their crimes. In certain instances they refused to admit culpability,
but others yielded valuable information on paramilitary operations and thousands of unsolved murders. In April 2008, 14
paramilitary chiefs were extradited to the United States, where they faced long prison sentences for drug trafficking. The
Colombian government argued that this would break their ongoing control over drug distribution networks, but rights groups feared
that the transfers would truncate the confessions process, a concern validated in 2009 as testimony from some of the most
important leaders ceased. In August 2009 the Colombian Supreme Court prohibited further extraditions of former paramilitary
leaders still involved in the justice and peace process.
Observers also raised concerns that the extraditions effectively removed potential witnesses in the ongoing “parapolitics” scandal,
which linked scores of politicians to paramilitaries. By the end of 2009, over 80 congressmen—including the president’s cousin,
Mario Uribe—had been arrested, convicted, or were under investigation. The case stoked tensions between the president and the
Supreme Court, which is tasked with investigating sitting lawmakers. Several dozen congressmen resigned to remove their cases
from the court’s purview, but in 2009 the court ruled that it would retain jurisdiction over investigations of resigned congressmen.
Meanwhile, in February 2009, evidence emerged of a massive telephone, e-mail, and personal surveillance operation initiated in
2003 by Colombia’s intelligence agency, the Administrative Security Department (DAS). Among its targets were journalists,
nongovernmental organization (NGO) workers, politicians, and Supreme Court justices. Dozens of DAS employees were dismissed
and 10 were charged. Nonetheless, signs of continued wiretapping were revealed in August. In September, Uribe announced that
the DAS would be disbanded, with most of its functions absorbed by the police.
The DAS scandal added to the strains in the relationship between the president and the Supreme Court. Among other contributing
factors, the administration lodged accusations of corruption within the court, the court rejected all attorney general candidates
proposed by Uribe, and a series of court-led investigations focused on supposed exchanges of favors surrounding the passage of a
2004 constitutional amendment that had allowed Uribe’s reelection in 2006.
Click here to read more »
Trade unionist killed, many more at risk: Nelson Camacho González
23 June 2010
URGENT ACTION
A trade unionist was shot dead on 17 June in Barrancabermeja, Colombia. Activists from 17 organizations in the region are at risk
and need protection.
On 17 June at 5:30am, gunmen travelling on a motorcycle in the city of Barrancabermeja, Santander Department, Colombia, opened
fire and shot Nelson Camacho Gonzálezdead. Nelson Camacho was a member of the local branch of the oil worker’s union USO,
(Unión Sindical Obrera).
The killing came almost a month after a paramilitary group calling itself Joint Cleansing Command, (Comando Conjunto de
Limpieza),issued a written death threat against 17 non-governmental human rights organizations, trade unions including USO,
peasant farmer organizations, and organizations representing forcibly displaced people working in Barrancabermeja and the region
of the Magdalena Medio, in the department of Santander.
The threat was received on 26 May and said: “Because in Barrancabermeja, the guerrilla is within all those organizations that call
themselves displaced, human rights defenders, trade unions, and such a group of sons-of-bitches that think that they are
untouchable. We will exterminate those that oppose development and security in the country. (…) We will not stop, we will
exterminate you. Traitors of the homeland, you leave or you will be dead.” (Debido a que en Barrancabermeja esta la guerrilla en
todas esas organizaciones que se hacen llamar dedesplazados (sic), defensoras de derechos humanos, sindicatos,ongs y toda una
partida de hijueputas que se creen intocables.(…) no descansaremos los exterminamos. Traidores de la patria, o se van o se
mueren.)
The killing raises concerns for the safety of USO members in Barrancabermeja and other trade unionists, social activists and human
rights defenders in the region.
Additional Information
During Colombia's internal armed conflict, paramilitary groups, operating alone or in collusion with the security forces, have
frequently labelled human rights organizations, trade unions and other social organizations as guerrilla collaborators or supporters.
