| GABON Gabonese Republic Republique Gabonaise Joined United Nations: 20 September 1960 Human Rights as assured by their constitution Click here Updated 04/01/10 |
| CAPITAL |
| POPULATION |
| CHIEF OF STATE |
| SELECTION PROCESS |
Libreville
1,514,993
note: estimates for this country explicitly take into account the effects of excess mortality due to
AIDS; this can result in lower life expectancy, higher infant mortality, higher death rates, lower
population growth rates, and changes in the distribution of population by age and sex than
would otherwise be expected (July 2009 est.)
note: estimates for this country explicitly take into account the effects of excess mortality due to
AIDS; this can result in lower life expectancy, higher infant mortality, higher death rates, lower
population growth rates, and changes in the distribution of population by age and sex than
would otherwise be expected (July 2009 est.)
Ali-Ben Bongo Ondimba
President since 15 October 2009
President since 15 October 2009
President elected by popular vote for a seven-year term (no
term limits); NOTE: A special election was held on 30 August
2009 following the death of President El Hadj Omar Bongo
Ondimba on 8 June 2009. Though the results were disputed by a
number of candidates and internal observers, Bong's son Al-Ben
was certified by the Gabonese Constitutional Court
Next scheduled election: 2016
term limits); NOTE: A special election was held on 30 August
2009 following the death of President El Hadj Omar Bongo
Ondimba on 8 June 2009. Though the results were disputed by a
number of candidates and internal observers, Bong's son Al-Ben
was certified by the Gabonese Constitutional Court
Next scheduled election: 2016
HEAD OF GOVERNMENT
SELECTION PROCESS
Paul Biyoghé Mba
Prime Minister since 17 July 2009
Prime Minister since 17 July 2009
Prime Minister is appointed by the president
| DECLARATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS |
| ETHNIC GROUPS |
Bantu tribes, including four major tribal groupings (Fang, Bapounou, Nzebi, Obamba); other Africans and Europeans,
154,000, including 10,700 French and 11,000 persons of dual nationality
154,000, including 10,700 French and 11,000 persons of dual nationality
| RELIGIONS |
Christian 55%-75%, animist, Muslim less than 1%
| GOVERNMENT STRUCTURE |
Republic; multiparty presidential regime- 9 provinces, Legal system is based on French civil law system and customary law;
judicial review of legislative acts in Constitutional Chamber of the Supreme Court; has not accepted compulsory ICJ jurisdiction
Executive: President popularly elected for seven-year term with no term limits; election last held 30 August 2009 (next to be
held in 2016); prime minister appointed by the president
Legislative: Bicameral legislature consists of the Senate (91 seats; members elected by members of municipal councils
and departmental assemblies) and the National Assembly or Assemblee Nationale (120 seats; members are elected by
direct, popular vote to serve five-year terms)
elections: Senate - last held 18 January 2009 (next to be held in January 2015); National Assembly - last held 17 and 24
December 2006 (next to be held in December 2011)
Judicial: Supreme Court or Cour Supreme consisting of three chambers - Judicial, Administrative, and Accounts;
Constitutional Court; Courts of Appeal; Court of State Security; County Courts
judicial review of legislative acts in Constitutional Chamber of the Supreme Court; has not accepted compulsory ICJ jurisdiction
Executive: President popularly elected for seven-year term with no term limits; election last held 30 August 2009 (next to be
held in 2016); prime minister appointed by the president
Legislative: Bicameral legislature consists of the Senate (91 seats; members elected by members of municipal councils
and departmental assemblies) and the National Assembly or Assemblee Nationale (120 seats; members are elected by
direct, popular vote to serve five-year terms)
elections: Senate - last held 18 January 2009 (next to be held in January 2015); National Assembly - last held 17 and 24
December 2006 (next to be held in December 2011)
Judicial: Supreme Court or Cour Supreme consisting of three chambers - Judicial, Administrative, and Accounts;
Constitutional Court; Courts of Appeal; Court of State Security; County Courts
| LANGUAGES |
French (official), Fang, Myene, Nzebi, Bapounou/Eschira, Bandjabi
| BRIEF HISTORY |
During the last seven centuries, Bantu groups arrived in Gabon from several directions to escape enemies or find new
land. Little is known of tribal life before European contact, but tribal art suggests a rich cultural heritage. Gabon's first
confirmed European visitors were Portuguese traders who arrived in the 15th century and named the country after the
Portuguese word gabao — a coat with sleeve and hood resembling the shape of the Komo river estuary. The coast
became a center of the slave trade. Dutch, English, and French traders came in the 16th century. France assumed the
status of protector by signing treaties with Gabonese coastal chiefs in 1839 and 1841. American missionaries from New
England established a mission at Baraka (now Libreville) in 1842. In 1849, the French captured a slave ship and released
the passengers at the mouth of the Komo river. The slaves named their settlement Libreville - French for "free town."
French explorers penetrated Gabon's dense jungles between 1862 and 1887. The most famous, Savorgnan de Brazza,
used Gabonese bearers and guides in his search for the headwaters of the Congo river. France occupied Gabon in 1885,
but did not administer it until 1903. In 1910, Gabon became one of the four territories of French Equatorial Africa, a
federation that survived until 1959. The former territories all became independent in August, 1960 -- as Chad (August
11), the Central African Republic (August 13), Congo-Brazzaville (August 15), and finally Gabon on August 17.
At the time of Gabon's independence in 1960, two principal political parties existed: the Bloc Democratique Gabonais
(BDG), led by Leon M'Ba, and the Union Democratique et Sociale Gabonaise (UDSG), led by J.H. Aubame. In the first
post-independence election, held under a parliamentary system, neither party was able to win a majority. The BDG
obtained support from three of the four independent legislative deputies, and M'Ba was named Prime Minister. Soon after
concluding that Gabon had an insufficient number of people for a two-party system, the two party leaders agreed on a
single list of candidates. In the February 1961 election, held under the new presidential system, M'Ba became President
and Aubame became Foreign Minister. This one-party system appeared to work until February 1963, when the larger
BDG element forced the UDSG members to choose between a merger of the parties or resignation. The UDSG cabinet
ministers resigned, and M'Ba called an election for February 1964 and a reduced number of National Assembly deputies
(from 67 to 47). The UDSG failed to muster a list of candidates able to meet the requirements of the electoral decrees.
