| EQUATORIAL GUINEA Republic of Equatorial Guinea Republica de Guinea Ecuatorial/ Republique de Guinee Equatoriale Joined United Nations: 12 November 1968 Human Rights as assured by their constitution Click here Updated 01/27/11 |
| CAPITAL |
| POPULATION |
| CHIEF OF STATE |
| SELECTION PROCESS |
Malabo
650,702 (July 2010 est.)
Ignacio Milam Tang
Prime Minister since 8 July 2008
Prime Minister since 8 July 2008
President elected by popular vote for a seven-year term (no term
limits); election last held 29 November 2009
Next scheduled election: 2016
limits); election last held 29 November 2009
Next scheduled election: 2016
HEAD OF GOVERNMENT
SELECTION PROCESS
Prime Minister and Deputy Prime Ministers appointed by the
president
president
| DECLARATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS |
| ETHNIC GROUPS |
Fang 85.7%, Bubi 6.5%, Mdowe 3.6%, Annobon 1.6%, Bujeba 1.1%, other 1.4% (1994 census)
| RELIGIONS |
Nominally Christian and predominantly Roman Catholic, pagan practices
| GOVERNMENT STRUCTURE |
Republic with 7 provinces (provincias, singular - provincia); Legal system is partly based on Spanish civil law and tribal custom
Executive: President elected by popular vote for a seven-year term (no term limits); election lelection last held 29 November 2009 (next to
be held in 2016); prime minister and deputy prime ministers appointed by the president
Legislative: Unicameral House of People's Representatives or Camara de Representantes del Pueblo (100 seats; members
directly elected by popular vote to serve five-year terms)
elections: last held 4 May 2008 (next to be held in 2012)
Judicial: Supreme Tribunal
Executive: President elected by popular vote for a seven-year term (no term limits); election lelection last held 29 November 2009 (next to
be held in 2016); prime minister and deputy prime ministers appointed by the president
Legislative: Unicameral House of People's Representatives or Camara de Representantes del Pueblo (100 seats; members
directly elected by popular vote to serve five-year terms)
elections: last held 4 May 2008 (next to be held in 2012)
Judicial: Supreme Tribunal
| LANGUAGES |
Spanish 67.6% (official), other 32.4% (includes French (official), Fang, Bubi) (1994 census)
| BRIEF HISTORY |
The first inhabitants of the region that is now Equatorial Guinea are believed to have been Pygmies, of whom only isolated pockets
remain in northern Rio Muni. Bantu migrations between the 17th and 19th centuries brought the coastal tribes and later the Fang.
Elements of the latter may have generated the Bubi, who emigrated to Bioko from Cameroon and Río Muni in several waves and
succeeded former Neolithic populations. It is said the Igbo of Nigeria (mostly Aro) slave traders arrived and founded very few tiny
settlements in Bioko and Rio Muni which expanded the Aro Confederacy in the 18th and 19th centuries. The Annobon population,
native to Angola, was introduced by the Portuguese via São Tomé. The Portuguese explorer, Fernão do Pó, seeking a route to
India, is credited with having discovered the island of Bioko in 1471. He called it Formosa ("beautiful [isle]", a name later applied to
Taiwan), but it quickly took on the name of its European discoverer, albeit spelt "Fernando Poo". The islands of Fernando Poo and
Annobón were colonized by the Portuguese in 1474. The Portuguese retained control until 1778, when the island, adjacent islets,
and commercial rights to the mainland between the Niger and Ogooué Rivers were ceded to Spain in exchange for territory in South
America (Treaty of El Pardo). From 1827 to 1843, Britain established a base on the island to combat the slave trade. The mainland
portion, Río Muni, became a protectorate in 1885 and a colony in 1900. Conflicting claims to the mainland were settled in 1900 by
the Treaty of Paris, and periodically, the mainland territories were united administratively under Spanish rule. Between 1926 and
1959 they were united as the colony of Spanish Guinea. During the First World War, German troops retreated into this territory
from Kamerun because Spain was neutral during the war. Spain lacked the wealth and the interest to develop an extensive
economic infrastructure in what was commonly known as Spanish Guinea during the first half of the twentieth century. However,
through a paternalistic system, particularly on Bioko Island, Spain developed large cacao plantations for which thousands of
Nigerian workers were imported as laborers. At independence in 1968, largely as a result of this system, Equatorial Guinea had one
of the highest per capita incomes in Africa (332 USD). The Spanish also helped Equatorial Guinea achieve one of the continent's
highest literacy rates and developed a good network of health care facilities. However at the time of independence, the number of
native doctors and lawyers was in the single digits. In 1959, the Spanish territory of the Gulf of Guinea was established with the
same status as the provinces of metropolitan Spain. As the Spanish Equatorial Region, it was ruled by a governor general exercising
military and civilian powers. The first local elections were held in 1959, and the first Equato-guinean representatives were seated in
the Cortes Generales (Spanish parliament). Under the Basic Law of December 1963, limited autonomy was authorized under a
joint legislative body for the territory's two provinces. A paradoxical effect of this autonomy was that Guineans could choose among
several political parties while metropolitan Spaniards were under a single party regime. The name of the country was changed to
Equatorial Guinea. Although Spain's commissioner general had extensive powers, the Equatorial Guinean General Assembly had
considerable initiative in formulating laws and regulations. In March 1968, under pressure from Equato-guinean nationalists and the
United Nations, Spain announced that it would grant independence to Equatorial Guinea. A constitutional convention produced an
electoral law and draft constitution. In the presence of a UN observer team, a referendum was held on August 11, 1968, and 63%
of the electorate voted in favor of the constitution, which provided for a government with a General Assembly and a Supreme Court
with judges appointed by the president. In September 1968, Francisco Macías Nguema was elected first president of Equatorial
Guinea, and independence was granted in October. In July 1970, Macías created a single-party state and by May 1971, key
portions of the constitution were abrogated. In 1972 Macías took complete control of the government and assumed the title of
President for Life. The Macías regime was characterized by abandonment of all government functions except internal security, which
was accomplished by terror; this led to the death or exile of up to one-third of the country's population. Due to pilferage, ignorance,
and neglect, the country's infrastructure--electrical, water, road, transportation, and health--fell into ruin. Religion was repressed,
and education ceased. The private and public sectors of the economy were devastated. Nigerian contract laborers on Bioko,
estimated to have been 60,000, left en masse in early 1976. The economy collapsed, and skilled citizens and foreigners left. All
schools were ordered closed in 1975, and the country's churches were closed in 1978. Nguema introduced a campaign of
'authenticity,' replacing colonial names with native ones: the capital Santa Isabel became Malabo, the main island of Fernando Poo
was renamed Masie Nguema Biyogo after himself, and Annobón became Pagalu. As part of the same process, Nguema also
ordered the entire population to drop their European names and adopt African ones. His own name underwent several
transformations, so that by the end of his rule he was known as Masie Nguema Biyogo Ñegue Ndong. In August 1979 Macías'
nephew from Mongomo and former director of the infamous Black Beach Prison, Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo, led a
successful coup d'état; Macías was arrested, tried, and executed. Obiang assumed the Presidency in October 1979. The islands
were renamed Bioko and Annobón. The new ruler faced the challenge of restoring order in a country that was in shambles--by the
end of Masie Nguema's dictatorship, the state coffers were empty and the population had been reduced to only one-third of what it
was at independence. The unsuccessful "Wonga Coup" was attempted by European and South African mercenaries in 2004 with
the goal of replacing Obiang with a puppet ruler who would open the country's mineral wealth to the plotters. British aristocrat
Simon Mann, a former officer in the Special Air Service, led the plot, which also included former members of the South African
Army 32 Battalion. Financial backers included Sir Mark Thatcher, son of former British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher and
possibly the British novelist Jeffrey Archer. Somewhere between $3 million and $20 million was expended on the failed coup, which
is said to have had the tacit support of some Western governments and international corporations.
