| ETHIOPIA Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia Ityop'iya Federalawi Demokrasiyawi Ripeblik Joined United Nations: 13 November 1945 Human Rights as assured by their constitution Click here Updated 08/25/10 |
| CAPITAL |
| POPULATION |
| CHIEF OF STATE |
| SELECTION PROCESS |
Addis Ababa
85,237,338
note: estimates for this country explicitly take into account the effects of
excess mortality due to AIDS; this can result in lower life expectancy, higher
infant mortality and death rates, lower population and growth rates, and
changes in the distribution of population by age and sex than would otherwise
be expected (July 2010 est.)
note: estimates for this country explicitly take into account the effects of
excess mortality due to AIDS; this can result in lower life expectancy, higher
infant mortality and death rates, lower population and growth rates, and
changes in the distribution of population by age and sex than would otherwise
be expected (July 2010 est.)
Meles Zenawi
Prime Minister since August 1995
Prime Minister since August 1995
President elected by the House of People's Representatives for a
six-year term (eligible for a second term); election last held 15 May
2005
Next scheduled election: October 2010
six-year term (eligible for a second term); election last held 15 May
2005
Next scheduled election: October 2010
HEAD OF GOVERNMENT
SELECTION PROCESS
Prime Minister designated by the party in power following
legislative elections; election last held 15 May 2005
Next scheduled election: October 2010
legislative elections; election last held 15 May 2005
Next scheduled election: October 2010
| DECLARATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS |
| ETHNIC GROUPS |
Oromo 32.1%, Amara 30.1%, Tigraway 6.2%, Somalie 5.9%, Guragie 4.3%, Sidama 3.5%, Welaita 2.4%, other 15.4% (1994
census)
census)
| RELIGIONS |
Christian 60.8% (Orthodox 50.6%, Protestant 10.2%), Muslim 32.8%, traditional 4.6%, other 1.8% (1994 census)
| GOVERNMENT STRUCTURE |
Federal republic with 9 ethnically-based states (kililoch, singular - kilil) and 2 self-governing administrations* (astedaderoch, singular -
astedader); Legal system is based on civil law; currently transitional mix of national and regional courts; has not accepted compulsory
ICJ jurisdiction
Executive: President elected by the House of People's Representatives for a six-year term (eligible for a second term); election last held 15
May 2005 (next to be held in October 2010); Prime Minister designated by the party in power following legislative elections
Legislative: Bicameral Parliament consists of the House of Federation (or upper chamber) (108 seats; members are chosen by
state assemblies to serve five-year terms) and the House of People's Representatives (or lower chamber) (547 seats; members are
directly elected by popular vote from single-member districts to serve five-year terms)
elections: last held 23 May 2010 (next to be held in 2015)
Judicial: Federal Supreme Court (the president and vice president of the Federal Supreme Court are recommended by the prime
minister and appointed by the House of People's Representatives; for other federal judges, the prime minister submits to the House
of People's Representatives for appointment candidates selected by the Federal Judicial Administrative Council)
astedader); Legal system is based on civil law; currently transitional mix of national and regional courts; has not accepted compulsory
ICJ jurisdiction
Executive: President elected by the House of People's Representatives for a six-year term (eligible for a second term); election last held 15
May 2005 (next to be held in October 2010); Prime Minister designated by the party in power following legislative elections
Legislative: Bicameral Parliament consists of the House of Federation (or upper chamber) (108 seats; members are chosen by
state assemblies to serve five-year terms) and the House of People's Representatives (or lower chamber) (547 seats; members are
directly elected by popular vote from single-member districts to serve five-year terms)
elections: last held 23 May 2010 (next to be held in 2015)
Judicial: Federal Supreme Court (the president and vice president of the Federal Supreme Court are recommended by the prime
minister and appointed by the House of People's Representatives; for other federal judges, the prime minister submits to the House
of People's Representatives for appointment candidates selected by the Federal Judicial Administrative Council)
| LANGUAGES |
Amarigna 32.7%, Oromigna 31.6%, Tigrigna 6.1%, Somaligna 6%, Guaragigna 3.5%, Sidamigna 3.5%, Hadiyigna 1.7%, other
14.8%, English (major foreign language taught in schools) (1994 census)
14.8%, English (major foreign language taught in schools) (1994 census)
| BRIEF HISTORY |
Ethiopia is the oldest independent country in Africa, with one of the longest recorded histories in the world. Ethiopia has seen human
habitation for longer than almost anywhere else in the world, possibly being the location where Homo sapiens evolved. The first
records of Ethiopia proper come from Egyptian traders from about 3000 BC, who refer to lands south of Nubia or Cush as Punt
and Yam. Most Ethiopianists trace the history of modern Ethiopia from the time of arrival of Sabaeans. Only a few historians insist
on the link of modern Ethiopia to pre-Sabaean original Cush people. Such is the link to the D'mt kingdom. Around 800 BC the
kingdom of D’mt arose in Ethiopia, centering around Yeha (thought to be its capital) in northern Ethiopia. Traditions in the early
churches of Ethiopia indicates that much of the country once embraced Jewish beliefs and culture as part of its religious system. It is
possible that Judaism may have entered (modern-day) Ethiopia as early as the 8th century BCE either through Egypt (southward
across Nubia) or because of trade links along the Red Sea coast. Sometime in the early medieval era, the Ethiopian Orthodox
Church Towahido has produced some details to the Biblical record of visit to the King of Israel by the Queen of Sheba. The
Ethiopian version of the story details an affair between King Solomon of Israel and Makeda supposedly the name of the Queen of
Saba, or Queen of Sheba. The first verifiable kingdom of great power to rise in Ethiopia was that of Axum in the first century AD. It
was one of many successor kingdoms to D'mt and was able to unite the northern Ethiopian plateau beginning around the first
century BC. They established bases on the northern highlands of the Ethiopian Plateau and from there expanded southward. The
Persian religious figure Mani listed Axum with Rome, Persia, and China as one of the four great powers of his time. Christianity was
introduced into the country by Frumentius, who was consecrated first bishop of Ethiopia by Saint Athanasius of Alexandria about
330. Frumentius converted Ezana, who has left several inscriptions detailing his reign both before and after his conversion. The end
of the Axumite Kingdom is as much of a mystery as its beginning. Lacking a detailed history, the kingdom's fall has been attributed
to a persistent drought, overgrazing, deforestation, plague, a shift in trade routes that reduced the importance of the Red Sea -- or a
combination of these factors. About 1000 (presumably c 960), a non-Christian princess, Yodit ("Gudit", a play on Yodit meaning
evil), conspired to murder all the members of the royal family and establish herself as monarch. According to legends, during the
execution of the royals, an infant heir of the Axumite monarch was carted off by some faithful adherents, and conveyed to Shewa,
where his authority was acknowledged, while Yodit reigned for forty years over the rest of the kingdom, and transmitted the crown
to her descendants. Around 1270, a new dynasty was established in the Abyssinian highlands under Yekuno Amlak who deposed
the last of the Zagwe kings and married one of their daughters. According to legends, the new dynasty were male-line descendants
of Axumite monarchs, now recognized as the continuing Solomonic dynasty (the kingdom being thus restored to the biblical royal
house). Towards the close of the 15th century the Portuguese missions into Ethiopia began. A belief had long prevailed in Europe of
the existence of a Christian kingdom in the far east, whose monarch was known as Prester John, and various expeditions had been
sent in quest of it. Among others engaged in this search was Pero da Covilhã, who arrived in Ethiopia in 1490, and, believing that he
had at length reached the far-famed kingdom, presented to the [nəgusä nägäst] of the country, a letter from his master the king of
Portugal, addressed to Prester John. Between 1528 and 1540 armies of Muslims, under the Imam Ahmad ibn Ibrihim al-Ghazi,
entered Ethiopia from the low country to the south-east, and overran the kingdom, obliging the emperor to take refuge in the
mountain fastnesses. In this extremity recourse was again had to the Portuguese. The Jesuits who had accompanied or followed the
da Gama expedition into Ethiopia, and fixed their headquarters at Fremona (near Adwa), were oppressed and neglected, but not
actually expelled. In the beginning of the 17th century Father Pedro Páez arrived at Fremona, a man of great tact and judgment,
who soon rose into high favour at court, and gained over the emperor to his faith. Some historians date the murder of Iyasu I, and
the resultant decline in the prestige of the dynasty, as the beginning of the Ethiopian Zemene Mesafint ("Era of the Princes",) a time
of disorder when the power of the monarchy was eclipsed by the power of local warlords. This bitter religious conflict contributed
to hostility toward foreign Christians and Europeans, which persisted into the 20th century and was a factor in Ethiopia's isolation
until the mid-19th century, when the first British mission, sent in 1805 to conclude an alliance with Ethiopia and obtain a port on the
Red Sea in case France conquered Egypt. The success of this mission opened Ethiopia to many more travellers, missionaries and
merchants of all countries, and the stream of Europeans continued until well into Tewodros's reign. This isolation was pierced by
very few European travellers. One was the French physician C.J. Poncet, who went there in 1698, via Sennar and the Blue Nile.