When the BDG appeared likely to win the election by default, the Gabonese military toppled M'Ba in a bloodless coup on
February 18, 1964. French troops re-established his government the next day. Elections were held in April 1964 with
many opposition participants. BDG-supported candidates won 31 seats and the opposition 16. Late in 1966, the
constitution was revised to provide for automatic succession of the vice president should the president die in office. In
March 1967, Leon M'Ba and Omar Bongo (then Albert Bongo) were elected President and Vice President. M'Ba died
later that year, and Omar Bongo became President. In March 1968, Bongo declared Gabon a one-party state by
dissolving the BDG and establishing a new party--the Parti Democratique Gabonais (PDG). He invited all Gabonese,
regardless of previous political affiliation, to participate. Bongo was elected President in February 1975; in April 1975,
the office of vice president was abolished and replaced by the office of prime minister, who had no right to automatic
succession. Bongo was re-elected President in December 1979 and November 1986 to 7-year terms. A 1990
conference approved sweeping political reforms, including creation of a national Senate, decentralization of the budgetary
process, freedom of assembly and press, and cancellation of the exit visa requirement. In an attempt to guide the political
system's transformation to multiparty democracy, Bongo resigned as PDG chairman. The Gabonese Social Democratic
Grouping (RSDG), as the resulting government was called, was smaller than the previous government and included
representatives from several opposition parties in its cabinet. The RSDG drafted a provisional constitution in May 1990
that provided a basic bill of rights and an independent judiciary but retained strong executive powers for the president.
After further review by a constitutional committee and the National Assembly, this document came into force in March
1991. In September 1990, two coup d’etat attempts were uncovered and aborted. Despite anti-government
demonstrations after the untimely death of an opposition leader, the first multiparty National Assembly elections in almost
30 years took place in September-October 1990, with the PDG garnering a large majority. The PDG won a landslide
victory in the legislative election, but several major cities, including Libreville, elected opposition mayors during the 1997
local election. President Bongo coasted to easy re-elections in December 1998 and November 2005, with large
majorities of the vote against a divided opposition. While Bongo's major opponents rejected the outcome as fraudulent,
some international observers characterized the results as representative despite any perceived irregularities. Legislative
elections held in 2001-2002, which were boycotted by a number of smaller opposition parties and were widely criticized
for their administrative weaknesses, produced a National Assembly almost completely dominated by the PDG and allied
independents.Only two autocratic presidents have ruled Gabon since independence from France in 1960. El Hadj Omar
Bongo Ondimba - one of the longest-serving heads of state in the world - dominated the country's political scene for
almost four decades. President Bongo introduced a nominal multiparty system and a new constitution in the early 1990s.
However, allegations of electoral fraud during local elections in 2002-03 and the presidential elections in 2005 have
exposed the weaknesses of formal political structures in Gabon. Gabon's political opposition remains weak, divided, and
financially dependent on the current regime. Despite political conditions, a small population, abundant natural resources,
and considerable foreign support have helped make Gabon one of the more prosperous and stable African countries. He
die in a Spanish hospital on 8 June 2009 and was succeeded by his son on 16 October 2009 following a disputed
election.
Sources; Wikipedia History of Gabon; CIA World Factbook (select Gabon)
land. Little is known of tribal life before European contact, but tribal art suggests a rich cultural heritage. Gabon's first
confirmed European visitors were Portuguese traders who arrived in the 15th century and named the country after the
Portuguese word gabao — a coat with sleeve and hood resembling the shape of the Komo river estuary. The coast
became a center of the slave trade. Dutch, English, and French traders came in the 16th century. France assumed the
status of protector by signing treaties with Gabonese coastal chiefs in 1839 and 1841. American missionaries from New
England established a mission at Baraka (now Libreville) in 1842. In 1849, the French captured a slave ship and released
the passengers at the mouth of the Komo river. The slaves named their settlement Libreville - French for "free town."
French explorers penetrated Gabon's dense jungles between 1862 and 1887. The most famous, Savorgnan de Brazza,
used Gabonese bearers and guides in his search for the headwaters of the Congo river. France occupied Gabon in 1885,
but did not administer it until 1903. In 1910, Gabon became one of the four territories of French Equatorial Africa, a
federation that survived until 1959. The former territories all became independent in August, 1960 -- as Chad (August
11), the Central African Republic (August 13), Congo-Brazzaville (August 15), and finally Gabon on August 17.
At the time of Gabon's independence in 1960, two principal political parties existed: the Bloc Democratique Gabonais
(BDG), led by Leon M'Ba, and the Union Democratique et Sociale Gabonaise (UDSG), led by J.H. Aubame. In the first
post-independence election, held under a parliamentary system, neither party was able to win a majority. The BDG
obtained support from three of the four independent legislative deputies, and M'Ba was named Prime Minister. Soon after
concluding that Gabon had an insufficient number of people for a two-party system, the two party leaders agreed on a
single list of candidates. In the February 1961 election, held under the new presidential system, M'Ba became President
and Aubame became Foreign Minister. This one-party system appeared to work until February 1963, when the larger
BDG element forced the UDSG members to choose between a merger of the parties or resignation. The UDSG cabinet
ministers resigned, and M'Ba called an election for February 1964 and a reduced number of National Assembly deputies
(from 67 to 47). The UDSG failed to muster a list of candidates able to meet the requirements of the electoral decrees.
When the BDG appeared likely to win the election by default, the Gabonese military toppled M'Ba in a bloodless coup on
February 18, 1964. French troops re-established his government the next day. Elections were held in April 1964 with
many opposition participants. BDG-supported candidates won 31 seats and the opposition 16. Late in 1966, the
constitution was revised to provide for automatic succession of the vice president should the president die in office. In
March 1967, Leon M'Ba and Omar Bongo (then Albert Bongo) were elected President and Vice President. M'Ba died
later that year, and Omar Bongo became President. In March 1968, Bongo declared Gabon a one-party state by
dissolving the BDG and establishing a new party--the Parti Democratique Gabonais (PDG). He invited all Gabonese,
regardless of previous political affiliation, to participate. Bongo was elected President in February 1975; in April 1975,
the office of vice president was abolished and replaced by the office of prime minister, who had no right to automatic
succession. Bongo was re-elected President in December 1979 and November 1986 to 7-year terms. A 1990
conference approved sweeping political reforms, including creation of a national Senate, decentralization of the budgetary
process, freedom of assembly and press, and cancellation of the exit visa requirement. In an attempt to guide the political
system's transformation to multiparty democracy, Bongo resigned as PDG chairman. The Gabonese Social Democratic
Grouping (RSDG), as the resulting government was called, was smaller than the previous government and included
representatives from several opposition parties in its cabinet. The RSDG drafted a provisional constitution in May 1990
that provided a basic bill of rights and an independent judiciary but retained strong executive powers for the president.