Source: Wikipedia: History of Equatorial Guinea
remain in northern Rio Muni. Bantu migrations between the 17th and 19th centuries brought the coastal tribes and later the Fang.
Elements of the latter may have generated the Bubi, who emigrated to Bioko from Cameroon and Río Muni in several waves and
succeeded former Neolithic populations. It is said the Igbo of Nigeria (mostly Aro) slave traders arrived and founded very few tiny
settlements in Bioko and Rio Muni which expanded the Aro Confederacy in the 18th and 19th centuries. The Annobon population,
native to Angola, was introduced by the Portuguese via São Tomé. The Portuguese explorer, Fernão do Pó, seeking a route to
India, is credited with having discovered the island of Bioko in 1471. He called it Formosa ("beautiful [isle]", a name later applied to
Taiwan), but it quickly took on the name of its European discoverer, albeit spelt "Fernando Poo". The islands of Fernando Poo and
Annobón were colonized by the Portuguese in 1474. The Portuguese retained control until 1778, when the island, adjacent islets,
and commercial rights to the mainland between the Niger and Ogooué Rivers were ceded to Spain in exchange for territory in South
America (Treaty of El Pardo). From 1827 to 1843, Britain established a base on the island to combat the slave trade. The mainland
portion, Río Muni, became a protectorate in 1885 and a colony in 1900. Conflicting claims to the mainland were settled in 1900 by
the Treaty of Paris, and periodically, the mainland territories were united administratively under Spanish rule. Between 1926 and
1959 they were united as the colony of Spanish Guinea. During the First World War, German troops retreated into this territory
from Kamerun because Spain was neutral during the war. Spain lacked the wealth and the interest to develop an extensive
economic infrastructure in what was commonly known as Spanish Guinea during the first half of the twentieth century. However,
through a paternalistic system, particularly on Bioko Island, Spain developed large cacao plantations for which thousands of
Nigerian workers were imported as laborers. At independence in 1968, largely as a result of this system, Equatorial Guinea had one
of the highest per capita incomes in Africa (332 USD). The Spanish also helped Equatorial Guinea achieve one of the continent's
highest literacy rates and developed a good network of health care facilities. However at the time of independence, the number of
native doctors and lawyers was in the single digits. In 1959, the Spanish territory of the Gulf of Guinea was established with the
same status as the provinces of metropolitan Spain. As the Spanish Equatorial Region, it was ruled by a governor general exercising
military and civilian powers. The first local elections were held in 1959, and the first Equato-guinean representatives were seated in
the Cortes Generales (Spanish parliament). Under the Basic Law of December 1963, limited autonomy was authorized under a
joint legislative body for the territory's two provinces. A paradoxical effect of this autonomy was that Guineans could choose among
several political parties while metropolitan Spaniards were under a single party regime. The name of the country was changed to
Equatorial Guinea. Although Spain's commissioner general had extensive powers, the Equatorial Guinean General Assembly had
considerable initiative in formulating laws and regulations. In March 1968, under pressure from Equato-guinean nationalists and the
United Nations, Spain announced that it would grant independence to Equatorial Guinea. A constitutional convention produced an
electoral law and draft constitution. In the presence of a UN observer team, a referendum was held on August 11, 1968, and 63%
of the electorate voted in favor of the constitution, which provided for a government with a General Assembly and a Supreme Court
with judges appointed by the president. In September 1968, Francisco Macías Nguema was elected first president of Equatorial
Guinea, and independence was granted in October. In July 1970, Macías created a single-party state and by May 1971, key
portions of the constitution were abrogated. In 1972 Macías took complete control of the government and assumed the title of
President for Life. The Macías regime was characterized by abandonment of all government functions except internal security, which
was accomplished by terror; this led to the death or exile of up to one-third of the country's population. Due to pilferage, ignorance,
and neglect, the country's infrastructure--electrical, water, road, transportation, and health--fell into ruin. Religion was repressed,
and education ceased. The private and public sectors of the economy were devastated. Nigerian contract laborers on Bioko,
estimated to have been 60,000, left en masse in early 1976. The economy collapsed, and skilled citizens and foreigners left. All
schools were ordered closed in 1975, and the country's churches were closed in 1978. Nguema introduced a campaign of
'authenticity,' replacing colonial names with native ones: the capital Santa Isabel became Malabo, the main island of Fernando Poo
was renamed Masie Nguema Biyogo after himself, and Annobón became Pagalu. As part of the same process, Nguema also
ordered the entire population to drop their European names and adopt African ones. His own name underwent several
transformations, so that by the end of his rule he was known as Masie Nguema Biyogo Ñegue Ndong. In August 1979 Macías'
nephew from Mongomo and former director of the infamous Black Beach Prison, Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo, led a
successful coup d'état; Macías was arrested, tried, and executed. Obiang assumed the Presidency in October 1979. The islands
were renamed Bioko and Annobón. The new ruler faced the challenge of restoring order in a country that was in shambles--by the
end of Masie Nguema's dictatorship, the state coffers were empty and the population had been reduced to only one-third of what it
was at independence. The unsuccessful "Wonga Coup" was attempted by European and South African mercenaries in 2004 with
the goal of replacing Obiang with a puppet ruler who would open the country's mineral wealth to the plotters. British aristocrat
Simon Mann, a former officer in the Special Air Service, led the plot, which also included former members of the South African
Army 32 Battalion. Financial backers included Sir Mark Thatcher, son of former British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher and
possibly the British novelist Jeffrey Archer. Somewhere between $3 million and $20 million was expended on the failed coup, which
is said to have had the tacit support of some Western governments and international corporations.