After him James Bruce entered the country in 1769, with the object of discovering the sources of the Nile, which he was convinced
lay in Ethiopia. Under the Emperors Tewodros II (1855 - 1868), Yohannes IV (1872 - 1889), and Menelek II (1889 - 1913), the
kingdom began to emerge from its medieval isolation. Ethiopia was the last country of Africa to be colonized by European powers.
Only in the first half of the XX century Italy was able to conquer and colonize Ethiopia (with the Italian invasion of 1935 that
originated a brief occupation between 1936 and 1941). Several colonial powers had interests and designs on Ethiopia in the context
of the "Scramble for Africa." When Victoria, Queen of the United Kingdom, in 1867 failed to answer a letter Tewodros II of
Ethiopia had sent her, he took it as an insult and imprisoned several British residents, including the consul. An army of 12,000 was
sent from Bombay to Ethiopia to rescue the captured nationals, under the command of Sir Robert Napier. The Ethiopians were
defeated, and the British stormed the fortress of Magdala (now known as Amba Mariam) on April 13, 1868. When the Emperor
heard that the gate had fallen, he fired a pistol into his mouth and killed himself. Sir Robert Napier was raised to the peerage, and
given the title of Lord Napier of Magdala. Upon the death of Empress Zauditu in 1930, Ras Tafari Makonnen, adopting the throne
name Haile Selassie, was crowned Emperor Haile Selassie I of Ethiopia. His full title was "His Imperial Majesty Haile Selassie I,
Conquering Lion of the Tribe of Judah, King of Kings of Ethiopia and Elect of God." After WWII, Emperor Selassie exerted
numerous efforts to promote the modernization of his nation. The country's first important school of higher education, University
College of Addis Ababa, was founded in 1950. The Constitution of 1931 was replaced with a new one in 1955. After a period of
civil unrest which began in February 1974, the aging Emperor Haile Selassie I was deposed. On September 12, 1974, a provisional
administrative council of soldiers, known as the Derg ("committee") seized power from the emperor and installed a government
which was socialist in name and military in style. Lt. Col. Mengistu Haile Mariam assumed power as head of state and Derg
chairman, after having his two predecessors killed, as well as tens of thousands of other suspected opponents. The new Marxist
government undertook socialist reforms, including nationalisation of landlords' and church's property. From 1977 through early
1978, thousands of suspected enemies of the Derg were tortured and/or killed in a purge called the "red terror." In May 1991,
EPRDF forces advanced on Addis Ababa. Eritrea separated from Ethiopia following the fall of the Derg in 1991, after a long
independentist war.In 1994, a new constitution was written that formed a bicameral legislature and a judicial system. In 1998, a
border dispute with Ethiopia led to the Eritrean-Ethiopian War, which killed thousands of soldiers from both countries. While the
war hurt the nation's economy, it also strengthened the ruling coalition. The border war ended in 2000 with a negotiated agreement
known as the Algiers Agreement. With the collapse of the Soviet Union, and with the rise of radical Islamism, Ethiopia again turned
to the Western powers for alliance and assistance. In 2006, an Islamic organisation seen by many as having ties with al-Qaeda, the
Islamic Courts Union, spread rapidly in Somalia. Ethiopian troops continued to occupy Somalia in 2007 as a growing resistance
begun to build up. Human Rights Watch accused Ethiopia of various abuses including indiscriminate killing of civilians during the
2007 battle in Mogadishu.
Source: Wikipedia: History of Ethiopia
habitation for longer than almost anywhere else in the world, possibly being the location where Homo sapiens evolved. The first
records of Ethiopia proper come from Egyptian traders from about 3000 BC, who refer to lands south of Nubia or Cush as Punt
and Yam. Most Ethiopianists trace the history of modern Ethiopia from the time of arrival of Sabaeans. Only a few historians insist
on the link of modern Ethiopia to pre-Sabaean original Cush people. Such is the link to the D'mt kingdom. Around 800 BC the
kingdom of D’mt arose in Ethiopia, centering around Yeha (thought to be its capital) in northern Ethiopia. Traditions in the early
churches of Ethiopia indicates that much of the country once embraced Jewish beliefs and culture as part of its religious system. It is
possible that Judaism may have entered (modern-day) Ethiopia as early as the 8th century BCE either through Egypt (southward
across Nubia) or because of trade links along the Red Sea coast. Sometime in the early medieval era, the Ethiopian Orthodox
Church Towahido has produced some details to the Biblical record of visit to the King of Israel by the Queen of Sheba. The
Ethiopian version of the story details an affair between King Solomon of Israel and Makeda supposedly the name of the Queen of
Saba, or Queen of Sheba. The first verifiable kingdom of great power to rise in Ethiopia was that of Axum in the first century AD. It
was one of many successor kingdoms to D'mt and was able to unite the northern Ethiopian plateau beginning around the first
century BC. They established bases on the northern highlands of the Ethiopian Plateau and from there expanded southward. The
Persian religious figure Mani listed Axum with Rome, Persia, and China as one of the four great powers of his time. Christianity was
introduced into the country by Frumentius, who was consecrated first bishop of Ethiopia by Saint Athanasius of Alexandria about
330. Frumentius converted Ezana, who has left several inscriptions detailing his reign both before and after his conversion. The end
of the Axumite Kingdom is as much of a mystery as its beginning. Lacking a detailed history, the kingdom's fall has been attributed
to a persistent drought, overgrazing, deforestation, plague, a shift in trade routes that reduced the importance of the Red Sea -- or a
combination of these factors. About 1000 (presumably c 960), a non-Christian princess, Yodit ("Gudit", a play on Yodit meaning
evil), conspired to murder all the members of the royal family and establish herself as monarch. According to legends, during the
execution of the royals, an infant heir of the Axumite monarch was carted off by some faithful adherents, and conveyed to Shewa,
where his authority was acknowledged, while Yodit reigned for forty years over the rest of the kingdom, and transmitted the crown
to her descendants. Around 1270, a new dynasty was established in the Abyssinian highlands under Yekuno Amlak who deposed
the last of the Zagwe kings and married one of their daughters. According to legends, the new dynasty were male-line descendants
of Axumite monarchs, now recognized as the continuing Solomonic dynasty (the kingdom being thus restored to the biblical royal
house). Towards the close of the 15th century the Portuguese missions into Ethiopia began. A belief had long prevailed in Europe of
the existence of a Christian kingdom in the far east, whose monarch was known as Prester John, and various expeditions had been
sent in quest of it. Among others engaged in this search was Pero da Covilhã, who arrived in Ethiopia in 1490, and, believing that he
had at length reached the far-famed kingdom, presented to the [nəgusä nägäst] of the country, a letter from his master the king of
Portugal, addressed to Prester John. Between 1528 and 1540 armies of Muslims, under the Imam Ahmad ibn Ibrihim al-Ghazi,
entered Ethiopia from the low country to the south-east, and overran the kingdom, obliging the emperor to take refuge in the
mountain fastnesses. In this extremity recourse was again had to the Portuguese. The Jesuits who had accompanied or followed the
da Gama expedition into Ethiopia, and fixed their headquarters at Fremona (near Adwa), were oppressed and neglected, but not
actually expelled. In the beginning of the 17th century Father Pedro Páez arrived at Fremona, a man of great tact and judgment,
who soon rose into high favour at court, and gained over the emperor to his faith. Some historians date the murder of Iyasu I, and
the resultant decline in the prestige of the dynasty, as the beginning of the Ethiopian Zemene Mesafint ("Era of the Princes",) a time
of disorder when the power of the monarchy was eclipsed by the power of local warlords. This bitter religious conflict contributed
to hostility toward foreign Christians and Europeans, which persisted into the 20th century and was a factor in Ethiopia's isolation
until the mid-19th century, when the first British mission, sent in 1805 to conclude an alliance with Ethiopia and obtain a port on the
Red Sea in case France conquered Egypt. The success of this mission opened Ethiopia to many more travellers, missionaries and
merchants of all countries, and the stream of Europeans continued until well into Tewodros's reign. This isolation was pierced by
very few European travellers. One was the French physician C.J. Poncet, who went there in 1698, via Sennar and the Blue Nile.