After further review by a constitutional committee and the National Assembly, this document came into force in March
1991. In September 1990, two coup d’etat attempts were uncovered and aborted. Despite anti-government
demonstrations after the untimely death of an opposition leader, the first multiparty National Assembly elections in almost
30 years took place in September-October 1990, with the PDG garnering a large majority. The PDG won a landslide
victory in the legislative election, but several major cities, including Libreville, elected opposition mayors during the 1997
local election. President Bongo coasted to easy re-elections in December 1998 and November 2005, with large
majorities of the vote against a divided opposition. While Bongo's major opponents rejected the outcome as fraudulent,
some international observers characterized the results as representative despite any perceived irregularities. Legislative
elections held in 2001-2002, which were boycotted by a number of smaller opposition parties and were widely criticized
for their administrative weaknesses, produced a National Assembly almost completely dominated by the PDG and allied
independents.Only two autocratic presidents have ruled Gabon since independence from France in 1960. El Hadj Omar
Bongo Ondimba - one of the longest-serving heads of state in the world - dominated the country's political scene for
almost four decades. President Bongo introduced a nominal multiparty system and a new constitution in the early 1990s.
However, allegations of electoral fraud during local elections in 2002-03 and the presidential elections in 2005 have
exposed the weaknesses of formal political structures in Gabon. Gabon's political opposition remains weak, divided, and
financially dependent on the current regime. Despite political conditions, a small population, abundant natural resources,
and considerable foreign support have helped make Gabon one of the more prosperous and stable African countries. He
die in a Spanish hospital on 8 June 2009 and was succeeded by his son on 16 October 2009 following a disputed
election.
Sources; Wikipedia History of Gabon; CIA World Factbook (select Gabon)
| ECONOMIC OVERVIEW |
Gabon enjoys a per capita income four times that of most sub-Saharan African nations, but because of high income
inequality, a large proportion of the population remains poor. Gabon depended on timber and manganese until oil was
discovered offshore in the early 1970s. The oil sector now accounts for more than 50% of GDP. Gabon continues to face
fluctuating prices for its oil, timber, and manganese exports. Despite the abundance of natural wealth, poor fiscal
management hobbles the economy. In 1997, an IMF mission to Gabon criticized the government for overspending on
off-budget items, overborrowing from the central bank, and slipping on its schedule for privatization and administrative
reform. The rebound of oil prices since 1999 have helped growth, but drops in production have hampered Gabon from
fully realizing potential gains, and will continue to temper the gains for most of this decade. In December 2000, Gabon
signed a new agreement with the Paris Club to reschedule its official debt. A follow-up bilateral repayment agreement with
the US was signed in December 2001. Gabon signed a 14-month Stand-By Arrangement with the IMF in May 2007,
and received Paris Club debt rescheduling later that year.
inequality, a large proportion of the population remains poor. Gabon depended on timber and manganese until oil was
discovered offshore in the early 1970s. The oil sector now accounts for more than 50% of GDP. Gabon continues to face
fluctuating prices for its oil, timber, and manganese exports. Despite the abundance of natural wealth, poor fiscal
management hobbles the economy. In 1997, an IMF mission to Gabon criticized the government for overspending on
off-budget items, overborrowing from the central bank, and slipping on its schedule for privatization and administrative
reform. The rebound of oil prices since 1999 have helped growth, but drops in production have hampered Gabon from
fully realizing potential gains, and will continue to temper the gains for most of this decade. In December 2000, Gabon
signed a new agreement with the Paris Club to reschedule its official debt. A follow-up bilateral repayment agreement with
the US was signed in December 2001. Gabon signed a 14-month Stand-By Arrangement with the IMF in May 2007,
and received Paris Club debt rescheduling later that year.
| POLITICAL CLIMATE |
Following President Bongo's re-election in December 1993 with 51% of the vote, opposition candidates refused to
validate the election results. Serious civil disturbances, which were heavily repressed by the presidential guard, led to an
agreement between the government and opposition factions to work toward a political settlement. These talks led to the
Paris Accords in November 1994 in which several opposition figures were included in a government of national unity.
This arrangement soon broke down, and the 1996 and 1997 legislative and municipal elections provided the background
for renewed partisan politics. The PDG won a landslide victory in the legislative election, but several major cities, including
Libreville, elected opposition mayors during the 1997 local election. President Bongo coasted to an easy re-election in
December 1998 with 66% of the vote against a divided opposition. While Bongo's major opponents rejected the
outcome as fraudulent, international observers characterized the result as representative even if the election suffered from
serious administrative problems. There was no serious civil disorder or protests following the election in contrast to the
1993 election.
The president is elected by popular vote for a seven-year term. He appoints the prime minister. The Council of Ministers
is appointed by the prime minister in consultation with the president. President El Hadj Omar Bongo Ondimba, in power
since 1967 and the longest-serving African head of state, was re-elected to another seven-year term according to poll
results returned from elections held on November 27, 2005. According to figures provided by Gabon's Interior Ministry,
this was achieved with 79.1% of the votes cast. In 2003 the President amended the Constitution of Gabon to remove any
restrictions on the number of terms a president is allowed to serve. On 8 June 2009, President Bongo died. An election
was held on 30 August 2009, rife with accusations of irregularities and corruption with Bongo's son, Ali-Ben Bongo
Ondimba, declared as president. The president retains strong powers, such as authority to dissolve the National
Assembly, declare a state of siege, delay legislation, conduct referendums, and appoint and dismiss the prime minister and
cabinet members.