Source: Wikipedia: History of Equatorial Guinea
| ECONOMIC OVERVIEW |
The discovery and exploitation of large oil reserves have contributed to dramatic economic growth but fluctuating oil prices have
produced huge swings in GDP growth in recent years. Forestry, farming, and fishing are also major components of GDP.
Subsistence farming is the dominate form of livelihood. Although pre-independence Equatorial Guinea counted on cocoa production
for hard currency earnings, the neglect of the rural economy under successive regimes has diminished potential for agriculture-led
growth (the government has stated its intention to reinvest some oil revenue into agriculture). A number of aid programs sponsored
by the World Bank and the IMF have been cut off since 1993 because of corruption and mismanagement. Government officials and
their family members own most businesses, but corruption is rampant. Undeveloped natural resources include titanium, iron ore,
manganese, uranium, and alluvial gold. Growth remained strong in 2008, led by oil, but dropped in 2009-10, as the price of oil fell.
Source: CIA World Factbook (select Equatorial Guinea)
produced huge swings in GDP growth in recent years. Forestry, farming, and fishing are also major components of GDP.
Subsistence farming is the dominate form of livelihood. Although pre-independence Equatorial Guinea counted on cocoa production
for hard currency earnings, the neglect of the rural economy under successive regimes has diminished potential for agriculture-led
growth (the government has stated its intention to reinvest some oil revenue into agriculture). A number of aid programs sponsored
by the World Bank and the IMF have been cut off since 1993 because of corruption and mismanagement. Government officials and
their family members own most businesses, but corruption is rampant. Undeveloped natural resources include titanium, iron ore,
manganese, uranium, and alluvial gold. Growth remained strong in 2008, led by oil, but dropped in 2009-10, as the price of oil fell.
Source: CIA World Factbook (select Equatorial Guinea)
| POLITICAL CLIMATE |
Although Equatorial Guinea lacks a well-established democratic tradition comparable to the developed democracies of the West, it
has progressed toward developing a participatory political system out of the anarchic, chaotic, and repressive conditions of the
Macías years. In power since 1979, the Obiang government has made little progress in stimulating the economy. Extremely serious
health and sanitary conditions persist, and the educational system remains in desperate condition. Although the abuses and atrocities
that characterized the Macías years have been eliminated, effective rule of law does not exist. Religious freedom is tolerated.
On December 15, 2002, Equatorial Guinea's four main opposition parties withdrew from the country's presidential election. Obiang
won an election widely considered fraudulent by members of the western press.
According to a March 2004 BBC profile, politics within the country are currently dominated by tensions between Obiang's son
Teodoro (known by the nickname Teodorín, meaning Little Teodoro), and other close relatives with powerful positions in the
security forces. The tension may be rooted in a power shift arising from the dramatic increase since 1997 in oil production.
A November 2004 report named Mark Thatcher as a financial backer of a March 2004 attempt to topple Obiang organized by
Simon Mann. Various accounts also name Britain's MI6, the CIA, and Spain as having been tacit supporters of the coup attempt.
Nevertheless, an Amnesty International report on the ensuing trial highlights the government's failure to demonstrate in court that the
alleged coup attempt had ever actually taken place.
Source: Wikipedia: Politics of Equatorial Guinea
has progressed toward developing a participatory political system out of the anarchic, chaotic, and repressive conditions of the
Macías years. In power since 1979, the Obiang government has made little progress in stimulating the economy. Extremely serious
health and sanitary conditions persist, and the educational system remains in desperate condition. Although the abuses and atrocities
that characterized the Macías years have been eliminated, effective rule of law does not exist. Religious freedom is tolerated.
On December 15, 2002, Equatorial Guinea's four main opposition parties withdrew from the country's presidential election. Obiang
won an election widely considered fraudulent by members of the western press.
According to a March 2004 BBC profile, politics within the country are currently dominated by tensions between Obiang's son
Teodoro (known by the nickname Teodorín, meaning Little Teodoro), and other close relatives with powerful positions in the
security forces. The tension may be rooted in a power shift arising from the dramatic increase since 1997 in oil production.
A November 2004 report named Mark Thatcher as a financial backer of a March 2004 attempt to topple Obiang organized by
Simon Mann. Various accounts also name Britain's MI6, the CIA, and Spain as having been tacit supporters of the coup attempt.
Nevertheless, an Amnesty International report on the ensuing trial highlights the government's failure to demonstrate in court that the
alleged coup attempt had ever actually taken place.
Source: Wikipedia: Politics of Equatorial Guinea
| INTERNATIONAL DISPUTES |
In 2002, ICJ ruled on an equidistance settlement of Cameroon-Equatorial Guinea-Nigeria maritime boundary in the Gulf of Guinea,
but a dispute between Equatorial Guinea and Cameroon over an island at the mouth of the Ntem River and imprecisely defined
maritime coordinates in the ICJ decision delay final delimitation; UN urges Equatorial Guinea and Gabon to resolve the sovereignty
dispute over Gabon-occupied Mbane and lesser islands and to create a maritime boundary in the hydrocarbon-rich Corisco Bay
but a dispute between Equatorial Guinea and Cameroon over an island at the mouth of the Ntem River and imprecisely defined
maritime coordinates in the ICJ decision delay final delimitation; UN urges Equatorial Guinea and Gabon to resolve the sovereignty
dispute over Gabon-occupied Mbane and lesser islands and to create a maritime boundary in the hydrocarbon-rich Corisco Bay
| REFUGEES AND INTERNALLY DISPLACED PERSONS (IDPS) |
None reported.
| ILLICIT DRUGS |
None reported.
| HUMAN RIGHTS STATEMENTS, ANALYSIS AND CRITIQUES |
2009 Human Rights Report: Equatorial Guinea
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
March 11, 2010
Equatorial Guinea, with an estimated population of approximately one million, is nominally a multiparty constitutional republic. All
branches of government were dominated by President Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo, who has ruled since seizing power in a
military coup in 1979, along with his clan from the majority Fang ethnic group and his political party the Democratic Party of Equatorial
Guinea (PDGE). On November 29, President Obiang was reelected with 95.37 percent of votes cast. The lopsided results and weak
independent monitoring of the electoral process raised suspicions of systematic vote fraud. Foreign diplomatic observers noted
numerous irregularities and the presence of military personnel at all voting stations. While civilian authorities generally maintained
effective control of security forces, there were instances in which elements of the security forces acted independently.