These accusations have repeatedly been followed by serious human rights violations against members of these organizations,
including threats and killings.
In Barrancabermeja, trade unions, organizations working with campesinos (peasant farmers) and non-governmental human rights
organizations have repeatedly been the target of serious human rights violations in recent years.
Guerrilla groups have also threatened or killed human rights defenders they consider to be siding with the enemy.
Click here to read more »
23 June 2010
URGENT ACTION
A trade unionist was shot dead on 17 June in Barrancabermeja, Colombia. Activists from 17 organizations in the region are at risk
and need protection.
On 17 June at 5:30am, gunmen travelling on a motorcycle in the city of Barrancabermeja, Santander Department, Colombia, opened
fire and shot Nelson Camacho Gonzálezdead. Nelson Camacho was a member of the local branch of the oil worker’s union USO,
(Unión Sindical Obrera).
The killing came almost a month after a paramilitary group calling itself Joint Cleansing Command, (Comando Conjunto de
Limpieza),issued a written death threat against 17 non-governmental human rights organizations, trade unions including USO,
peasant farmer organizations, and organizations representing forcibly displaced people working in Barrancabermeja and the region
of the Magdalena Medio, in the department of Santander.
The threat was received on 26 May and said: “Because in Barrancabermeja, the guerrilla is within all those organizations that call
themselves displaced, human rights defenders, trade unions, and such a group of sons-of-bitches that think that they are
untouchable. We will exterminate those that oppose development and security in the country. (…) We will not stop, we will
exterminate you. Traitors of the homeland, you leave or you will be dead.” (Debido a que en Barrancabermeja esta la guerrilla en
todas esas organizaciones que se hacen llamar dedesplazados (sic), defensoras de derechos humanos, sindicatos,ongs y toda una
partida de hijueputas que se creen intocables.(…) no descansaremos los exterminamos. Traidores de la patria, o se van o se
mueren.)
The killing raises concerns for the safety of USO members in Barrancabermeja and other trade unionists, social activists and human
rights defenders in the region.
Additional Information
During Colombia's internal armed conflict, paramilitary groups, operating alone or in collusion with the security forces, have
frequently labelled human rights organizations, trade unions and other social organizations as guerrilla collaborators or supporters.
These accusations have repeatedly been followed by serious human rights violations against members of these organizations,
including threats and killings.
In Barrancabermeja, trade unions, organizations working with campesinos (peasant farmers) and non-governmental human rights
organizations have repeatedly been the target of serious human rights violations in recent years.
Guerrilla groups have also threatened or killed human rights defenders they consider to be siding with the enemy.
Click here to read more »
Colombia: Stop Abuses by Paramilitaries’ Successor Groups
Government must Protect Civilians, Prosecute Groups’ Members and Accomplices
February 3, 2010
(Bogotá) - Colombia needs to respond effectively to the violent groups committing human rights abuses that have emerged around
the country in the aftermath of the flawed demobilization of paramilitary groups, Human Rights Watch says in a report released
today.
The 122-page report, "Paramilitaries' Heirs: The New Face of Violence in Colombia," documents widespread and serious abuses by
successor groups to the paramilitary coalition known as the United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (Autodefensas Unidas de
Colombia, AUC). The successor groups regularly commit massacres, killings, forced displacement, rape, and extortion, and create
a threatening atmosphere in the communities they control. Often, they target human rights defenders, trade unionists, victims of the
paramilitaries who are seeking justice, and community members who do not follow their orders. The report is accompanied by a
multimedia presentation that includes photos and audio of some of the Colombians targeted by the successor groups.
"Whatever you call these groups - whether paramilitaries, gangs, or some other name - their impact on human rights in Colombia
today should not be minimized," said José Miguel Vivanco, Americas director at Human Rights Watch. "Like the paramilitaries,
these successor groups are committing horrific atrocities, and they need to be stopped."