Wikipedia: Politics of Gabon
validate the election results. Serious civil disturbances, which were heavily repressed by the presidential guard, led to an
agreement between the government and opposition factions to work toward a political settlement. These talks led to the
Paris Accords in November 1994 in which several opposition figures were included in a government of national unity.
This arrangement soon broke down, and the 1996 and 1997 legislative and municipal elections provided the background
for renewed partisan politics. The PDG won a landslide victory in the legislative election, but several major cities, including
Libreville, elected opposition mayors during the 1997 local election. President Bongo coasted to an easy re-election in
December 1998 with 66% of the vote against a divided opposition. While Bongo's major opponents rejected the
outcome as fraudulent, international observers characterized the result as representative even if the election suffered from
serious administrative problems. There was no serious civil disorder or protests following the election in contrast to the
1993 election.
The president is elected by popular vote for a seven-year term. He appoints the prime minister. The Council of Ministers
is appointed by the prime minister in consultation with the president. President El Hadj Omar Bongo Ondimba, in power
since 1967 and the longest-serving African head of state, was re-elected to another seven-year term according to poll
results returned from elections held on November 27, 2005. According to figures provided by Gabon's Interior Ministry,
this was achieved with 79.1% of the votes cast. In 2003 the President amended the Constitution of Gabon to remove any
restrictions on the number of terms a president is allowed to serve. On 8 June 2009, President Bongo died. An election
was held on 30 August 2009, rife with accusations of irregularities and corruption with Bongo's son, Ali-Ben Bongo
Ondimba, declared as president. The president retains strong powers, such as authority to dissolve the National
Assembly, declare a state of siege, delay legislation, conduct referendums, and appoint and dismiss the prime minister and
cabinet members.
Wikipedia: Politics of Gabon
| INTERNATIONAL DISPUTES |
UN urges Equatorial Guinea and Gabon to resolve the sovereignty dispute over Gabon-occupied Mbane Island and
lesser islands and to establish a maritime boundary in hydrocarbon-rich Corisco Bay
lesser islands and to establish a maritime boundary in hydrocarbon-rich Corisco Bay
| REFUGEES AND INTERNALLY DISPLACED PERSONS (IDP) |
Refugees (country of origin): 7,178 (Republic of Congo) (2007)
| ILLICIT DRUGS |
None reported
| HUMAN RIGHTS STATEMENTS, ANALYSIS AND CRITIQUES |
2009 Human Rights Report: Gabon
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
March 11, 2010
Gabon is a republic dominated by a strong presidency and the Democratic Party of Gabon (PDG), which has held power since 1968.
The population is approximately 1.4 million. Former president Omar Bongo Ondimba, who ruled the country for 41 years, died on June
8. His son, PDG leader Ali Bongo Ondimba, was elected to a seven-year term on August 30 and inaugurated on October 16. Irregularities
marred the election process. The PDG dominated the political arena and controlled two-thirds of the seats in the National Assembly.
Security forces including the military answer to civilian authorities and, with few exceptions, civilian oversight of the security forces
was effective.
The country's human rights record remained poor. The following human rights problems were reported:
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
March 11, 2010
Gabon is a republic dominated by a strong presidency and the Democratic Party of Gabon (PDG), which has held power since 1968.
The population is approximately 1.4 million. Former president Omar Bongo Ondimba, who ruled the country for 41 years, died on June
8. His son, PDG leader Ali Bongo Ondimba, was elected to a seven-year term on August 30 and inaugurated on October 16. Irregularities
marred the election process. The PDG dominated the political arena and controlled two-thirds of the seats in the National Assembly.
Security forces including the military answer to civilian authorities and, with few exceptions, civilian oversight of the security forces
was effective.
The country's human rights record remained poor. The following human rights problems were reported:
- arbitrary killings by security forces and ritualistic killings;
- use of excessive force, including torture of prisoners and detainees;
- harsh prison conditions;
- arbitrary arrest and detention;
- an inefficient judiciary susceptible to government influence;
- restrictions on the right to privacy; restrictions on freedom of speech, press, association, and movement;
- harassment of refugees;
- widespread government corruption;
- violence and societal discrimination against women, persons with HIV/AIDS, and noncitizen Africans;
- trafficking in persons, particularly children.
Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women
Thirty-second session
10-28 January 2005
Concluding comments of the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women: Gabon
Introduction
220. The Committee expresses its appreciation to the State party for its combined second, third, fourth and fifth periodic report, while
regretting that it was long overdue. The Committee expresses its appreciation to the State party for the written replies to the list of
issues and questions raised by the pre -session working group and for the oral presentation in response to the questions posed by the
Committee.
Positive aspects
222. The Committee welcomes the declared commitment and political will of the State party to implement fully the provisions of the
Convention and to overcome the obstacles to women’s equal participation in all aspects of public and private life.
223. The Committee notes with satisfaction that, following ratification and official publication, international conventions, including the
Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, prevail over national laws and are directly applicable at the
national level.
Principal areas of concern and recommendations
226. The Committee notes the State party’s obligation for the systematic and continuing implementation of all the provisions of the
Convention. At the same time, it is the Committee’s view that the concerns and recommendations identified in the present concluding
comments require the State party’s priority attention between now and the submission of the next periodic report. Consequently, the
Committee calls upon the State party to focus on these areas in its implementation activities and to report on actions taken and results
achieved in its next periodic report. It calls on the State party to submit the present concluding comments to all relevant ministries and to
Parliament so as to ensure their full implementation.
227. The Committee expresses concern that, while article 2 of the Constitution guarantees equality before the law to a ll citizens without
distinction, including on the basis of sex, neither a definition of discrimination in accordance with article 1 of the Convention nor the
principle of equality between women and men, as set forth in article 2 (a) of the Convention, have been included in the Constitution or
other appropriate legislation. The Committee is also concerned about the State party’s limited understanding of its obligations under the
Convention to eliminate discrimination and ensure the practical realization of t he principle of equality of women and men.
Click here to read more »
Thirty-second session
10-28 January 2005
Concluding comments of the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women: Gabon
Introduction
220. The Committee expresses its appreciation to the State party for its combined second, third, fourth and fifth periodic report, while
regretting that it was long overdue. The Committee expresses its appreciation to the State party for the written replies to the list of
issues and questions raised by the pre -session working group and for the oral presentation in response to the questions posed by the
Committee.