The following human rights problems were reported:
Following a February 17 armed attack on the presidential palace, which was later blamed on a Nigerian rebel group, the government
rounded up, arbitrarily arrested without warrant, and held without charge numerous persons, one of whom died from beatings during
interrogation and two of whom were tortured.
Click here to read more »
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
March 11, 2010
Equatorial Guinea, with an estimated population of approximately one million, is nominally a multiparty constitutional republic. All
branches of government were dominated by President Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo, who has ruled since seizing power in a
military coup in 1979, along with his clan from the majority Fang ethnic group and his political party the Democratic Party of Equatorial
Guinea (PDGE). On November 29, President Obiang was reelected with 95.37 percent of votes cast. The lopsided results and weak
independent monitoring of the electoral process raised suspicions of systematic vote fraud. Foreign diplomatic observers noted
numerous irregularities and the presence of military personnel at all voting stations. While civilian authorities generally maintained
effective control of security forces, there were instances in which elements of the security forces acted independently.
The following human rights problems were reported:
- limited ability of citizens to change their government;
- unlawful killings by security forces;
- torture of detainees and prisoners by security forces;
- life-threatening conditions in prisons and detention facilities;
- official impunity; arbitrary arrest, detention, and incommunicado detention;
- harassment and deportation of foreign residents with limited due process;
- judicial corruption and lack of due process;
- restrictions on the right to privacy;
- restrictions on freedoms of speech, press, assembly, association, and movement;
- government corruption;
- violence and discrimination against women;
- suspected trafficking in persons;
- discrimination against ethnic minorities;
- restrictions on labor rights.
Following a February 17 armed attack on the presidential palace, which was later blamed on a Nigerian rebel group, the government
rounded up, arbitrarily arrested without warrant, and held without charge numerous persons, one of whom died from beatings during
interrogation and two of whom were tortured.
Click here to read more »
7 January 2010
Human Rights Council
Thirteenth session
Agenda item 3
Promotion and protection of all human rights, civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights, including the right to
development
Report of the Special Rapporteur on torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment, Manfred Nowak
Mission to the Republic of Equatorial Guinea* **
Summary
The Special Rapporteur on torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment undertook a visit to Equatorial Guinea
from 9 to 18 November 2008. The Special Rapporteur expresses his gratitude for the invitation extended by the Government, which he
interprets as a sign of the Government’s preparedness to subject its places of detention to independent scrutiny by an external, objective
expert. He appreciates the Government’s cooperation in issuing authorization letters providing him with access to prisons and police and
gendarmerie custody.
He notes that a comprehensive law prohibiting torture and providing for the prosecution of torturers was adopted in 2006. However, on
the basis of discussions with public officials, judges, lawyers and representatives of civil society, interviews with victims of violence and
with persons deprived of their liberty, often supported by forensic medical evidence, he found torture by the police to be systematic in
the initial period after arrest and during interrogation, including by suspension, severe beatings, electroshocks, etc. A number of cases of
corporal punishment were reported to the Special Rapporteur in Malabo Black Beach and Bata prisons. The Special Rapporteur further
observes that neither safeguards against ill-treatment, nor complaints mechanisms are effective and that perpetrators of torture and ill-
treatment are not prosecuted, with the exception of one case in 2007. On the contrary, in many cases, victims of torture experience a
total lack of justice, which, combined with the physical and psychological consequences of ill-treatment and the absence of any
rehabilitation or compensation mechanism, may cause ongoing suffering that might amount to inhuman treatment.
Whereas physical conditions of detention in Black Beach and Evinayong prisons and in Bata police station were of a high standard, Bata
prison and the remaining police and gendarmerie custody facilities were in urgent need of refurbishment in order to fulfil international
minimum standards. Also, in most police and gendarmerie cells, no food was provided (unless the family did so) and access to sanitary
facilities was either severely restricted or completely absent. In the Special Rapporteur’s view, detention in such conditions, in particular
for longer periods, amounts to inhuman treatment. The Special Rapporteur notes with concern that, in Black Beach Prison, persons
suspected of political crimes have been held in solitary confinement for prolonged periods of up to four years. Moreover, most of them
have been held in leg irons practically all the time. He also finds troubling that in Black Beach Prison family visits appear to be forbidden
(except for a small number of prisoners), which contradicts the spirit of rehabilitation required by international standards.
The Special Rapporteur regrets that, in violation of international norms, in police and gendarmerie custody, women and children were not
separated from male adults and were therefore extremely vulnerable to sexual violence and other forms of abuse. Also, immigrants
detained pending deportation were frequently held in police detention in poor conditions for long periods, with little access to food and/or
water. The latter also ran an increased risk of being subjected to discriminatory practices and sometimes even physical abuse by other
detainees with the tacit approval of the police. In the assessment of the Special Rapporteur, in order for Equatorial Guinea to comply
with its obligations under both international human rights law and its Constitution, a comprehensive institutional and legal overhaul
establishing law enforcement bodies based on the rule of law, an independent judiciary, and effective monitoring and accountability
mechanisms are necessary to effectively combat torture.
Click here to read more »
Human Rights Council
Thirteenth session
Agenda item 3
Promotion and protection of all human rights, civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights, including the right to
development
Report of the Special Rapporteur on torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment, Manfred Nowak
Mission to the Republic of Equatorial Guinea* **
Summary
The Special Rapporteur on torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment undertook a visit to Equatorial Guinea
from 9 to 18 November 2008. The Special Rapporteur expresses his gratitude for the invitation extended by the Government, which he
interprets as a sign of the Government’s preparedness to subject its places of detention to independent scrutiny by an external, objective
expert. He appreciates the Government’s cooperation in issuing authorization letters providing him with access to prisons and police and
gendarmerie custody.