Based on nearly two years of field research, the report describes the successor groups' brutal impact on human rights in Colombia,
highlighting four regions where the groups have a substantial presence: the city of Medellín, the Urabá region of Chocó state, and
the states of Meta and Nariño.
The successor groups pose a growing threat to the enjoyment of human rights in Colombian society. The most conservative
estimates, by the Colombian National Police, put the groups' membership at over 4,000, and assert that they have a presence in 24
of Colombia's 32 departments. The groups are actively recruiting new members and despite arrests of some of their leaders, they
are moving quickly to replace their leadership and expand their areas of operation.
The rise of the groups has coincided with a significant increase in the national rates of internal displacement from 2004 at least
through 2007. Much of the displacement is occurring in regions where successor groups are active. In some areas, like Medellín,
where the homicide rate has nearly doubled in the past year, the groups' operations have resulted in a dramatic increase in violence.
Click here to read more »
Government must Protect Civilians, Prosecute Groups’ Members and Accomplices
February 3, 2010
(Bogotá) - Colombia needs to respond effectively to the violent groups committing human rights abuses that have emerged around
the country in the aftermath of the flawed demobilization of paramilitary groups, Human Rights Watch says in a report released
today.
The 122-page report, "Paramilitaries' Heirs: The New Face of Violence in Colombia," documents widespread and serious abuses by
successor groups to the paramilitary coalition known as the United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (Autodefensas Unidas de
Colombia, AUC). The successor groups regularly commit massacres, killings, forced displacement, rape, and extortion, and create
a threatening atmosphere in the communities they control. Often, they target human rights defenders, trade unionists, victims of the
paramilitaries who are seeking justice, and community members who do not follow their orders. The report is accompanied by a
multimedia presentation that includes photos and audio of some of the Colombians targeted by the successor groups.
"Whatever you call these groups - whether paramilitaries, gangs, or some other name - their impact on human rights in Colombia
today should not be minimized," said José Miguel Vivanco, Americas director at Human Rights Watch. "Like the paramilitaries,
these successor groups are committing horrific atrocities, and they need to be stopped."
Based on nearly two years of field research, the report describes the successor groups' brutal impact on human rights in Colombia,
highlighting four regions where the groups have a substantial presence: the city of Medellín, the Urabá region of Chocó state, and
the states of Meta and Nariño.
The successor groups pose a growing threat to the enjoyment of human rights in Colombian society. The most conservative
estimates, by the Colombian National Police, put the groups' membership at over 4,000, and assert that they have a presence in 24
of Colombia's 32 departments. The groups are actively recruiting new members and despite arrests of some of their leaders, they
are moving quickly to replace their leadership and expand their areas of operation.
The rise of the groups has coincided with a significant increase in the national rates of internal displacement from 2004 at least
through 2007. Much of the displacement is occurring in regions where successor groups are active. In some areas, like Medellín,
where the homicide rate has nearly doubled in the past year, the groups' operations have resulted in a dramatic increase in violence.
Click here to read more »
STATEMENT BY
H.E. Mr. ÁLVARO URIBE VÉLEZ
PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF COLOMBIA
64th Session of the United Nations General Assembly
New York, 23 September 2009
The Government that I preside has the objective of increasing the confidence of the national and international community in our
Country.
We support that search for confidence on three pillars: security with democratic values, promotion of investment and
entrepreneurship with social responsibility, and social cohesion with freedoms.
We continue to make progress in security but also with pending challenges. I would like to highlight intangible achievements that
validate the democratic credentials of our security project:
" We have recovered two monopolies that we never should have lost: the monopoly of institutional forces to combat criminals and
the monopoly of justice that terrorists once wanted to displace. Paramilitarism, a term that emerged to describe private criminal
gangs whose objective was to combat drug trafficking guerrillas, has been dismantled. Today, the State is the only one that
combats all criminals. These, in all their forms, drug-trafficking guerrillas, criminal gangs, are brought together in a mafia-style
relationship that unites them or pits them against each other to share or fight over the profits of the criminal drug enterprise.