Positive aspects
222. The Committee welcomes the declared commitment and political will of the State party to implement fully the provisions of the
Convention and to overcome the obstacles to women’s equal participation in all aspects of public and private life.
223. The Committee notes with satisfaction that, following ratification and official publication, international conventions, including the
Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, prevail over national laws and are directly applicable at the
national level.
Principal areas of concern and recommendations
226. The Committee notes the State party’s obligation for the systematic and continuing implementation of all the provisions of the
Convention. At the same time, it is the Committee’s view that the concerns and recommendations identified in the present concluding
comments require the State party’s priority attention between now and the submission of the next periodic report. Consequently, the
Committee calls upon the State party to focus on these areas in its implementation activities and to report on actions taken and results
achieved in its next periodic report. It calls on the State party to submit the present concluding comments to all relevant ministries and to
Parliament so as to ensure their full implementation.
227. The Committee expresses concern that, while article 2 of the Constitution guarantees equality before the law to a ll citizens without
distinction, including on the basis of sex, neither a definition of discrimination in accordance with article 1 of the Convention nor the
principle of equality between women and men, as set forth in article 2 (a) of the Convention, have been included in the Constitution or
other appropriate legislation. The Committee is also concerned about the State party’s limited understanding of its obligations under the
Convention to eliminate discrimination and ensure the practical realization of t he principle of equality of women and men.
Click here to read more »
Freedom In The World 2009 Report
Political Rights Score: 6
Civil Liberties Score: 4
Status: Partly Free
Trend Arrow
Gabon received a downward trend arrow due to the authorities’ crackdown on nongovernmental organizations and the
harassment of civil society leaders.
Overview
Two cabinet shuffles took place during 2008, following the appointment of a new government in December 2007. President Omar Bongo’s
Gabonese Democratic Party (PDG) won a landslide in the April 2008 local elections, and the ninth PDG party congress was held in
September. Civil liberties in Gabon suffered setbacks on a number of fronts over the course of the year, as the authorities mounted a harsh
response to criticism from nongovernmental organizations.
In late 2007, Bongo appointed a new government. He carried out two further cabinet shuffles in February and October 2008, resulting in
the addition of three new delegate ministers. The president’s closest allies—including his son, the defense minister—retained key portfolios,
and Jean Eyeghe Ndong remained prime minister.The PDG’s ninth party congress took place in September 2008 and resulted in a new
secretary-general, Faustin Boukoubi, the minister of agriculture, fishing, and forestry. The congress focused on party discipline and revived
the party’s political bureau.
Gabon relies in part on a small force of French soldiers to prevent domestic or external threats to the regime. In July 2008, Libreville
international airport police discovered 27 assault rifles on an arriving international flight.
Four decades of corrupt, autocratic rule have made Bongo one of the world’s richest men. Some revenues from oil production have
reached the population and contributed to higher education standards, but reserves are dwindling, and the state depends on oil income for
about 60 percent of its revenue. The need to diversify the economy helped motivate a structural adjustment program with the International
Monetary Fund (IMF) in 2005. In 2008, the IMF concluded the program and noted that fiscal performance was weaker than anticipated. In
February 2008, Gabon completed the early repayment of 86 percent of its debt to the Paris Club of international creditors. In May, the
Belinga mining project, which was opposed by environmentalist groups, was set in motion after the China National Machinery and
Equipment Import and Export Company (CMEC) signed a mining convention with the government.
In August 2008, Gabon and Equatorial Guinea announced their intention to refer their border dispute to the International Court of Justice
(ICJ). The countries were vying for control of three small islands with potential oil resources in the Gulf of Guinea. In September 2008, the
UN secretary-general appointed a special adviser for the dispute.
Click here to read more »
Political Rights Score: 6
Civil Liberties Score: 4
Status: Partly Free
Trend Arrow
Gabon received a downward trend arrow due to the authorities’ crackdown on nongovernmental organizations and the
harassment of civil society leaders.
Overview
Two cabinet shuffles took place during 2008, following the appointment of a new government in December 2007. President Omar Bongo’s
Gabonese Democratic Party (PDG) won a landslide in the April 2008 local elections, and the ninth PDG party congress was held in
September. Civil liberties in Gabon suffered setbacks on a number of fronts over the course of the year, as the authorities mounted a harsh
response to criticism from nongovernmental organizations.
In late 2007, Bongo appointed a new government. He carried out two further cabinet shuffles in February and October 2008, resulting in
the addition of three new delegate ministers. The president’s closest allies—including his son, the defense minister—retained key portfolios,
and Jean Eyeghe Ndong remained prime minister.The PDG’s ninth party congress took place in September 2008 and resulted in a new
secretary-general, Faustin Boukoubi, the minister of agriculture, fishing, and forestry. The congress focused on party discipline and revived
the party’s political bureau.
Gabon relies in part on a small force of French soldiers to prevent domestic or external threats to the regime. In July 2008, Libreville
international airport police discovered 27 assault rifles on an arriving international flight.
Four decades of corrupt, autocratic rule have made Bongo one of the world’s richest men. Some revenues from oil production have
reached the population and contributed to higher education standards, but reserves are dwindling, and the state depends on oil income for
about 60 percent of its revenue. The need to diversify the economy helped motivate a structural adjustment program with the International
Monetary Fund (IMF) in 2005. In 2008, the IMF concluded the program and noted that fiscal performance was weaker than anticipated. In
February 2008, Gabon completed the early repayment of 86 percent of its debt to the Paris Club of international creditors. In May, the
Belinga mining project, which was opposed by environmentalist groups, was set in motion after the China National Machinery and
Equipment Import and Export Company (CMEC) signed a mining convention with the government.
In August 2008, Gabon and Equatorial Guinea announced their intention to refer their border dispute to the International Court of Justice
(ICJ). The countries were vying for control of three small islands with potential oil resources in the Gulf of Guinea. In September 2008, the
UN secretary-general appointed a special adviser for the dispute.