He notes that a comprehensive law prohibiting torture and providing for the prosecution of torturers was adopted in 2006. However, on
the basis of discussions with public officials, judges, lawyers and representatives of civil society, interviews with victims of violence and
with persons deprived of their liberty, often supported by forensic medical evidence, he found torture by the police to be systematic in
the initial period after arrest and during interrogation, including by suspension, severe beatings, electroshocks, etc. A number of cases of
corporal punishment were reported to the Special Rapporteur in Malabo Black Beach and Bata prisons. The Special Rapporteur further
observes that neither safeguards against ill-treatment, nor complaints mechanisms are effective and that perpetrators of torture and ill-
treatment are not prosecuted, with the exception of one case in 2007. On the contrary, in many cases, victims of torture experience a
total lack of justice, which, combined with the physical and psychological consequences of ill-treatment and the absence of any
rehabilitation or compensation mechanism, may cause ongoing suffering that might amount to inhuman treatment.
Whereas physical conditions of detention in Black Beach and Evinayong prisons and in Bata police station were of a high standard, Bata
prison and the remaining police and gendarmerie custody facilities were in urgent need of refurbishment in order to fulfil international
minimum standards. Also, in most police and gendarmerie cells, no food was provided (unless the family did so) and access to sanitary
facilities was either severely restricted or completely absent. In the Special Rapporteur’s view, detention in such conditions, in particular
for longer periods, amounts to inhuman treatment. The Special Rapporteur notes with concern that, in Black Beach Prison, persons
suspected of political crimes have been held in solitary confinement for prolonged periods of up to four years. Moreover, most of them
have been held in leg irons practically all the time. He also finds troubling that in Black Beach Prison family visits appear to be forbidden
(except for a small number of prisoners), which contradicts the spirit of rehabilitation required by international standards.
The Special Rapporteur regrets that, in violation of international norms, in police and gendarmerie custody, women and children were not
separated from male adults and were therefore extremely vulnerable to sexual violence and other forms of abuse. Also, immigrants
detained pending deportation were frequently held in police detention in poor conditions for long periods, with little access to food and/or
water. The latter also ran an increased risk of being subjected to discriminatory practices and sometimes even physical abuse by other
detainees with the tacit approval of the police. In the assessment of the Special Rapporteur, in order for Equatorial Guinea to comply
with its obligations under both international human rights law and its Constitution, a comprehensive institutional and legal overhaul
establishing law enforcement bodies based on the rule of law, an independent judiciary, and effective monitoring and accountability
mechanisms are necessary to effectively combat torture.
Click here to read more »
Freedom in the World 2011: The Authoritarian Challenge to Democracy
Washington, D.C
January 13, 2011
Global freedom suffered its fifth consecutive year of decline in 2010, according to Freedom in the World 2011, Freedom House’s annual
assessment of political rights and civil liberties around the world. This represents the longest continuous period of decline in the nearly
40-year history of the survey. The year featured drops in the number of Free countries and the number of electoral democracies, as well
as an overall deterioration for freedom in the Middle East and North Africa region.
A total of 25 countries showed significant declines in 2010, more than double the 11 countries exhibiting noteworthy gains. The number
of countries designated as Free fell from 89 to 87, and the number of electoral democracies dropped to 115, far below the 2005 figure of
123. In addition, authoritarian regimes like those in China, Egypt, Iran, Russia, and Venezuela continued to step up repressive measures
with little significant resistance from the democratic world.
“This should be a wake-up call for all of the world’s democracies,” said David J. Kramer, executive director of Freedom House. “Our
adversaries are not just engaging in widespread repression, they are doing so with unprecedented aggressiveness and self-confidence,
and the democratic community is not rising to the challenge.”
Published annually since 1972, Freedom in the World examines the ability of individuals to exercise their political and civil rights in 194
countries and 14 territories around the world. The latest edition analyzes developments that occurred in 2010 and assigns each country a
freedom status—Free, Partly Free, or Not Free—based on a scoring of performance on key democracy indicators.
Worst of the Worst:
Of the 47 countries ranked Not Free, nine countries and one territory received the survey’s lowest possible rating for both political rights
and civil liberties: Burma, Equatorial Guinea, Eritrea, Libya, North Korea, Somalia, Sudan, Tibet, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan.
Click here to read more »
Washington, D.C
January 13, 2011
Global freedom suffered its fifth consecutive year of decline in 2010, according to Freedom in the World 2011, Freedom House’s annual
assessment of political rights and civil liberties around the world. This represents the longest continuous period of decline in the nearly
40-year history of the survey. The year featured drops in the number of Free countries and the number of electoral democracies, as well
as an overall deterioration for freedom in the Middle East and North Africa region.
A total of 25 countries showed significant declines in 2010, more than double the 11 countries exhibiting noteworthy gains. The number
of countries designated as Free fell from 89 to 87, and the number of electoral democracies dropped to 115, far below the 2005 figure of
123. In addition, authoritarian regimes like those in China, Egypt, Iran, Russia, and Venezuela continued to step up repressive measures
with little significant resistance from the democratic world.
“This should be a wake-up call for all of the world’s democracies,” said David J. Kramer, executive director of Freedom House. “Our
adversaries are not just engaging in widespread repression, they are doing so with unprecedented aggressiveness and self-confidence,
and the democratic community is not rising to the challenge.”
Published annually since 1972, Freedom in the World examines the ability of individuals to exercise their political and civil rights in 194
countries and 14 territories around the world. The latest edition analyzes developments that occurred in 2010 and assigns each country a
freedom status—Free, Partly Free, or Not Free—based on a scoring of performance on key democracy indicators.
Worst of the Worst:
Of the 47 countries ranked Not Free, nine countries and one territory received the survey’s lowest possible rating for both political rights
and civil liberties: Burma, Equatorial Guinea, Eritrea, Libya, North Korea, Somalia, Sudan, Tibet, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan.
Click here to read more »
Document - The human rights situation in Africa: Statement to the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights
the Human rights situation in Africa:
10 November 2010
Amnesty International welcomes this opportunity to address the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights (African
Commission) on the state of the situation of human rights in Africa.
On the death penalty, Amnesty International is concerned with the increase of death sentences passed since the beginning of the year in
West Africa. In total, at least 64 death sentences were handed down in eight countries, including in countries were capital sentences
were rare. Amnesty International recorded for example 11 death sentences in Liberia, 13 in The Gambia and 16 in Mauritania since the
beginning of 2010. Retentionist countries have obligations to ensure that the death penalty is imposed only for the most serious crimes,
to respect prohibitions under international law regarding its use and to fully respect all safeguards guaranteeing protection of the rights of
those facing the death penalty.