Justice, with the Supreme Court assassinated in 1985 in an assault by drug traffickers and guerrillas, tormented by the threat and
assassination of judges and displaced in many regions by terrorists leaders of guerrillas and paramilitaries that attempted to replace
it, has recovered in the entirety of the Country its full effectiveness.
" Victims did not stand up out of fear of retaliation or belief that it would be useless. Now, thanks to the recovery of security,
239,758 victims have been registered, and we are carrying out a determined reparation effort with them, that is never complete, but
that will lead to reconciliation as it advances, by cancelling spirits of vengeance and hatred.
" We have recovered the independence of decentralization and of political exercise. Terrorism had displaced 30% of mayors, stolen
and corrupted large amounts of municipal and departmental budgets and coerced political sectors. Mayors have recovered the
security for the free exercise of their mandates and the transparent management of resources. Politics are freely exercised in the
expression of all forms of thought.
" This terrorist threat has been confronted without martial legislation, with full civil and political guarantees and absolute respect for
the liberties that we promote through security.
" We work towards both the effectiveness of the Public Forces and the respect for human rights. We do not hesitate to punish
those who violate them nor do we back away from defending our soldiers and policemen, sometimes victims of a dirty legal war.
Colombia has voluntarily presented itself to the United Nations human rights review. Furthermore, in spite of suffering caused by
the anti-personnel landmines planted by terrorist groups, the State destroyed those in possession of the Public Forces for training
purposes. Our country is one of the leaders of the Ottawa Convention for the destruction of such landmines and will host its next
meeting in Cartagena.
Click here to read more »
H.E. Mr. ÁLVARO URIBE VÉLEZ
PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF COLOMBIA
64th Session of the United Nations General Assembly
New York, 23 September 2009
The Government that I preside has the objective of increasing the confidence of the national and international community in our
Country.
We support that search for confidence on three pillars: security with democratic values, promotion of investment and
entrepreneurship with social responsibility, and social cohesion with freedoms.
We continue to make progress in security but also with pending challenges. I would like to highlight intangible achievements that
validate the democratic credentials of our security project:
" We have recovered two monopolies that we never should have lost: the monopoly of institutional forces to combat criminals and
the monopoly of justice that terrorists once wanted to displace. Paramilitarism, a term that emerged to describe private criminal
gangs whose objective was to combat drug trafficking guerrillas, has been dismantled. Today, the State is the only one that
combats all criminals. These, in all their forms, drug-trafficking guerrillas, criminal gangs, are brought together in a mafia-style
relationship that unites them or pits them against each other to share or fight over the profits of the criminal drug enterprise.
Justice, with the Supreme Court assassinated in 1985 in an assault by drug traffickers and guerrillas, tormented by the threat and
assassination of judges and displaced in many regions by terrorists leaders of guerrillas and paramilitaries that attempted to replace
it, has recovered in the entirety of the Country its full effectiveness.
" Victims did not stand up out of fear of retaliation or belief that it would be useless. Now, thanks to the recovery of security,
239,758 victims have been registered, and we are carrying out a determined reparation effort with them, that is never complete, but
that will lead to reconciliation as it advances, by cancelling spirits of vengeance and hatred.
" We have recovered the independence of decentralization and of political exercise. Terrorism had displaced 30% of mayors, stolen
and corrupted large amounts of municipal and departmental budgets and coerced political sectors. Mayors have recovered the
security for the free exercise of their mandates and the transparent management of resources. Politics are freely exercised in the
expression of all forms of thought.
" This terrorist threat has been confronted without martial legislation, with full civil and political guarantees and absolute respect for
the liberties that we promote through security.
" We work towards both the effectiveness of the Public Forces and the respect for human rights. We do not hesitate to punish
those who violate them nor do we back away from defending our soldiers and policemen, sometimes victims of a dirty legal war.