After him James Bruce entered the country in 1769, with the object of discovering the sources of the Nile, which he was convinced
lay in Ethiopia. Under the Emperors Tewodros II (1855 - 1868), Yohannes IV (1872 - 1889), and Menelek II (1889 - 1913), the
kingdom began to emerge from its medieval isolation. Ethiopia was the last country of Africa to be colonized by European powers.
Only in the first half of the XX century Italy was able to conquer and colonize Ethiopia (with the Italian invasion of 1935 that
originated a brief occupation between 1936 and 1941). Several colonial powers had interests and designs on Ethiopia in the context
of the "Scramble for Africa." When Victoria, Queen of the United Kingdom, in 1867 failed to answer a letter Tewodros II of
Ethiopia had sent her, he took it as an insult and imprisoned several British residents, including the consul. An army of 12,000 was
sent from Bombay to Ethiopia to rescue the captured nationals, under the command of Sir Robert Napier. The Ethiopians were
defeated, and the British stormed the fortress of Magdala (now known as Amba Mariam) on April 13, 1868. When the Emperor
heard that the gate had fallen, he fired a pistol into his mouth and killed himself. Sir Robert Napier was raised to the peerage, and
given the title of Lord Napier of Magdala. Upon the death of Empress Zauditu in 1930, Ras Tafari Makonnen, adopting the throne
name Haile Selassie, was crowned Emperor Haile Selassie I of Ethiopia. His full title was "His Imperial Majesty Haile Selassie I,
Conquering Lion of the Tribe of Judah, King of Kings of Ethiopia and Elect of God." After WWII, Emperor Selassie exerted
numerous efforts to promote the modernization of his nation. The country's first important school of higher education, University
College of Addis Ababa, was founded in 1950. The Constitution of 1931 was replaced with a new one in 1955. After a period of
civil unrest which began in February 1974, the aging Emperor Haile Selassie I was deposed. On September 12, 1974, a provisional
administrative council of soldiers, known as the Derg ("committee") seized power from the emperor and installed a government
which was socialist in name and military in style. Lt. Col. Mengistu Haile Mariam assumed power as head of state and Derg
chairman, after having his two predecessors killed, as well as tens of thousands of other suspected opponents. The new Marxist
government undertook socialist reforms, including nationalisation of landlords' and church's property. From 1977 through early
1978, thousands of suspected enemies of the Derg were tortured and/or killed in a purge called the "red terror." In May 1991,
EPRDF forces advanced on Addis Ababa. Eritrea separated from Ethiopia following the fall of the Derg in 1991, after a long
independentist war.In 1994, a new constitution was written that formed a bicameral legislature and a judicial system. In 1998, a
border dispute with Ethiopia led to the Eritrean-Ethiopian War, which killed thousands of soldiers from both countries. While the
war hurt the nation's economy, it also strengthened the ruling coalition. The border war ended in 2000 with a negotiated agreement
known as the Algiers Agreement. With the collapse of the Soviet Union, and with the rise of radical Islamism, Ethiopia again turned
to the Western powers for alliance and assistance. In 2006, an Islamic organisation seen by many as having ties with al-Qaeda, the
Islamic Courts Union, spread rapidly in Somalia. Ethiopian troops continued to occupy Somalia in 2007 as a growing resistance
begun to build up. Human Rights Watch accused Ethiopia of various abuses including indiscriminate killing of civilians during the
2007 battle in Mogadishu.
Source: Wikipedia: History of Ethiopia
| ECONOMIC OVERVIEW |
Ethiopia's poverty-stricken economy is based on agriculture, accounting for about 45% of GDP, and 85% of total employment. The
agricultural sector suffers from frequent drought and poor cultivation practices. Coffee is critical to the Ethiopian economy with
exports of some $350 million in 2006, but historically low prices have seen many farmers switching to qat to supplement income.
The war with Eritrea in 1998-2000 and recurrent drought have buffeted the economy in particular coffee production. In November
2001, Ethiopia qualified for debt relief from the Highly Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) initiative, and in December 2005 the IMF
forgave Ethiopia's debt. Under Ethiopia's constitution, the state owns all land and provides long-term leases to the tenants; the
system continues to hamper growth in the industrial sector as entrepreneurs are unable to use land as collateral for loans. Drought
struck again late in 2002, leading to a 3.3% decline in GDP in 2003. Although GDP growth has since rebounded, soaring
commodity prices in 2007 and 2008 and the global economic downturn led to balance of payments pressures, partially alleviated by
recent emergency funding from the IMF.
Source: CIA World Factbook (select Ethiopia)
agricultural sector suffers from frequent drought and poor cultivation practices. Coffee is critical to the Ethiopian economy with
exports of some $350 million in 2006, but historically low prices have seen many farmers switching to qat to supplement income.
The war with Eritrea in 1998-2000 and recurrent drought have buffeted the economy in particular coffee production. In November
2001, Ethiopia qualified for debt relief from the Highly Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) initiative, and in December 2005 the IMF
forgave Ethiopia's debt. Under Ethiopia's constitution, the state owns all land and provides long-term leases to the tenants; the
system continues to hamper growth in the industrial sector as entrepreneurs are unable to use land as collateral for loans. Drought
struck again late in 2002, leading to a 3.3% decline in GDP in 2003. Although GDP growth has since rebounded, soaring
commodity prices in 2007 and 2008 and the global economic downturn led to balance of payments pressures, partially alleviated by
recent emergency funding from the IMF.
Source: CIA World Factbook (select Ethiopia)
| POLITICAL CLIMATE |
Since 1991, Ethiopia has established warm relations with the United States and western Europe and has sought substantial
economic aid from Western countries and the World Bank. In 2004, the government began a drive to move more than two million
people away from the arid highlands of the east, proposing that these resettlements would reduce food shortages.
Ethiopia held another general election in May 2005, which drew a record number of voters, with 90% of the electorate turning out
to cast their vote. While the European Union election observer team of Ana Maria Gomes deemed the elections to have fallen short
of international standards for fair and free elections, other teams drew totally different conclusions. The African Union report on
September 14 commended "the Ethiopian people's display of genuine commitment to democratic ideals".