In Equatorial Guinea, former military officers José Abeso Nsue, Manuel Ndong Anseme, border guard Jacinto Michá Obiang and Alipio
Ndong Asumu, a civilian, were executed on 21 August 2010 within an hour of being sentenced to death by a military court. They had
been convicted of an attack against the Head of State and Government, treason and terrorism, in relation to an alleged attack on the
presidential palace in February 2009. In prison they were held incommunicado and tortured and their trial did not meet international
standards of fairness. The speed of their execution deprived them of their right to appeal to a higher court and of their right to seek
clemency, in accordance with international law and the country’s own law.
Click here to read more »
the Human rights situation in Africa:
10 November 2010
Amnesty International welcomes this opportunity to address the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights (African
Commission) on the state of the situation of human rights in Africa.
On the death penalty, Amnesty International is concerned with the increase of death sentences passed since the beginning of the year in
West Africa. In total, at least 64 death sentences were handed down in eight countries, including in countries were capital sentences
were rare. Amnesty International recorded for example 11 death sentences in Liberia, 13 in The Gambia and 16 in Mauritania since the
beginning of 2010. Retentionist countries have obligations to ensure that the death penalty is imposed only for the most serious crimes,
to respect prohibitions under international law regarding its use and to fully respect all safeguards guaranteeing protection of the rights of
those facing the death penalty.
In Equatorial Guinea, former military officers José Abeso Nsue, Manuel Ndong Anseme, border guard Jacinto Michá Obiang and Alipio
Ndong Asumu, a civilian, were executed on 21 August 2010 within an hour of being sentenced to death by a military court. They had
been convicted of an attack against the Head of State and Government, treason and terrorism, in relation to an alleged attack on the
presidential palace in February 2009. In prison they were held incommunicado and tortured and their trial did not meet international
standards of fairness. The speed of their execution deprived them of their right to appeal to a higher court and of their right to seek
clemency, in accordance with international law and the country’s own law.
Click here to read more »
UNESCO: Dictator Prize Suspended Indefinitely
Board Acted Following Global Protest Over Award Financed by Equatorial Guinea’s Leader
October 21, 2010
(Paris) - UNESCO's decision announced on October 21, 2010, to suspend indefinitely a prize funded by and named after President
Teodoro Obiang of Equatorial Guinea followed a global outcry from scholars and human rights defenders, Human Rights Watch and its
partners said today. The decision followed objections to the prize by, among others, Archbishop Emeritus Desmond Tutu of Cape
Town, Nobel laureates, and more than 60 professionals from Equatorial Guinea.
The executive board's decision recognized the lack of consensus among member states to support the prize and highlighted the board's
responsibility to "preserve the integrity, values and high status" of the organization. Critics of the prize, who have urged its cancellation,
called the decision a positive move and thanked UNESCO members who had opposed the award. But they also reiterated their call for all
member states to uphold the organization's primary mission to promote human rights.
"The way Teodoro Obiang has governed Equatorial Guinea undermines all the values UNESCO stands for," said Tutu Alicante, executive
director of the organization EG Justice. "The suspension is a sign that the Obiang government cannot pull the wool over the eyes of the
international community with empty human rights public relations campaigns. We will continue working for the prize's cancellation and
expect the Executive Board to fulfill its commitment to protect the organization's integrity."
The $3 million UNESCO Obiang Nguema Mbasogo International Prize for Research in the Life Sciences was set up in 2008 but
suspended earlier this year after widespread criticism. Prominent African leaders, Latin American literary figures, Nobel laureates,
scientists and public health professionals, press freedom groups, Cano prize winners, human rights defenders and rights organizations
from around the world have all protested plans to award the prize, which they said seriously undermined UNESCO's credibility. Public
figures involved in the campaign included Nobel laureates Archbishop Emeritus Desmond Tutu, Wole Soyinka, Mario Vargas Llosa,
Claude Cohen-Tannoudji, and John Polanyi; the author Chinua Achebe; and the human rights advocate Graça Machel.
Equatorial Guinea's vast oil wealth gives it the highest per capita GDP in sub-Saharan Africa, yet its health and development indicators
are on par with the poorest countries in the world.
"President Obiang has presided over an abysmal record of abuses and mismanagement in Equatorial Guinea for over 30 years," said
Arvind Ganesan, business and human rights director at Human Rights Watch. "UNESCO should take the opportunity to create
safeguards to avoid cause for embarrassment in the future and should go ahead and cancel the Obiang prize completely."
Click here to read more »
Board Acted Following Global Protest Over Award Financed by Equatorial Guinea’s Leader
October 21, 2010
(Paris) - UNESCO's decision announced on October 21, 2010, to suspend indefinitely a prize funded by and named after President
Teodoro Obiang of Equatorial Guinea followed a global outcry from scholars and human rights defenders, Human Rights Watch and its
partners said today. The decision followed objections to the prize by, among others, Archbishop Emeritus Desmond Tutu of Cape
Town, Nobel laureates, and more than 60 professionals from Equatorial Guinea.
The executive board's decision recognized the lack of consensus among member states to support the prize and highlighted the board's
responsibility to "preserve the integrity, values and high status" of the organization. Critics of the prize, who have urged its cancellation,
called the decision a positive move and thanked UNESCO members who had opposed the award. But they also reiterated their call for all
member states to uphold the organization's primary mission to promote human rights.
"The way Teodoro Obiang has governed Equatorial Guinea undermines all the values UNESCO stands for," said Tutu Alicante, executive
director of the organization EG Justice. "The suspension is a sign that the Obiang government cannot pull the wool over the eyes of the
international community with empty human rights public relations campaigns. We will continue working for the prize's cancellation and
expect the Executive Board to fulfill its commitment to protect the organization's integrity."
The $3 million UNESCO Obiang Nguema Mbasogo International Prize for Research in the Life Sciences was set up in 2008 but
suspended earlier this year after widespread criticism. Prominent African leaders, Latin American literary figures, Nobel laureates,
scientists and public health professionals, press freedom groups, Cano prize winners, human rights defenders and rights organizations
from around the world have all protested plans to award the prize, which they said seriously undermined UNESCO's credibility. Public
figures involved in the campaign included Nobel laureates Archbishop Emeritus Desmond Tutu, Wole Soyinka, Mario Vargas Llosa,
Claude Cohen-Tannoudji, and John Polanyi; the author Chinua Achebe; and the human rights advocate Graça Machel.
Equatorial Guinea's vast oil wealth gives it the highest per capita GDP in sub-Saharan Africa, yet its health and development indicators
are on par with the poorest countries in the world.
"President Obiang has presided over an abysmal record of abuses and mismanagement in Equatorial Guinea for over 30 years," said
Arvind Ganesan, business and human rights director at Human Rights Watch. "UNESCO should take the opportunity to create
safeguards to avoid cause for embarrassment in the future and should go ahead and cancel the Obiang prize completely."