Colombia has voluntarily presented itself to the United Nations human rights review. Furthermore, in spite of suffering caused by
the anti-personnel landmines planted by terrorist groups, the State destroyed those in possession of the Public Forces for training
purposes. Our country is one of the leaders of the Ottawa Convention for the destruction of such landmines and will host its next
meeting in Cartagena.
Click here to read more »
TRANSLATED FROM SPANISH BY GOOGLE TRANSLATE
July 13, 2010
Ombudsman rejects imprisonment
Four women were working as human rights training in the municipality of Teorama in Norte de Santander, and demands their
immediate release.
The Ombudsman Volmar Perez Ortiz, called on Tuesday for the immediate release of four women involved in human rights agenda
that drives the governor of Norte de Santander, the vice presidency, the International Organization for Migration-IOM and the
Foundation Evolve, who were deprived of freedom between Thursday 8 and Friday July 9th of this month by suspected members
of the ELN in the village of San Juancito, the municipality of Teorama, in the province of Ocaña, Norte de Santander.
The Ombudsman's Office confirmed that one of the persons deprived of liberty on July 8 was Mrs. MARIA ANGELICA
GONZALEZ CARREÑO, Project Coordinator of the Communities at Risk Human Rights Program and International Humanitarian
Law, which coordinates the vice presidency.
Similarly, the Ombudsman obtained information that in the same district of Sanjuancito on Friday July 9 in the morning hours, were
deprived of freedom LISBETH JAIMES JAIMES ladies, Lawyer, and NORA GUERRERO MONICA DUARTE RODRIGUEZ, who
provide services for the Foundation progress in the province of Ocaña, processes promoting human rights training in the region of
the country.
The Ombudsman Volmar Perez, he appeals to his captors to respect the right to life and personal integrity of persons allegedly
detained illegally by members of the ELN, to be confirmed, "who announced training human rights communities in the municipality
of Teorama. Ocaña The Regional Ombudsman also noted that neither the family nor the local authorities have been able to fully
establish the identity of the illegal armed group that carried out the kidnapping of the four women.
The Ombudsman recalls his captors that the abduction of civilians constitutes a war crime that seriously violates international
humanitarian law which has the purpose of shielding the civilian population of the dynamics of armed confrontation.
Click here to read more »
July 13, 2010
Ombudsman rejects imprisonment
Four women were working as human rights training in the municipality of Teorama in Norte de Santander, and demands their
immediate release.
The Ombudsman Volmar Perez Ortiz, called on Tuesday for the immediate release of four women involved in human rights agenda
that drives the governor of Norte de Santander, the vice presidency, the International Organization for Migration-IOM and the
Foundation Evolve, who were deprived of freedom between Thursday 8 and Friday July 9th of this month by suspected members
of the ELN in the village of San Juancito, the municipality of Teorama, in the province of Ocaña, Norte de Santander.
The Ombudsman's Office confirmed that one of the persons deprived of liberty on July 8 was Mrs. MARIA ANGELICA
GONZALEZ CARREÑO, Project Coordinator of the Communities at Risk Human Rights Program and International Humanitarian
Law, which coordinates the vice presidency.
Similarly, the Ombudsman obtained information that in the same district of Sanjuancito on Friday July 9 in the morning hours, were
deprived of freedom LISBETH JAIMES JAIMES ladies, Lawyer, and NORA GUERRERO MONICA DUARTE RODRIGUEZ, who
provide services for the Foundation progress in the province of Ocaña, processes promoting human rights training in the region of
the country.
The Ombudsman Volmar Perez, he appeals to his captors to respect the right to life and personal integrity of persons allegedly
detained illegally by members of the ELN, to be confirmed, "who announced training human rights communities in the municipality
of Teorama. Ocaña The Regional Ombudsman also noted that neither the family nor the local authorities have been able to fully
establish the identity of the illegal armed group that carried out the kidnapping of the four women.
The Ombudsman recalls his captors that the abduction of civilians constitutes a war crime that seriously violates international
humanitarian law which has the purpose of shielding the civilian population of the dynamics of armed confrontation.