The opposition complained that the ruling EPRDF engaged in widespread vote rigging and intimidation, alleging fraud in 299
constituencies. All allegations were investigated by the National Electoral Board of Ethiopia in cooperation with election monitors, a
process which delayed the release of the final results. In June 2005, with the results of the election still unclear, a group of university
students protested these alleged discrepancies, encouraged by supporters of the Coalition for Unity opposition party, despite a ban
on protests imposed by the government. On June 8, 26 people were killed in Addis Ababa as a result of rioting, which led to the
arrest of hundreds of protesters. By February 2006, six hundred remained in custody, facing trial in March.
Source: Wikipedia: Politics of Ethiopia
economic aid from Western countries and the World Bank. In 2004, the government began a drive to move more than two million
people away from the arid highlands of the east, proposing that these resettlements would reduce food shortages.
Ethiopia held another general election in May 2005, which drew a record number of voters, with 90% of the electorate turning out
to cast their vote. While the European Union election observer team of Ana Maria Gomes deemed the elections to have fallen short
of international standards for fair and free elections, other teams drew totally different conclusions. The African Union report on
September 14 commended "the Ethiopian people's display of genuine commitment to democratic ideals".
The opposition complained that the ruling EPRDF engaged in widespread vote rigging and intimidation, alleging fraud in 299
constituencies. All allegations were investigated by the National Electoral Board of Ethiopia in cooperation with election monitors, a
process which delayed the release of the final results. In June 2005, with the results of the election still unclear, a group of university
students protested these alleged discrepancies, encouraged by supporters of the Coalition for Unity opposition party, despite a ban
on protests imposed by the government. On June 8, 26 people were killed in Addis Ababa as a result of rioting, which led to the
arrest of hundreds of protesters. By February 2006, six hundred remained in custody, facing trial in March.
Source: Wikipedia: Politics of Ethiopia
| INTERNATIONAL DISPUTES |
Eritrea and Ethiopia agreed to abide by the 2002 Eritrea-Ethiopia Boundary Commission's (EEBC) delimitation decision, but
neither party responded to the revised line detailed in the November 2006 EEBC Demarcation Statement; UN Peacekeeping
Mission to Ethiopia and Eritrea (UNMEE), which has monitored the 25-km-wide Temporary Security Zone in Eritrea since 2000,
is extended for six months in 2007 despite Eritrean restrictions on its operations and reduced force of 17,000; the undemarcated
former British administrative line has little meaning as a political separation to rival clans within Ethiopia's Ogaden and southern
Somalia's Oromo region; Ethiopian forces invaded southern Somalia and routed Islamist Courts from Mogadishu in January 2007;
"Somaliland" secessionists provide port facilities in Berbera and trade ties to landlocked Ethiopia; civil unrest in eastern Sudan has
hampered efforts to demarcate the porous boundary with Ethiopia
neither party responded to the revised line detailed in the November 2006 EEBC Demarcation Statement; UN Peacekeeping
Mission to Ethiopia and Eritrea (UNMEE), which has monitored the 25-km-wide Temporary Security Zone in Eritrea since 2000,
is extended for six months in 2007 despite Eritrean restrictions on its operations and reduced force of 17,000; the undemarcated
former British administrative line has little meaning as a political separation to rival clans within Ethiopia's Ogaden and southern
Somalia's Oromo region; Ethiopian forces invaded southern Somalia and routed Islamist Courts from Mogadishu in January 2007;
"Somaliland" secessionists provide port facilities in Berbera and trade ties to landlocked Ethiopia; civil unrest in eastern Sudan has
hampered efforts to demarcate the porous boundary with Ethiopia
| REFUGEES AND INTERNALLY DISPLACED PERSONS (IDPS) |
Refugees (country of origin): 66,980 (Sudan); 16,576 (Somalia); 13,078 (Eritrea)
IDPs: 200,000 (border war with Eritrea from 1998-2000, ethnic clashes in Gambela, and ongoing Ethiopian military
counterinsurgency in Somali region; most IDPs are in Tigray and Gambela Provinces) (2007)
IDPs: 200,000 (border war with Eritrea from 1998-2000, ethnic clashes in Gambela, and ongoing Ethiopian military
counterinsurgency in Somali region; most IDPs are in Tigray and Gambela Provinces) (2007)
| ILLICIT DRUGS |
Transit hub for heroin originating in Southwest and Southeast Asia and destined for Europe, as well as cocaine destined for
markets in southern Africa; cultivates qat (khat) for local use and regional export, principally to Djibouti and Somalia (legal in all
three countries); the lack of a well-developed financial system limits the country's utility as a money laundering center.
markets in southern Africa; cultivates qat (khat) for local use and regional export, principally to Djibouti and Somalia (legal in all
three countries); the lack of a well-developed financial system limits the country's utility as a money laundering center.
| HUMAN RIGHTS STATEMENTS, ANALYSIS AND CRITIQUES |
2009 Human Rights Reports: Ethiopia
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
March 11, 2010
Ethiopia is a federal republic led by Prime Minister Meles Zenawi and the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF)
coalition. The population is estimated at 77 million. In the 2005 parliamentary elections, the EPRDF won a majority of seats to remain the
ruling party for a third consecutive five-year term. In local and by-elections held in April 2008, the EPRDF and allied parties took
virtually all of the more than three million open seats contested nationwide. Prior to the vote, ruling coalition agents and supporters used
coercive tactics and manipulation of the electoral process, including intimidation of opposition candidates and supporters. Political parties
were predominantly ethnically based, and opposition parties remained splintered. During the year fighting between government forces,
including local militias, and the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF), an ethnically based, nationalist, insurgent movement operating
in the Somali Region, resulted in continued allegations of human rights abuses, particularly diversion of food aid from intended
beneficiaries suffering from a severe drought. While civilian authorities generally maintained effective control of the security forces,
there were numerous instances in which elements within those forces acted independently of government authority.
Human rights abuses reported during the year included:
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
March 11, 2010
Ethiopia is a federal republic led by Prime Minister Meles Zenawi and the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF)
coalition. The population is estimated at 77 million. In the 2005 parliamentary elections, the EPRDF won a majority of seats to remain the
ruling party for a third consecutive five-year term. In local and by-elections held in April 2008, the EPRDF and allied parties took
virtually all of the more than three million open seats contested nationwide. Prior to the vote, ruling coalition agents and supporters used
coercive tactics and manipulation of the electoral process, including intimidation of opposition candidates and supporters. Political parties
were predominantly ethnically based, and opposition parties remained splintered. During the year fighting between government forces,
including local militias, and the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF), an ethnically based, nationalist, insurgent movement operating
in the Somali Region, resulted in continued allegations of human rights abuses, particularly diversion of food aid from intended
beneficiaries suffering from a severe drought. While civilian authorities generally maintained effective control of the security forces,
there were numerous instances in which elements within those forces acted independently of government authority.
Human rights abuses reported during the year included:
- unlawful killings, torture, beating, abuse and mistreatment of detainees and opposition supporters by security forces, often acting
with evident impunity; - poor prison conditions;
- arbitrary arrest and detention, particularly of suspected sympathizers or members of opposition or insurgent groups;
- police, administrative and judicial corruption;
- detention without charge and lengthy pretrial detention;
- infringement on citizens' privacy rights, including illegal searches;
- use of excessive force by security services in an internal conflict and counterinsurgency operations;
- restrictions on freedom of the press;
- arrest, detention, and harassment of journalists;
- restrictions on freedom of assembly and association;
- violence and societal discrimination against women and abuse of children;
- female genital mutilation (FGM);
- exploitation of children for economic and sexual purposes;
- trafficking in persons;
- societal discrimination against persons with disabilities and religious and ethnic minorities; and government interference in union
activities, including harassment of union leaders.
31 August 2009
COMMITTEE ON THE ELIMINATION OF RACIAL DISCRIMINATION
Seventy-fifth session 3-28 August 2009
CONSIDERATION OF REPORTS SUBMITTED BY STATES PARTIES UNDER ARTICLE 9 OF THE CONVENTION
Concluding observations of the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination
ETHIOPIA
A. Introduction
2. The Committee welcomes the submission of the seventh to sixteenth periodic reports by the State party. In view of the lengthy
period since the submission of its sixth report (CERD/C/156/Add.3) in 1988, the Committee encourages the State party to ensure the
timely submission of its periodic reports in the future.