Click here to read more »
US Organizations Urge Release of Gabonese Civil Society Leaders
January 9, 2009
Oxfam America • Amnesty International • Human Rights Watch • Friends of the Earth • Global Response • International Rivers •
International Accountability Project • Rainforest Action Network • Committee to Protect Journalists • Global Greengrants Fund •
Reporters Without Borders • TransAfrica Forum • Publish What You Pay • Bank Information Center
By Fax to: +1 202 332 0668
January 9, 2009
His Excellency El Hadj Omar Bongo Ondimba
President, the Gabonese Republic
c/o Embassy of Gabon
2034 20th Street, NW, Suite 200, Washington DC 20009
Re: US Organizations Urge Release of Gabonese Civil Society Leaders
Dear President Bongo:
The undersigned human rights and environmental organizations urge you to ensure the immediate release of five Gabonese civil society
leaders who on December 31, 2008 were detained by the judicial police, and to ensure that any charges against them are dropped. We
understand that five individuals - Marc Ona Essangui of Brainforest/Publish What You Pay, George Mpaga, President of the Network of
Free Civil Society Organizations for Good Governance, Gregoire Ngojia Mintsa, journalist Dieudonné Koungou with Tendance Gabonare,
and radio director Gaston Asseko - have as of January 8, 2009 been charged with "possession of a document with a view to distributing
it as propaganda" and "oral or written propaganda with the aim of inciting revolt against the authorities."
These commendable individuals have worked to defend Gabonese natural heritage, increase government and oil and gas industry
transparency, and improve natural resource governance. The charges against them are clearly an effort to silence brave and legitimate
voices and halt the important, ongoing efforts of these individuals towards the future of Gabon.
The work of these individuals is exemplary of the higher aspirations of the Government of Gabon to adhere to international norms and
standards on transparency. You and your government have promised to implement the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative, a
key component of which is meaningful civil society participation. These arrests and detentions clearly contradict the spirit and the letter
of the initiative to which you have committed.
Click here to read more »
January 9, 2009
Oxfam America • Amnesty International • Human Rights Watch • Friends of the Earth • Global Response • International Rivers •
International Accountability Project • Rainforest Action Network • Committee to Protect Journalists • Global Greengrants Fund •
Reporters Without Borders • TransAfrica Forum • Publish What You Pay • Bank Information Center
By Fax to: +1 202 332 0668
January 9, 2009
His Excellency El Hadj Omar Bongo Ondimba
President, the Gabonese Republic
c/o Embassy of Gabon
2034 20th Street, NW, Suite 200, Washington DC 20009
Re: US Organizations Urge Release of Gabonese Civil Society Leaders
Dear President Bongo:
The undersigned human rights and environmental organizations urge you to ensure the immediate release of five Gabonese civil society
leaders who on December 31, 2008 were detained by the judicial police, and to ensure that any charges against them are dropped. We
understand that five individuals - Marc Ona Essangui of Brainforest/Publish What You Pay, George Mpaga, President of the Network of
Free Civil Society Organizations for Good Governance, Gregoire Ngojia Mintsa, journalist Dieudonné Koungou with Tendance Gabonare,
and radio director Gaston Asseko - have as of January 8, 2009 been charged with "possession of a document with a view to distributing
it as propaganda" and "oral or written propaganda with the aim of inciting revolt against the authorities."
These commendable individuals have worked to defend Gabonese natural heritage, increase government and oil and gas industry
transparency, and improve natural resource governance. The charges against them are clearly an effort to silence brave and legitimate
voices and halt the important, ongoing efforts of these individuals towards the future of Gabon.
The work of these individuals is exemplary of the higher aspirations of the Government of Gabon to adhere to international norms and
standards on transparency. You and your government have promised to implement the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative, a
key component of which is meaningful civil society participation. These arrests and detentions clearly contradict the spirit and the letter
of the initiative to which you have committed.
Click here to read more »
Lifestyles of the Rich and Infamous: How to keep foreign dictators from living large in the U.S.
by Chris Albin-Lackey, senior researcher
Published in: Forbes
February 19, 2010
In sunny Malibu a real estate agent named Neal Baddin helps the playboy son of one of the world's most corrupt leaders buy a $30 million
mansion. Teodoro Nguema Obiang lives off money taken from the coffers of Equatorial Guinea, a tiny but oil-rich country where most
people endure repression and grinding poverty. But Baddin doesn't ask who Obiang is, or where he might have gotten $30 million. He just
collects his generous commission. And he's not alone. In Oklahoma a company called IATS facilitates Obiang's purchase of a $38.5 million
Gulfstream jet - after a rival company had already turned down his obviously tainted money.
Does all of this sound like it should be legal in America? Well, it is. In a meticulously documented report, U.S. congressional investigators
recently showed how legal loopholes and lax regulations let foreign kleptocrats treat America like a carefree shopping paradise while their
people starve back home. Neither Baddin nor IATS had any legal obligation to know who Obiang was or where his money came from.
That's a problem.
This is not just about obscene displays of luxury. The same corruption that pays for Obiang's extravagant lifestyle fuels abuse and poverty
in countries around the world. In places like Equatorial Guinea and Nigeria - both countries featured in the Senate report and where Human
Rights Watch has thoroughly documented gross mismanagement and corruption - people are trapped in poverty while basic health and
education systems are gutted and political violence and repression are fueled by official greed.
The Senate report shows just how inadequate these efforts have been. Atiku Abubakar, Nigeria's vice president at the time, transferred $40
million in "suspect funds" into the U.S. with the help of his fourth wife. Meanwhile, American University in Washington, D.C., accepted
$14 million for consulting services from offshore corporations linked to Abubakar without asking who the companies were or knowing
where the vice president got the money. Pierre Falcone, a notorious arms dealer who is currently in prison in France, had free access to
more than 30 U.S. bank accounts for nearly two decades. Omar Bongo, the late president of Gabon, brought $1 million in shrink-wrapped
bills into the U.S. without bothering to declare it to customs and then gave the money to his daughter, an unemployed student. For a while
she kept the money in a safe deposit box in a U.S. bank.