Click here to read more »
1 September 2010
Press Conference by Equatorial Guinea
Responding to criticism of Equatorial Guinea’s recent execution of four men accused of an armed attack on the country’s presidential
palace last year, the country’s Ambassador said this afternoon that the procedure was constitutional and necessary in the face of
repeated violent threats against the State that began when domestic oil started flowing.
“The Court… has acted on the absolute validity of the law of Equatorial Guinea, with full legality and transparency,” according to a
Government communiqué read out by Anatolio Ndong Mba to correspondents at Headquarters. The communiqué described the
procedures that led to the judgement “against a group of military officers accused for their proven participation in an attempted terrorist
attack and military coup on February 17, 2009”, which it said targeted President Obiang Nguema Mbasogo and cost the lives of security
and military staff members.
Through a statement of condemnation issued in Geneva, independent human rights experts associated with the United Nations — Amada
Benavides de Pérez and José-Luis Gomez del Prado, members of the Working Group on the use of mercenaries — had voiced serious
concern over the application of the death penalty on the same day as the verdict which they said “follows a summary trial that severely
lacked due process”.
Through the statement read out by Mr. Ndong Mba, however, the Government of Equatorial Guinea deplored the fact that those who
were questioning the trial today remained silent and indifferent to the conspiracy that could have lead the country into “total
destabilization of its legal and democratically-constituted institutions”.
Mr. Ndong Mba added that his country was peace-loving, and that before the exploitation of natural resources began at the end of
1990s, had no external threats. It had been “the poorest of the poorest” and no one cared. Since that time, though, there had been four
major attacks, based on conspiracies originating in other countries.
He said that, when the country began to exploit its oil in 1997, it organized an economic conference with all relevant actors including the
media, the private sector and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) to plan to use the income for the development of the country,
revisiting the plan in 2007 to create “Horizon 2020” to make progress in all socio-economic areas. Much had already been
accomplished. The country had also invited the African Union, NGOs and others to assist in improving its legal and human rights
framework.
Click here to read more »
Press Conference by Equatorial Guinea
Responding to criticism of Equatorial Guinea’s recent execution of four men accused of an armed attack on the country’s presidential
palace last year, the country’s Ambassador said this afternoon that the procedure was constitutional and necessary in the face of
repeated violent threats against the State that began when domestic oil started flowing.
“The Court… has acted on the absolute validity of the law of Equatorial Guinea, with full legality and transparency,” according to a
Government communiqué read out by Anatolio Ndong Mba to correspondents at Headquarters. The communiqué described the
procedures that led to the judgement “against a group of military officers accused for their proven participation in an attempted terrorist
attack and military coup on February 17, 2009”, which it said targeted President Obiang Nguema Mbasogo and cost the lives of security
and military staff members.
Through a statement of condemnation issued in Geneva, independent human rights experts associated with the United Nations — Amada
Benavides de Pérez and José-Luis Gomez del Prado, members of the Working Group on the use of mercenaries — had voiced serious
concern over the application of the death penalty on the same day as the verdict which they said “follows a summary trial that severely
lacked due process”.
Through the statement read out by Mr. Ndong Mba, however, the Government of Equatorial Guinea deplored the fact that those who
were questioning the trial today remained silent and indifferent to the conspiracy that could have lead the country into “total
destabilization of its legal and democratically-constituted institutions”.
Mr. Ndong Mba added that his country was peace-loving, and that before the exploitation of natural resources began at the end of
1990s, had no external threats. It had been “the poorest of the poorest” and no one cared. Since that time, though, there had been four
major attacks, based on conspiracies originating in other countries.
He said that, when the country began to exploit its oil in 1997, it organized an economic conference with all relevant actors including the
media, the private sector and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) to plan to use the income for the development of the country,
revisiting the plan in 2007 to create “Horizon 2020” to make progress in all socio-economic areas. Much had already been
accomplished. The country had also invited the African Union, NGOs and others to assist in improving its legal and human rights
framework.
Click here to read more »
TRANSLATED FROM SPANISH BY GOOGLE TRANSLATE
December 30, 2010
Without clean water in Malabo
"For several days Malabo, Equatorial Guinea's capital, suffers from water shortages. Its inhabitants are forced to walk several kilometers
every day to find this precious liquid.
Headquarters of the French company Bouygues batiements Malabo has become a real public source. As one of the few places where
water flows still the headquarters of the French company is taken daily to the assault by several thousand people.
The site is so called for discussions and violent disputes often occur there.
Malabo with water ...
Despite the country's strong economic growth thanks to oil, which is now the third largest sub-Saharan Africa, behind Nigeria and
Angola. Equatorial Guinea is facing enormous difficulties in solving the daily supply of potable water and electricity.
In 2007, authorities launched a comprehensive plan for the implementation of facilities for water brought to the city of Malabo, but the
project has had a disastrous performance by the company to which he was commissioned. Currently a new project has been entrusted
to a company in China. "
Click here to read more »
December 30, 2010
Without clean water in Malabo
"For several days Malabo, Equatorial Guinea's capital, suffers from water shortages. Its inhabitants are forced to walk several kilometers
every day to find this precious liquid.
Headquarters of the French company Bouygues batiements Malabo has become a real public source. As one of the few places where
water flows still the headquarters of the French company is taken daily to the assault by several thousand people.
The site is so called for discussions and violent disputes often occur there.
Malabo with water ...
Despite the country's strong economic growth thanks to oil, which is now the third largest sub-Saharan Africa, behind Nigeria and
Angola. Equatorial Guinea is facing enormous difficulties in solving the daily supply of potable water and electricity.
In 2007, authorities launched a comprehensive plan for the implementation of facilities for water brought to the city of Malabo, but the
project has had a disastrous performance by the company to which he was commissioned. Currently a new project has been entrusted
to a company in China. "
Click here to read more »
TRANSLATED FROM SPANISH BY GOOGLE TRANSLATE
EQUATORIAL GUINEA TO THE UNIVERSAL PERIODIC REVIEW OF THE UNITED NATIONS
Monday, March 22, 2010
The Universal Periodic Review (UPR) is a "special mechanism" of the Council of the UN Human Rights to examine for each of the
member countries of the UN on its level of respect for human rights.
Equatorial Guinea's turn came on December 9, 2009, at the 6th session of the UPR.
A troika, triad of countries, consisting of Cuba, Egypt and Jordan acted as rapporteur for the work of the Working Group on the
Universal Periodic Review.