3. The Committee welcomes the efforts made by the State party to comply with the Committee’s guidelines for the preparation of
reports. It regrets, however, that the report does not contain sufficient information regarding the practical application of the Convention,
that the written responses provided to the list of issues prepared by the Committee’s rapporteur were only submitted on the day of the
examination of the report and that they do not fully address all the issues raised.
B. Factors and difficulties impeding the implementation of the Convention
4. The Committee notes that the State party has faced several challenges in recent years, including serious economic hardship,
famine, internal unrest and conflicts with neighbouring states, which have resulted in a very large number of internally displaced persons
and refugees.
C. Positive aspects
5. The Committee acknowledges with appreciation that the State party continues to host a large number of refugees from countries
within the region, including Sudan, Kenya and Somalia.
6. The Committee welcomes the 1994 Constitution, which reflects the importance accorded, in the legal order of the State party, to
the prohibition on racial discrimination, including during times of national emergency.
D. Concerns and recommendations
11. While noting that article 25 of the Constitution of the State Party provides for the equality of all persons before the law and for
their entitlement, without any discrimination, to equal protection of the law, the Committee notes that the State party’s legislation is not
fully in conformity with the Convention. (arts. 1, 2 and 4).
The Committee recommends that the State party adopt specific legislation on racial discrimination implementing the provisions of the
Convention, including a legal definition of racial discrimination in line with article 1 of the Convention. In this regard, the Committee
urges the State party to take into account General Recommendation No. 7 (1985) on legislation to eradicate racial discrimination as well
as General Recommendation No. 15 (1993) on article 4 of the Convention.
Click here to read more »
COMMITTEE ON THE ELIMINATION OF RACIAL DISCRIMINATION
Seventy-fifth session 3-28 August 2009
CONSIDERATION OF REPORTS SUBMITTED BY STATES PARTIES UNDER ARTICLE 9 OF THE CONVENTION
Concluding observations of the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination
ETHIOPIA
A. Introduction
2. The Committee welcomes the submission of the seventh to sixteenth periodic reports by the State party. In view of the lengthy
period since the submission of its sixth report (CERD/C/156/Add.3) in 1988, the Committee encourages the State party to ensure the
timely submission of its periodic reports in the future.
3. The Committee welcomes the efforts made by the State party to comply with the Committee’s guidelines for the preparation of
reports. It regrets, however, that the report does not contain sufficient information regarding the practical application of the Convention,
that the written responses provided to the list of issues prepared by the Committee’s rapporteur were only submitted on the day of the
examination of the report and that they do not fully address all the issues raised.
B. Factors and difficulties impeding the implementation of the Convention
4. The Committee notes that the State party has faced several challenges in recent years, including serious economic hardship,
famine, internal unrest and conflicts with neighbouring states, which have resulted in a very large number of internally displaced persons
and refugees.
C. Positive aspects
5. The Committee acknowledges with appreciation that the State party continues to host a large number of refugees from countries
within the region, including Sudan, Kenya and Somalia.
6. The Committee welcomes the 1994 Constitution, which reflects the importance accorded, in the legal order of the State party, to
the prohibition on racial discrimination, including during times of national emergency.
D. Concerns and recommendations
11. While noting that article 25 of the Constitution of the State Party provides for the equality of all persons before the law and for
their entitlement, without any discrimination, to equal protection of the law, the Committee notes that the State party’s legislation is not
fully in conformity with the Convention. (arts. 1, 2 and 4).
The Committee recommends that the State party adopt specific legislation on racial discrimination implementing the provisions of the
Convention, including a legal definition of racial discrimination in line with article 1 of the Convention. In this regard, the Committee
urges the State party to take into account General Recommendation No. 7 (1985) on legislation to eradicate racial discrimination as well
as General Recommendation No. 15 (1993) on article 4 of the Convention.
Click here to read more »
Freedom In The World 2010 Report
Political Rights Score: 5
Civil Liberties Score: 5
Status: Partly Free
Trend Arrow
Ethiopia received a downward trend arrow due to the narrowing of political space in advance of the 2010 elections, the
government’s crackdown on the operations of nongovernmental organizations, and its passing of a draconian antiterrorism
law.
Overview
Prime Minister Meles Zenawi’s government bolstered restrictions on political activity in 2009 as it prepared for federal and regional
elections scheduled for 2010. Opposition party activists were arrested, and a new antiterrorism law gave the government broad authority
to crack down on perceived opponents. Other legislation enacted during the year imposed strict controls on civil society organizations.
The opposition boycotted local elections in 2008, accusing the EPRDF of harassment. Opposition activities were further restricted in
2009, as the EPRDF prepared for the 2010 federal and regional elections. In June, 45 members of an unregistered political party were
charged with trying to topple the government.
Ethiopia’s relations with neighboring countries were tense but stable in 2009. The border dispute with Eritrea remained unresolved, but
Ethiopian forces completed their withdrawal from Somalia, ending a disastrous three-year campaign aimed at destroying Islamist rebel
groups and propping up the war-torn country’s Transitional Federal Government.
Meanwhile, Ethiopia continued to face separatist movements in Oromiya and the Ogaden. Sporadic fighting persisted between
government forces and Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) guerrillas. The authorities have banned journalists from the region,
preventing the outside world from accurately assessing the situation there.
Ongoing drought in parts of the country in 2009 led to a warning that five million people would be in need of food aid, in addition to the
eight million who already received it. The drought also reduced Ethiopia’s hydroelectric power output, causing frequent outages in Addis
Ababa and contributing to a growth rate of less than 2 percent according to the United Nations, which was far less than the 10 percent
claimed by the government.
Ethiopia is not an electoral democracy. However, the presence of a significant elected opposition at the federal level since 2005 does
mark a possible step forward in the development of the country’s democratic political culture.
Click here to read more »
Political Rights Score: 5
Civil Liberties Score: 5
Status: Partly Free
Trend Arrow
Ethiopia received a downward trend arrow due to the narrowing of political space in advance of the 2010 elections, the
government’s crackdown on the operations of nongovernmental organizations, and its passing of a draconian antiterrorism
law.
Overview
Prime Minister Meles Zenawi’s government bolstered restrictions on political activity in 2009 as it prepared for federal and regional
elections scheduled for 2010. Opposition party activists were arrested, and a new antiterrorism law gave the government broad authority
to crack down on perceived opponents. Other legislation enacted during the year imposed strict controls on civil society organizations.
The opposition boycotted local elections in 2008, accusing the EPRDF of harassment. Opposition activities were further restricted in
2009, as the EPRDF prepared for the 2010 federal and regional elections. In June, 45 members of an unregistered political party were
charged with trying to topple the government.
Ethiopia’s relations with neighboring countries were tense but stable in 2009. The border dispute with Eritrea remained unresolved, but
Ethiopian forces completed their withdrawal from Somalia, ending a disastrous three-year campaign aimed at destroying Islamist rebel
groups and propping up the war-torn country’s Transitional Federal Government.
Meanwhile, Ethiopia continued to face separatist movements in Oromiya and the Ogaden. Sporadic fighting persisted between
government forces and Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) guerrillas. The authorities have banned journalists from the region,
preventing the outside world from accurately assessing the situation there.
Ongoing drought in parts of the country in 2009 led to a warning that five million people would be in need of food aid, in addition to the
eight million who already received it. The drought also reduced Ethiopia’s hydroelectric power output, causing frequent outages in Addis
Ababa and contributing to a growth rate of less than 2 percent according to the United Nations, which was far less than the 10 percent
claimed by the government.
Ethiopia is not an electoral democracy. However, the presence of a significant elected opposition at the federal level since 2005 does
mark a possible step forward in the development of the country’s democratic political culture.