Click here to read more »
by Chris Albin-Lackey, senior researcher
Published in: Forbes
February 19, 2010
In sunny Malibu a real estate agent named Neal Baddin helps the playboy son of one of the world's most corrupt leaders buy a $30 million
mansion. Teodoro Nguema Obiang lives off money taken from the coffers of Equatorial Guinea, a tiny but oil-rich country where most
people endure repression and grinding poverty. But Baddin doesn't ask who Obiang is, or where he might have gotten $30 million. He just
collects his generous commission. And he's not alone. In Oklahoma a company called IATS facilitates Obiang's purchase of a $38.5 million
Gulfstream jet - after a rival company had already turned down his obviously tainted money.
Does all of this sound like it should be legal in America? Well, it is. In a meticulously documented report, U.S. congressional investigators
recently showed how legal loopholes and lax regulations let foreign kleptocrats treat America like a carefree shopping paradise while their
people starve back home. Neither Baddin nor IATS had any legal obligation to know who Obiang was or where his money came from.
That's a problem.
This is not just about obscene displays of luxury. The same corruption that pays for Obiang's extravagant lifestyle fuels abuse and poverty
in countries around the world. In places like Equatorial Guinea and Nigeria - both countries featured in the Senate report and where Human
Rights Watch has thoroughly documented gross mismanagement and corruption - people are trapped in poverty while basic health and
education systems are gutted and political violence and repression are fueled by official greed.
The Senate report shows just how inadequate these efforts have been. Atiku Abubakar, Nigeria's vice president at the time, transferred $40
million in "suspect funds" into the U.S. with the help of his fourth wife. Meanwhile, American University in Washington, D.C., accepted
$14 million for consulting services from offshore corporations linked to Abubakar without asking who the companies were or knowing
where the vice president got the money. Pierre Falcone, a notorious arms dealer who is currently in prison in France, had free access to
more than 30 U.S. bank accounts for nearly two decades. Omar Bongo, the late president of Gabon, brought $1 million in shrink-wrapped
bills into the U.S. without bothering to declare it to customs and then gave the money to his daughter, an unemployed student. For a while
she kept the money in a safe deposit box in a U.S. bank.
Click here to read more »
TRANSLATED FROM FRENCH BY GOOGLE TRANSLATE
February 25 2010/African Press Organization (APO) / - Speech of HE Ali-Bongo Ondimba on the occasion of the visit to Gabon,
President of the French Republic, Nicolas SARKOZY
Mr. President,
My ambitions for my country are great and unlimited.
I want to meet the challenges of employment, health, education, growth, good governance, fight against poverty and environmental
conservation to ensure a better life for present and future in a fair and equitable.
Like you, I want to uphold and spread my country in the comity of Nations.
I vowed to youth, women and elders of the land that welcomes you to initiate reforms to improve their daily confronted with problems of
water, electricity, housing, infrastructure roads, etc..
I realize every day that passes, Mr. President - and you will know from experience - that must have the audacity to drive the reforms, as it
exists here and there, pockets of resistance.
The implementation of this commitment is the ultimate goal of my political engagement, to help change the lives of Gabon.
There is no other way to an emerging country of Gabon.
We are here at the "City of Democracy." Is that beyond the words and slogans of politicians, I want to make Gabon a land rooted
democratic system, rule of law and good governance.
Our fight against corruption and all forms of prevarication is a commitment.
I therefore attach particular importance to civil society that I want more expressive, more dynamic action in favor of democracy and
development. That, Mr. President, my ambition for Gabon.
Faced with the Afro-pessimists, those who had predicted the worst for Gabon and to those who doubt our ability, we reiterate:
Let us move forward!
Click here to read more
February 25 2010/African Press Organization (APO) / - Speech of HE Ali-Bongo Ondimba on the occasion of the visit to Gabon,
President of the French Republic, Nicolas SARKOZY
Mr. President,
My ambitions for my country are great and unlimited.
I want to meet the challenges of employment, health, education, growth, good governance, fight against poverty and environmental
conservation to ensure a better life for present and future in a fair and equitable.
Like you, I want to uphold and spread my country in the comity of Nations.
I vowed to youth, women and elders of the land that welcomes you to initiate reforms to improve their daily confronted with problems of
water, electricity, housing, infrastructure roads, etc..
I realize every day that passes, Mr. President - and you will know from experience - that must have the audacity to drive the reforms, as it
exists here and there, pockets of resistance.
The implementation of this commitment is the ultimate goal of my political engagement, to help change the lives of Gabon.
There is no other way to an emerging country of Gabon.
We are here at the "City of Democracy." Is that beyond the words and slogans of politicians, I want to make Gabon a land rooted
democratic system, rule of law and good governance.
Our fight against corruption and all forms of prevarication is a commitment.
I therefore attach particular importance to civil society that I want more expressive, more dynamic action in favor of democracy and
development. That, Mr. President, my ambition for Gabon.
Faced with the Afro-pessimists, those who had predicted the worst for Gabon and to those who doubt our ability, we reiterate:
Let us move forward!
Click here to read more
TRANSLATED FROM FRENCH BY GOOGLE TRANSLATE
Politics: Jean-Lois Messan Appointed new Ombudsman of the Republic
10 April 2009
LIBREVILLE (AGP) - Jean-Louis Messan was Thursday appointed the new Ombudsman of the Republic by the Head of State of
Gabon, Omar Bongo Ondimba.
He replaces in this position Ms. Jeanne Manomba Kombila which remains within the institution as vice president.
The Ombudsman resolves disputes between citizen and government or public service. The institution offers settlements, finding
solutions on the ground, thanks to the delegates and develops reforms in partnership with parliamentarians.
Prior to his appointment, Mr. Messan was first quaestor to the Economic and Social Council (ESC).
Large and the State, sixty years old in 2002 had chaired the National Electoral Commission (CNE) for the organization of local
elections.
In the 1980s he also led several state enterprises including the defunct Air Gabon and the National Insurance and Reinsurance
(SONAGAR).
Click here to read more »
Politics: Jean-Lois Messan Appointed new Ombudsman of the Republic
10 April 2009
LIBREVILLE (AGP) - Jean-Louis Messan was Thursday appointed the new Ombudsman of the Republic by the Head of State of
Gabon, Omar Bongo Ondimba.
He replaces in this position Ms. Jeanne Manomba Kombila which remains within the institution as vice president.
The Ombudsman resolves disputes between citizen and government or public service. The institution offers settlements, finding
solutions on the ground, thanks to the delegates and develops reforms in partnership with parliamentarians.