Equatorial Guinea sent a strong delegation to the UN headquarters in Geneva to present and defend its report. The commission was led
by Salomon Nguema Owono, First Deputy Prime Minister responsible for human rights, and including:
1. Salvador Ondo Nkumu, minister of justice
2. Silvestre Siale Bilek, presidential adviser on human rights
3. Angel Micha Ndong, presidential adviser on administrative matters
4. José Fernando Siale Djangany, a member of the judiciary
5. Esono Ava Thomas, Secretary General of the Ministry of Civil Service
6. Nchama Manuel Mba, director general of human rights
7. Salvador Nguema Nchama, jurist, justice ministry official
8. Diosdado Oyono Ncogo, vice chief of staff to Prime Minister
9. Onguene Mocong Caramel, vice president of national human rights commission
10. Mauro Mauricio Epkua Obama, charge d'affaires at the Permanent Mission of Equatorial Guinea in Geneva
11. Sima Ekua Germain, deputy permanent mission in Geneva GE
12. Ramona Angono Ondo, deputy prime minister cabinet secretary
13. Mauro Mba Ondo, assistant
On 09/12/2009, the representative of GE submitted its report to the Working Group. Participated in the interactive dialogue 47 member
countries of the Human Rights Council and several observer countries. Contrary to usual, Salomón Nguema limited itself to identify and
enumerate the various points of the summary of his report, without giving a brief explanation of them, as was expected to do, so much
time wasted word.
After 40 countries took the floor (22 Council members and 18 observers) to make observations in the form of questions and
recommendations to the report. These interventions can be divided into four blocks:
A first group composed of African countries, all very accommodating and sympathetic to the regime's brother Central Africa in power in
Equatorial Guinea, who believe the country is collaborating with the UN and they see progress in their behavior. Consider that what has
not yet been achieved, will result in the future and everything in an unstoppable march towards the welfare of all Africans. The only
exception in the African bloc, may be drawn to Ghana, who expressed views quite critical of the Obiang regime.
Click here to read more>>
EQUATORIAL GUINEA TO THE UNIVERSAL PERIODIC REVIEW OF THE UNITED NATIONS
Monday, March 22, 2010
The Universal Periodic Review (UPR) is a "special mechanism" of the Council of the UN Human Rights to examine for each of the
member countries of the UN on its level of respect for human rights.
Equatorial Guinea's turn came on December 9, 2009, at the 6th session of the UPR.
A troika, triad of countries, consisting of Cuba, Egypt and Jordan acted as rapporteur for the work of the Working Group on the
Universal Periodic Review.
Equatorial Guinea sent a strong delegation to the UN headquarters in Geneva to present and defend its report. The commission was led
by Salomon Nguema Owono, First Deputy Prime Minister responsible for human rights, and including:
1. Salvador Ondo Nkumu, minister of justice
2. Silvestre Siale Bilek, presidential adviser on human rights
3. Angel Micha Ndong, presidential adviser on administrative matters
4. José Fernando Siale Djangany, a member of the judiciary
5. Esono Ava Thomas, Secretary General of the Ministry of Civil Service
6. Nchama Manuel Mba, director general of human rights
7. Salvador Nguema Nchama, jurist, justice ministry official
8. Diosdado Oyono Ncogo, vice chief of staff to Prime Minister
9. Onguene Mocong Caramel, vice president of national human rights commission
10. Mauro Mauricio Epkua Obama, charge d'affaires at the Permanent Mission of Equatorial Guinea in Geneva
11. Sima Ekua Germain, deputy permanent mission in Geneva GE
12. Ramona Angono Ondo, deputy prime minister cabinet secretary
13. Mauro Mba Ondo, assistant
On 09/12/2009, the representative of GE submitted its report to the Working Group. Participated in the interactive dialogue 47 member
countries of the Human Rights Council and several observer countries. Contrary to usual, Salomón Nguema limited itself to identify and
enumerate the various points of the summary of his report, without giving a brief explanation of them, as was expected to do, so much
time wasted word.
After 40 countries took the floor (22 Council members and 18 observers) to make observations in the form of questions and
recommendations to the report. These interventions can be divided into four blocks:
A first group composed of African countries, all very accommodating and sympathetic to the regime's brother Central Africa in power in
Equatorial Guinea, who believe the country is collaborating with the UN and they see progress in their behavior. Consider that what has
not yet been achieved, will result in the future and everything in an unstoppable march towards the welfare of all Africans. The only
exception in the African bloc, may be drawn to Ghana, who expressed views quite critical of the Obiang regime.
Click here to read more>>
| Click map for larger view |
| Click flag for Country Report |
Brig. Gen. (Ret.)
Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo
President since 3 August 1979
Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo
President since 3 August 1979
| TRAFFICKING IN PERSONS |
Current situation: Equatorial Guinea is primarily a destination country for children trafficked for the purpose of forced labor and
possibly for the purpose of sexual exploitation; children have been trafficked from nearby countries for domestic servitude, market
labor, ambulant vending, and possibly sexual exploitation; women may also be trafficked to Equatorial Guinea from Cameroon,
Benin, other neighboring countries, and China for sexual exploitation
Tier rating: Tier 2 Watch List - Equatorial Guinea is on the Tier 2 Watch List for its failure to provide evidence of increasing
efforts to eliminate trafficking, particularly in the areas of prosecuting and convicting trafficking offenders and failing to formalize
mechanisms to provide assistance to victims; although the government made some effort to enforce laws against child labor
exploitation, it failed to report any trafficking prosecutions or convictions in 2007; the government continued to lack shelters or
formal procedures for providing care to victims (2008)
possibly for the purpose of sexual exploitation; children have been trafficked from nearby countries for domestic servitude, market
labor, ambulant vending, and possibly sexual exploitation; women may also be trafficked to Equatorial Guinea from Cameroon,
Benin, other neighboring countries, and China for sexual exploitation
Tier rating: Tier 2 Watch List - Equatorial Guinea is on the Tier 2 Watch List for its failure to provide evidence of increasing
efforts to eliminate trafficking, particularly in the areas of prosecuting and convicting trafficking offenders and failing to formalize
mechanisms to provide assistance to victims; although the government made some effort to enforce laws against child labor
exploitation, it failed to report any trafficking prosecutions or convictions in 2007; the government continued to lack shelters or
formal procedures for providing care to victims (2008)
Mercelino Oyono Ntutumu
First Deputy Prime Minister
since 15 June 2004
First Deputy Prime Minister
since 15 June 2004