Click here to read more »
PUBLIC STATEMENT
21 January 2010
Ethiopia: Amnesty International calls on the Government of Ethiopia not to execute Melaku Tefera
Amnesty International has called on Ethiopian authorities not to execute Melaku Tefera, the only one of five men sentenced to death on
22 December 2009 who remains in Ethiopia. The other four sentenced to death in absentiaare exiled Ginbot 7 party leaders Berhanu
Nega, Andargachew Tsige, Muluneh Eyouel and Mesfin Aman. On the same day 33 others, including one woman, received life
sentences.
The five men sentenced to death were convicted with 35 others in August and November 2009 on five charges related to an aborted
coup attempt in April. Of these, thirty-three were sentenced to life imprisonment. Government officials have also confiscated some of
their property.
The accused were arrested in April and May 2009 for involvement in a plan to attack power and telecommunications facilities and carry
out assassinations of government officials in an attempt to provoke political unrest. Charges against them include plotting to kill
government ministers, destroy strategic facilities and incite rebellion within the army, which can carry the death penalty in Ethiopia.
The federal prosecutor had asked the court to impose the death penalty against all of the accused, except two who pleaded guilty, stating
that those convicted committed ‘serious acts of terrorism.’ But on 22 December 33 received life sentences while five were sentenced to
death.
Those sentenced to life include opposition party members and family members of opposition party leaders such as Getu Worku, the
cousin of Berhanu Nega, in exile in the United States.
They also include Tsige Habtemariam, the 80-year-old father of Andargachew Tsige, in exile in the UK. Tsige Habtemariam is a diabetic
who recently underwent heart surgery and requires regular medical care.
Melaku Tefera, the only defendant sentenced to death on these charges who remains in Ethiopia, is a former Coalition for Unity and
Democracy prisoner who served 20 months in Kaliti prison, then joined the Unity for Democracy and Justice Party.
Several of the defendants in this case have complained that they were tortured in detention. Amnesty International has called on Ethiopian
authorities to grant these prisoners access to physicians of their choosing to assess their claims and treat any diagnosed injuries, in
accordance with the Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners.
Click here to read more »
21 January 2010
Ethiopia: Amnesty International calls on the Government of Ethiopia not to execute Melaku Tefera
Amnesty International has called on Ethiopian authorities not to execute Melaku Tefera, the only one of five men sentenced to death on
22 December 2009 who remains in Ethiopia. The other four sentenced to death in absentiaare exiled Ginbot 7 party leaders Berhanu
Nega, Andargachew Tsige, Muluneh Eyouel and Mesfin Aman. On the same day 33 others, including one woman, received life
sentences.
The five men sentenced to death were convicted with 35 others in August and November 2009 on five charges related to an aborted
coup attempt in April. Of these, thirty-three were sentenced to life imprisonment. Government officials have also confiscated some of
their property.
The accused were arrested in April and May 2009 for involvement in a plan to attack power and telecommunications facilities and carry
out assassinations of government officials in an attempt to provoke political unrest. Charges against them include plotting to kill
government ministers, destroy strategic facilities and incite rebellion within the army, which can carry the death penalty in Ethiopia.
The federal prosecutor had asked the court to impose the death penalty against all of the accused, except two who pleaded guilty, stating
that those convicted committed ‘serious acts of terrorism.’ But on 22 December 33 received life sentences while five were sentenced to
death.
Those sentenced to life include opposition party members and family members of opposition party leaders such as Getu Worku, the
cousin of Berhanu Nega, in exile in the United States.
They also include Tsige Habtemariam, the 80-year-old father of Andargachew Tsige, in exile in the UK. Tsige Habtemariam is a diabetic
who recently underwent heart surgery and requires regular medical care.
Melaku Tefera, the only defendant sentenced to death on these charges who remains in Ethiopia, is a former Coalition for Unity and
Democracy prisoner who served 20 months in Kaliti prison, then joined the Unity for Democracy and Justice Party.
Several of the defendants in this case have complained that they were tortured in detention. Amnesty International has called on Ethiopian
authorities to grant these prisoners access to physicians of their choosing to assess their claims and treat any diagnosed injuries, in
accordance with the Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners.
Click here to read more »
Ethiopia: Government Repression Undermines Poll
International Election Observers Should Condemn Voter Intimidation
May 24, 2010
(Nairobi) - Ethiopian government and ruling party officials intimidated voters and unlawfully restricted the media ahead of the May 23,
2010 parliamentary elections, Human Rights Watch said today.
In assessing the polls, international election observers should address the repressive legal and administrative measures that the Ethiopian
ruling party used to restrict freedom of expression during the election campaign, Human Rights Watch said.
"Behind an orderly façade, the government pressured, intimidated and threatened Ethiopian voters," said Rona Peligal, acting Africa
director at Human Rights Watch. "Whatever the results, the most salient feature of this election was the months of repression preceding
it."
In the weeks leading up to the polls, Human Rights Watch documented new methods used by the ruling Ethiopian People's Revolutionary
Democratic Front (EPRDF) to intimidate voters in the capital, Addis Ababa, apparently because of government concerns of a low
electoral turnout.
During April and May, officials and militia (known as tataqi in Amharic) from the local administration went house to house telling citizens
to register to vote and to vote for the ruling party or face reprisals from local party officials such as bureaucratic harassment or even
losing their homes or jobs.
The May poll was the first national parliamentary election in Ethiopia since the government violently suppressed post-election protests in
2005; almost 200 people, including several police officers, died after the 2005 poll and tens of thousands of people were arrested,
including opposition leaders, journalists and civil society activists.
In a March 2010 report, "‘One Hundred Ways of Putting Pressure': Violations of Freedom of Expression and Association in Ethiopia,"
Human Rights Watch described the complex and multi-faceted way in which the government has sought since 2005 to silence dissent,
restrict the media and independent civil society, and leverage government resources such as civil service jobs, loans, food assistance and
educational opportunities to encourage citizens to join the ruling party or leave the opposition.
The government's efforts to ensure the election outcome continued right up to polling day in Addis Ababa, according to Human Rights
Watch's research in different areas of the capital, including in Merkato, Piazza, Wollo Sefer, Meskel Flower, Aya Ulet, Kera, Gotera,
Hayat, Kotebe-CMC and Bole neighborhoods.
Click here to read more »
International Election Observers Should Condemn Voter Intimidation
May 24, 2010
(Nairobi) - Ethiopian government and ruling party officials intimidated voters and unlawfully restricted the media ahead of the May 23,
2010 parliamentary elections, Human Rights Watch said today.
In assessing the polls, international election observers should address the repressive legal and administrative measures that the Ethiopian
ruling party used to restrict freedom of expression during the election campaign, Human Rights Watch said.
"Behind an orderly façade, the government pressured, intimidated and threatened Ethiopian voters," said Rona Peligal, acting Africa
director at Human Rights Watch. "Whatever the results, the most salient feature of this election was the months of repression preceding
it."
In the weeks leading up to the polls, Human Rights Watch documented new methods used by the ruling Ethiopian People's Revolutionary
Democratic Front (EPRDF) to intimidate voters in the capital, Addis Ababa, apparently because of government concerns of a low
electoral turnout.
During April and May, officials and militia (known as tataqi in Amharic) from the local administration went house to house telling citizens
to register to vote and to vote for the ruling party or face reprisals from local party officials such as bureaucratic harassment or even
losing their homes or jobs.
The May poll was the first national parliamentary election in Ethiopia since the government violently suppressed post-election protests in
2005; almost 200 people, including several police officers, died after the 2005 poll and tens of thousands of people were arrested,
including opposition leaders, journalists and civil society activists.
In a March 2010 report, "‘One Hundred Ways of Putting Pressure': Violations of Freedom of Expression and Association in Ethiopia,"
Human Rights Watch described the complex and multi-faceted way in which the government has sought since 2005 to silence dissent,
restrict the media and independent civil society, and leverage government resources such as civil service jobs, loans, food assistance and
educational opportunities to encourage citizens to join the ruling party or leave the opposition.