Prior to his appointment, Mr. Messan was first quaestor to the Economic and Social Council (ESC).
Large and the State, sixty years old in 2002 had chaired the National Electoral Commission (CNE) for the organization of local
elections.
In the 1980s he also led several state enterprises including the defunct Air Gabon and the National Insurance and Reinsurance
(SONAGAR).
Click here to read more »
TRANSLATED FROM FRENCH BY GOOGLE TRANSLATE
Advisories Bongoïstes from all sides: The coup is the natural corollary of any form of dictatorship or illegitimate power
Source: BDP ·
Date: Mar 19 2010 ·
Article amended and restated March 21, 2010 - It is pitiful to see the regime in power in Gabon Bongoïste whining following words
yet empty threats used by Andre Mba Obame in an interview published March 11 on the website of L Express, interview occurred
while former Interior Minister Omar Bongo became unconditional "opponent" was in Paris in France. An interview during which
Andre Mba Obame, Executive Secretary of National Union (UN), had highlighted the risk of a coup in Gabon this year if the
political, economic and social situation continued to deteriorate .
Notwithstanding the fact that a simple analysis of ideology does not yet exist for A has already shown up in this party will never
become a force alternating in Gabon, it is difficult to understand the indignation of the system before Mba Obame statements,
statements which, ultimately, merely reflect the political reality that awaits the Gabonese in these times of dynasty bongoïste
proven. In other words, Mba Obame translated without explicitly saying a reality more than ever inevitable Bongo of Gabon in:
Change in Gabon will, like it or not, by violence.
What must be understood in the political game is being played in Gabon is the simple fact that there are currently reshaping our
country's political landscape based on the establishment of new balances food will, as usual, be built in time to come on the backs
of Gabon, the balances that will inevitably grow and rocked the political nonchalance over the next 28 years in favor of Ali Bongo.
Because everyone in Gabon, the people fooled by appearances in the political opposition, which fools the people, has more or less
accepted as president Ali Bongo of Gabon. Those who yesterday in opposition, claimed never to accept Ali Bongo, who had
supposedly stolen their victory, are now the same people who, curiously, ensure that the regime they adhere to the bitter end "law"
yet undemocratic Gabon, a law made to preserve the status quo of things.
However, when we know that the law left by Omar Bongo of Gabon (used today by Ali Bongo to establish his dictatorship) leaves
no room for democratic society, it is hard to see how the opposition Food Gabon get the "peaceful" alternation it promises to the
people currently without resorting to violence, that is to say to claims "outlaw." One way, therefore, veiled to tell people that the
purpose of this opposition that refuses to support the insurgency is not to defeat Ali Bongo, but merely eating with him by the usual
little noise.
Click here to read more »
Advisories Bongoïstes from all sides: The coup is the natural corollary of any form of dictatorship or illegitimate power
Source: BDP ·
Date: Mar 19 2010 ·
Article amended and restated March 21, 2010 - It is pitiful to see the regime in power in Gabon Bongoïste whining following words
yet empty threats used by Andre Mba Obame in an interview published March 11 on the website of L Express, interview occurred
while former Interior Minister Omar Bongo became unconditional "opponent" was in Paris in France. An interview during which
Andre Mba Obame, Executive Secretary of National Union (UN), had highlighted the risk of a coup in Gabon this year if the
political, economic and social situation continued to deteriorate .
Notwithstanding the fact that a simple analysis of ideology does not yet exist for A has already shown up in this party will never
become a force alternating in Gabon, it is difficult to understand the indignation of the system before Mba Obame statements,
statements which, ultimately, merely reflect the political reality that awaits the Gabonese in these times of dynasty bongoïste
proven. In other words, Mba Obame translated without explicitly saying a reality more than ever inevitable Bongo of Gabon in:
Change in Gabon will, like it or not, by violence.
What must be understood in the political game is being played in Gabon is the simple fact that there are currently reshaping our
country's political landscape based on the establishment of new balances food will, as usual, be built in time to come on the backs
of Gabon, the balances that will inevitably grow and rocked the political nonchalance over the next 28 years in favor of Ali Bongo.
Because everyone in Gabon, the people fooled by appearances in the political opposition, which fools the people, has more or less
accepted as president Ali Bongo of Gabon. Those who yesterday in opposition, claimed never to accept Ali Bongo, who had
supposedly stolen their victory, are now the same people who, curiously, ensure that the regime they adhere to the bitter end "law"
yet undemocratic Gabon, a law made to preserve the status quo of things.
However, when we know that the law left by Omar Bongo of Gabon (used today by Ali Bongo to establish his dictatorship) leaves
no room for democratic society, it is hard to see how the opposition Food Gabon get the "peaceful" alternation it promises to the
people currently without resorting to violence, that is to say to claims "outlaw." One way, therefore, veiled to tell people that the
purpose of this opposition that refuses to support the insurgency is not to defeat Ali Bongo, but merely eating with him by the usual
little noise.
Click here to read more »
| Click map for larger view |
| Click flag for Country Report |
| TRAFFICKING IN PERSONS |
Current situation: Gabon is predominantly a destination country for children trafficked from other African countries for
the purpose of forced labor; girls are primarily trafficked for domestic servitude, forced market vending, forced restaurant
labor, and sexual exploitation, while boys are trafficked for forced street hawking and forced labor in small workshops
Tier rating: Tier 2 Watch List - Gabon is on the Tier 2 Watch List for its failure to provide evidence of increasing efforts
to combat human trafficking in 2007, particularly in terms of efforts to convict and punish trafficking offenders; the
government has not reported the convictions or sentences of any trafficking offenders; the government did not take steps
to reduce demand for commercial sex acts (2008)
the purpose of forced labor; girls are primarily trafficked for domestic servitude, forced market vending, forced restaurant
labor, and sexual exploitation, while boys are trafficked for forced street hawking and forced labor in small workshops
Tier rating: Tier 2 Watch List - Gabon is on the Tier 2 Watch List for its failure to provide evidence of increasing efforts
to combat human trafficking in 2007, particularly in terms of efforts to convict and punish trafficking offenders; the
government has not reported the convictions or sentences of any trafficking offenders; the government did not take steps
to reduce demand for commercial sex acts (2008)