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31 July 2009
Ongoing Assassinations and Heavy Combat in Colombian Border Region
Reports from the Colombian region of Arauca, on the country's northeast border with Venezuela, indicate that large numbers of
civilians are trapped amidst heavy fighting between guerrillas and the Colombian Army. The CPDH, Colombia's largest human
rights group, also says that soldiers in the region have murdered a civilian whilst other reports from local organisations document a
further ten assassinations including those of two trade unionists. As has been reported on previously, Arauca is one of Colombia's
most violent regions.
The fighting, which started on Thursday this week in a rural part of the municipality of Tame, has trapped at least 80 families in the
village of Filipinas as combat rages between troops of the Colombian Army's 18th Brigade and leftwing rebels. Trade union leader
Antonio Amaya, speaking from Filipinas, has alleged that soldiers are using civilians as human shields and says that he, several other
trade unionists and the civilian population, including a large number of children, are in grave danger as the military are bombing and
machine gunning the area from the air.
A large number of 18th Brigade soldiers have been present in the village for around a month despite calls from local residents for
them to leave. Earlier reports say that before the fighting began soldiers had been harassing, intimidating and threatening residents
including trade unionist Jose Luis Torres who troops stopped on the road between the village and the municipal capital of Tame on
July 29th. Mr Torres was told that he would be killed if he did not return to the village. Two days previously the same soldiers shot
and wounded peasant farmer Wilson Javier Garces as he collected corn in the nearby community of Cano Azul.
Earlier in the month the Permanent Committee for Human Rights (CPDH), reported how 18th Brigade soldiers had shot and killed
23-year-old William Alexander Santos and wounded his friend Jose del Carmen Jimenez (53). According to the CPDH the troops
opened fire on the two men without warning as they were tending a rice field at the 'Clavelitos' farm in the village of Chiguira,
Arauquita municipality. Mr Santos was shot twice in the back with a machine gun by the soldiers, killing him instantly in the June
21st attack.
Click here to read more >>
Ongoing Assassinations and Heavy Combat in Colombian Border Region
Reports from the Colombian region of Arauca, on the country's northeast border with Venezuela, indicate that large numbers of
civilians are trapped amidst heavy fighting between guerrillas and the Colombian Army. The CPDH, Colombia's largest human
rights group, also says that soldiers in the region have murdered a civilian whilst other reports from local organisations document a
further ten assassinations including those of two trade unionists. As has been reported on previously, Arauca is one of Colombia's
most violent regions.
The fighting, which started on Thursday this week in a rural part of the municipality of Tame, has trapped at least 80 families in the
village of Filipinas as combat rages between troops of the Colombian Army's 18th Brigade and leftwing rebels. Trade union leader
Antonio Amaya, speaking from Filipinas, has alleged that soldiers are using civilians as human shields and says that he, several other
trade unionists and the civilian population, including a large number of children, are in grave danger as the military are bombing and
machine gunning the area from the air.
A large number of 18th Brigade soldiers have been present in the village for around a month despite calls from local residents for
them to leave. Earlier reports say that before the fighting began soldiers had been harassing, intimidating and threatening residents
including trade unionist Jose Luis Torres who troops stopped on the road between the village and the municipal capital of Tame on
July 29th. Mr Torres was told that he would be killed if he did not return to the village. Two days previously the same soldiers shot
and wounded peasant farmer Wilson Javier Garces as he collected corn in the nearby community of Cano Azul.
Earlier in the month the Permanent Committee for Human Rights (CPDH), reported how 18th Brigade soldiers had shot and killed
23-year-old William Alexander Santos and wounded his friend Jose del Carmen Jimenez (53). According to the CPDH the troops
opened fire on the two men without warning as they were tending a rice field at the 'Clavelitos' farm in the village of Chiguira,
Arauquita municipality. Mr Santos was shot twice in the back with a machine gun by the soldiers, killing him instantly in the June
21st attack.
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