The government's efforts to ensure the election outcome continued right up to polling day in Addis Ababa, according to Human Rights
Watch's research in different areas of the capital, including in Merkato, Piazza, Wollo Sefer, Meskel Flower, Aya Ulet, Kera, Gotera,
Hayat, Kotebe-CMC and Bole neighborhoods.
Click here to read more »
Celebrating 50 Years of African Independence: A Presentation made for the First Round Table Discussion held at the
Embassy of Ethiopia in Washington D.C. August 21, 2010
Michael Mered PhD- Associate Economic Advisor, Prime Minister’s Office
FDRE
In the next five years by 2015, the government has committed to meet the millennium development goals and cut poverty by half. It is
also committed to doubling agricultural production to once and for all remove the food security problem in Ethiopia.
During this period, government also aims to increase hydro power and other energy sources; electricity generation is projected to reach
an unprecedented 10,000 MW with the ability to export electricity to neighboring countries. Over 2,000 km of railroad tracks are planned
to be built. Road building which has now reached practically every corner of the nation will also be further enhanced. Airport expansions
and telecommunication advances are also planned.
Over the coming 5 years, economic growth projections are expected to reach an average of 11 percent every year for a baseline
scenario. But in an optimistic case scenario (assuming smooth implementation and adequate donor financing) economic growth is
expected to reach 14.9 percent every year. I would presume actual economic growth to be somewhere in between.
In my view, going forward, the main challenges for policy makers in Ethiopia are as follows :
Ø Maintaining domestic political stability and the foreign policy competence to maneuver the many dangers that exist in that part of
the world;
Ø The ability to choose an optimal growth path which can be both sustainable and non-inflationary. This means exemplary
macroeconomic management.
Ø The ability to pre-empt the possible adverse impact of external shocks such as oil price increases, shortages in donor financing, and
inclement weather.
Ø Ensuring private sector growth by implementing policies encouraging investment and enabling the creation of jobs.
Ø Resolving once and for all the issue of hunger and drought in Ethiopia. For this to happen -- Ethiopian farmers must benefit from
irrigation schemes from the Blue Nile and other rivers; second, we must correct the distorted policies of food aid from the US and other
donors, which tend to destabilize local markets while subsidizing US farmers in places like Iowa and Idaho; third, we must expand the
support farmers need to produce and market their products.
Ø and, last but not least of course,
Ø We must effectively persuade donors including the Chinese to endorse our economic strategy and assist in the financing effort.
As articulate and as powerful as Dr. Moyo’s book is, we may yet prove her wrong in Ethiopia – with the right government aid can be an
effective development instrument.
Click here to read more »
Embassy of Ethiopia in Washington D.C. August 21, 2010
Michael Mered PhD- Associate Economic Advisor, Prime Minister’s Office
FDRE
In the next five years by 2015, the government has committed to meet the millennium development goals and cut poverty by half. It is
also committed to doubling agricultural production to once and for all remove the food security problem in Ethiopia.
During this period, government also aims to increase hydro power and other energy sources; electricity generation is projected to reach
an unprecedented 10,000 MW with the ability to export electricity to neighboring countries. Over 2,000 km of railroad tracks are planned
to be built. Road building which has now reached practically every corner of the nation will also be further enhanced. Airport expansions
and telecommunication advances are also planned.
Over the coming 5 years, economic growth projections are expected to reach an average of 11 percent every year for a baseline
scenario. But in an optimistic case scenario (assuming smooth implementation and adequate donor financing) economic growth is
expected to reach 14.9 percent every year. I would presume actual economic growth to be somewhere in between.
In my view, going forward, the main challenges for policy makers in Ethiopia are as follows :
Ø Maintaining domestic political stability and the foreign policy competence to maneuver the many dangers that exist in that part of
the world;
Ø The ability to choose an optimal growth path which can be both sustainable and non-inflationary. This means exemplary
macroeconomic management.
Ø The ability to pre-empt the possible adverse impact of external shocks such as oil price increases, shortages in donor financing, and
inclement weather.
Ø Ensuring private sector growth by implementing policies encouraging investment and enabling the creation of jobs.
Ø Resolving once and for all the issue of hunger and drought in Ethiopia. For this to happen -- Ethiopian farmers must benefit from
irrigation schemes from the Blue Nile and other rivers; second, we must correct the distorted policies of food aid from the US and other
donors, which tend to destabilize local markets while subsidizing US farmers in places like Iowa and Idaho; third, we must expand the
support farmers need to produce and market their products.
Ø and, last but not least of course,
Ø We must effectively persuade donors including the Chinese to endorse our economic strategy and assist in the financing effort.
As articulate and as powerful as Dr. Moyo’s book is, we may yet prove her wrong in Ethiopia – with the right government aid can be an
effective development instrument.
Click here to read more »
Ethiopia: Do Ethiopians Really Need Human Rights?
Alemayehu G. Mariam
29 July 2010
THE BELLY V. THE BALLOT
The defenders of the dictatorship in Ethiopia argue that the masses of ordinary Ethiopians are interested in the politics of the belly and
not the politics of the ballot. They do not care about human rights or democracy because they are concerned about finding their daily
bread. The masses of poor, illiterate, hungry and sick Ethiopians in their view are too dumb and too damn needy to appreciate 'political
democracy.' 'Economic democracy before political democracy,' they proclaim with certainty. They condemn free speech, free press,
free elections, and indeed freedom itself as alien Western ideologies that are meaningless to the masses of poor and hungry Ethiopians.
Ethiopia's dictators are quick to stand on their hind legs and condemn the West for violating their sovereignty because the West insists
on human rights observances in Ethiopia. Of course, these rights are not some bizarre imported ideas but core element of the organic
law of Ethiopia which incorporates by reference all of the major international human rights conventions. All African dictators have been
justifying their dictatorships for well over one-half century by claiming that there is democracy before democracy in Africa.[2]
INTRODUCING THE UNSUNG HEROES OF ETHIOPIAN HUMAN RIGHTS TO US POLICY MAKERS
I strongly disagree with those who sideline ordinary Ethiopians as too poor and hungry to be concerned about their human rights or good
governance. I could not disagree more with the cynics who claim that ordinary Ethiopians do not know or care about their human rights
as long as their bellies are full. In fact the contrary can be proven beyond a reasonable doubt. When the 2005 elections were stolen by
Zenawi in broad daylight and opposition leaders were hunted down, arrested and jailed, it was not the elites, the privileged and the
degreed that came out to defend democracy and human rights. The people who stood up for democracy, freedom and human rights
when it really counted were the poor, the urban labourers, the students, the unemployed, the slum dwellers, the retired and plain ordinary
folks. The true unsung heroes of Ethiopian human rights are Tensae Zegeye, age 14; Debela Guta, age 15; Habtamu Tola, age 16;
Binyam Degefa, age 18; Behailu Tesfaye, age 20; Kasim Ali Rashid, age 21; Teodros Giday Hailu, age 23; Adissu Belachew, age 25;
Milion Kebede Robi, age 32; Desta Umma Birru, age 37; Tiruwork G. Tsadik, age 41; Admasu Abebe, age 45. Elfnesh Tekle, age 45;
Abebeth Huletu, age 50; Etenesh Yimam, age 50; Regassa Feyessa, age 55. Teshome Addis Kidane, age 65; Victim No. 21762, age 75
and Victim No.21760, male, age unknown and hundreds more. These were the real defenders of human rights in Ethiopia. Their story is
memorialised for history in the testimony of Yared Hailemariam,[3] an extraordinary human rights defender and investigator for the
Ethiopian Human Rights Council (EHRCO). Hailemariam spoke before the European Parliament Committees on Development and Foreign
Affairs, and Subcommittee on Human Rights in May 2006. The report of the official Inquiry Commission investigated the violence in the
post-2005 election period.
If American policy makers are giving lip service to human rights in Ethiopia to please the few elites or immunise themselves against
criticism from the international human rights community, their concern is truly misplaced. Human rights in Ethiopia is not about the elites
yapping about human rights, nor is it about fine intellectual discussions, philosophical debates, speeches, annual reports or legal analyses
of the nature and importance of human rights. It is much, much simpler than that: It is about helping to bring to justice the killers and
those who authorised the killings of Tensae Zegeye, age 14; Debela Guta, age 15; Habtamu Tola, age 16 and all the rest. It is not about a
metaphorical 'closing walls'; it is about getting the thousands of innocent political prisoners languishing behind the prison walls released.
It is not about an imaginary clenched fist but the real iron fist of a dictatorship that crushes citizens mercilessly every day. It is not about
metaphorical steel vices, but about those who cling to power like blood-sucking leeches on a milk cow.
Click here to read more »
Alemayehu G. Mariam
29 July 2010
THE BELLY V. THE BALLOT
The defenders of the dictatorship in Ethiopia argue that the masses of ordinary Ethiopians are interested in the politics of the belly and
not the politics of the ballot. They do not care about human rights or democracy because they are concerned about finding their daily
bread. The masses of poor, illiterate, hungry and sick Ethiopians in their view are too dumb and too damn needy to appreciate 'political
democracy.' 'Economic democracy before political democracy,' they proclaim with certainty. They condemn free speech, free press,
free elections, and indeed freedom itself as alien Western ideologies that are meaningless to the masses of poor and hungry Ethiopians.
Ethiopia's dictators are quick to stand on their hind legs and condemn the West for violating their sovereignty because the West insists
on human rights observances in Ethiopia. Of course, these rights are not some bizarre imported ideas but core element of the organic
law of Ethiopia which incorporates by reference all of the major international human rights conventions. All African dictators have been
justifying their dictatorships for well over one-half century by claiming that there is democracy before democracy in Africa.[2]
INTRODUCING THE UNSUNG HEROES OF ETHIOPIAN HUMAN RIGHTS TO US POLICY MAKERS
I strongly disagree with those who sideline ordinary Ethiopians as too poor and hungry to be concerned about their human rights or good
governance. I could not disagree more with the cynics who claim that ordinary Ethiopians do not know or care about their human rights
as long as their bellies are full. In fact the contrary can be proven beyond a reasonable doubt. When the 2005 elections were stolen by
Zenawi in broad daylight and opposition leaders were hunted down, arrested and jailed, it was not the elites, the privileged and the
degreed that came out to defend democracy and human rights. The people who stood up for democracy, freedom and human rights
when it really counted were the poor, the urban labourers, the students, the unemployed, the slum dwellers, the retired and plain ordinary
folks. The true unsung heroes of Ethiopian human rights are Tensae Zegeye, age 14; Debela Guta, age 15; Habtamu Tola, age 16;
Binyam Degefa, age 18; Behailu Tesfaye, age 20; Kasim Ali Rashid, age 21; Teodros Giday Hailu, age 23; Adissu Belachew, age 25;
Milion Kebede Robi, age 32; Desta Umma Birru, age 37; Tiruwork G. Tsadik, age 41; Admasu Abebe, age 45. Elfnesh Tekle, age 45;
Abebeth Huletu, age 50; Etenesh Yimam, age 50; Regassa Feyessa, age 55. Teshome Addis Kidane, age 65; Victim No. 21762, age 75
and Victim No.21760, male, age unknown and hundreds more. These were the real defenders of human rights in Ethiopia. Their story is
memorialised for history in the testimony of Yared Hailemariam,[3] an extraordinary human rights defender and investigator for the
Ethiopian Human Rights Council (EHRCO). Hailemariam spoke before the European Parliament Committees on Development and Foreign
Affairs, and Subcommittee on Human Rights in May 2006. The report of the official Inquiry Commission investigated the violence in the
post-2005 election period.
If American policy makers are giving lip service to human rights in Ethiopia to please the few elites or immunise themselves against
criticism from the international human rights community, their concern is truly misplaced. Human rights in Ethiopia is not about the elites
yapping about human rights, nor is it about fine intellectual discussions, philosophical debates, speeches, annual reports or legal analyses
of the nature and importance of human rights. It is much, much simpler than that: It is about helping to bring to justice the killers and
those who authorised the killings of Tensae Zegeye, age 14; Debela Guta, age 15; Habtamu Tola, age 16 and all the rest. It is not about a
metaphorical 'closing walls'; it is about getting the thousands of innocent political prisoners languishing behind the prison walls released.
It is not about an imaginary clenched fist but the real iron fist of a dictatorship that crushes citizens mercilessly every day. It is not about
metaphorical steel vices, but about those who cling to power like blood-sucking leeches on a milk cow.
Click here to read more »
The Ethiopian Institution of the Ombudsman launched a consultative workshop on the new Freedom of Information Act
2009N015
04 September 2009 - Addis Ababa Hilton, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
September 4 2009 :The Ethiopian Institution of the Ombudsman (EIO) has conducted a two-day consultative workshop on the
preparation and Implementation of the new Freedom of Information Act from 3 to 4 September 2009 in Addis Ababa Hilton Hotel. The
new Freedom of Information Act is incorporated in the recent Proclamation of Freedom of Mass Media and Access to Information
which was issued by the Ethiopian Government on 4 December 2008.
More than 100 participants, representing different Federal public offices and public enterprises, attended the two-day consultative
workshop. Similar consultative workshops were conducted in 7 Regional States of Ethiopia including the Addis Ababa and Diredawa
City Administrations. Ato Tesfaye Goite, Head of the Good Governance Research Education and Information Department of EIO
expressed that “the consultative workshops are important and central part of the two years preparatory period before the full
implementation of the Freedom of Information Act.“
The next activity will be establishing similar task forces and technical committees in all the Regional Sates, and the two City
Administrations. Ato Tesfaye further emphasised that “the resource and technical support to be provided is critical for the effective
implementation of the Feedom of Mass Media and Information Law.“
This consultative workshop was held within the framework of the Democratic Institution Programme (DIP) that supports seven key
governance institutions in Ethiopia including the Ethiopian Institution of the Ombudsman. The UNDP Country Office is coordinating the
related financial and technical support of twelve bilateral and multilateral donors in the context of the DIP.
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2009N015
04 September 2009 - Addis Ababa Hilton, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
September 4 2009 :The Ethiopian Institution of the Ombudsman (EIO) has conducted a two-day consultative workshop on the
preparation and Implementation of the new Freedom of Information Act from 3 to 4 September 2009 in Addis Ababa Hilton Hotel. The
new Freedom of Information Act is incorporated in the recent Proclamation of Freedom of Mass Media and Access to Information
which was issued by the Ethiopian Government on 4 December 2008.
More than 100 participants, representing different Federal public offices and public enterprises, attended the two-day consultative
workshop. Similar consultative workshops were conducted in 7 Regional States of Ethiopia including the Addis Ababa and Diredawa
City Administrations. Ato Tesfaye Goite, Head of the Good Governance Research Education and Information Department of EIO
expressed that “the consultative workshops are important and central part of the two years preparatory period before the full
implementation of the Freedom of Information Act.“
The next activity will be establishing similar task forces and technical committees in all the Regional Sates, and the two City
Administrations. Ato Tesfaye further emphasised that “the resource and technical support to be provided is critical for the effective
implementation of the Feedom of Mass Media and Information Law.“
This consultative workshop was held within the framework of the Democratic Institution Programme (DIP) that supports seven key
governance institutions in Ethiopia including the Ethiopian Institution of the Ombudsman. The UNDP Country Office is coordinating the
related financial and technical support of twelve bilateral and multilateral donors in the context of the DIP.
Click here to read more>>
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Girma Woldegiorgis
President since 8 October 2001
President since 8 October 2001
| TRAFFICKING IN PERSONS |
None reported.
