| MADAGASCAR Republic of Madagascar Republique de Madagascar/ Repoblikan'i Madagasikara Joined United Nations: 20 September 1960 Human Rights as assured by their constitution Click here Updated 02/14/11 |
| CAPITAL |
| POPULATION |
| CHIEF OF STATE |
| SELECTION PROCESS |
Antananarivo
21,281,844 (July 2010 est.)
On 17 March 2009, Andry Rajoelina declared himself President
following a coup which culminated in the resignation of President
Marc Ravalomanana. According to the Madagascar Constitution
Rajoelina is not qualified to be President as he is only 34 and the
Constitution requires all candidates to be at least 40. Rajoelina has
suspended Constitutional rule. On 06 October 2009, rival parties
agreed to form a "unity" cabinet with the condition that Rajoelina will
not stand for candidacy in upcoming presidential elections
Next scheduled election: no later than March 2011
following a coup which culminated in the resignation of President
Marc Ravalomanana. According to the Madagascar Constitution
Rajoelina is not qualified to be President as he is only 34 and the
Constitution requires all candidates to be at least 40. Rajoelina has
suspended Constitutional rule. On 06 October 2009, rival parties
agreed to form a "unity" cabinet with the condition that Rajoelina will
not stand for candidacy in upcoming presidential elections
Next scheduled election: no later than March 2011
HEAD OF GOVERNMENT
SELECTION PROCESS
According to the Madagascar Constitution, the Prime Minister is
the Head of Government
the Head of Government
| DECLARATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS |
| ETHNIC GROUPS |
Malayo-Indonesian (Merina and related Betsileo), Cotiers (mixed African, Malayo-Indonesian, and Arab ancestry -
Betsimisaraka, Tsimihety, Antaisaka, Sakalava), French, Indian, Creole, Comoran
Betsimisaraka, Tsimihety, Antaisaka, Sakalava), French, Indian, Creole, Comoran
| RELIGIONS |
Indigenous beliefs 52%, Christian 41%, Muslim 7%
| GOVERNMENT STRUCTURE |
Republic with 6 provinces (faritany); Legal system is based on French civil law system and traditional Malagasy law; accepts
compulsory ICJ jurisdiction with reservations
Executive: On 17 March 2009, Andry Rajoelina declared himself President following a coup which culminated in the resignation of
President Marc Ravalomanana. According to the Madagascar Constitution Rajoelina is not qualified to be President as he is only 34
and the Constitution requires all candidates to be at least 40. Rajoelina has suspended Constitutional rule.
Next scheduled election: 04 May 2011
Legislative: Bicameral legislature consists of a National Assembly or Assemblee Nationale (127 seats - reduced from 160 seats
by an April 2007 national referendum; members are elected by popular vote to serve four-year terms) and a Senate or Senat (100
seats; two-thirds of the seats filled by regional assemblies; the remaining one-third of seats appointed by the president; to serve
four-year terms)
elections: National Assembly - last held 23 September 2007 (next to be held 16 March 2011 but has been postponed)
Judicial: Supreme Court or Cour Supreme; High Constitutional Court or Haute Cour Constitutionnelle
compulsory ICJ jurisdiction with reservations
Executive: On 17 March 2009, Andry Rajoelina declared himself President following a coup which culminated in the resignation of
President Marc Ravalomanana. According to the Madagascar Constitution Rajoelina is not qualified to be President as he is only 34
and the Constitution requires all candidates to be at least 40. Rajoelina has suspended Constitutional rule.
Next scheduled election: 04 May 2011
Legislative: Bicameral legislature consists of a National Assembly or Assemblee Nationale (127 seats - reduced from 160 seats
by an April 2007 national referendum; members are elected by popular vote to serve four-year terms) and a Senate or Senat (100
seats; two-thirds of the seats filled by regional assemblies; the remaining one-third of seats appointed by the president; to serve
four-year terms)
elections: National Assembly - last held 23 September 2007 (next to be held 16 March 2011 but has been postponed)
Judicial: Supreme Court or Cour Supreme; High Constitutional Court or Haute Cour Constitutionnelle
| LANGUAGES |
English (official), French (official), Malagasy (official)
| BRIEF HISTORY |
Malagasy mythology portrays a tribe of pale dwarf-like people called the Vazimba as the original inhabitants. Some Malagasy
believe that these original inhabitants still live in the deepest recesses of the forest. In an island whose inhabitants practice ancestor-
worship, the inhabitants venerate the Vazimba as the most ancient of ancestors. The kings of some Malagasy tribes claim a blood
kinship to the Vazimba. Archaeologists place the arrival of humans on Madagascar in the centuries between 200 and 500 A.D.,
when seafarers from southeast Asia (probably from Borneo or the southern Celebes) arrived in their outrigger canoes. The original
Malagasy came to the island as part of the great Austronesian expansion, the movement of people that populated the Malay
Peninsula, Java, Sumatra, Micronesia, and all of Polynesia (including New Zealand, Hawaii and Easter Island). Medieval Arab
navigators and geographers may have known about Madagascar. Various names labelled the island off the southern coast of Ophir
(Africa): Phebol, Cernea, Menuthias, Medruthis, Sherbezat, Camarcada, and the Island of the Moon. Madagascar gets its current
name from Marco Polo, (1254 — 1324), the Venetian explorer, who described an African island of untold wealth called
Madeigascar in his memoirs (1298 - 1320). Polo heard about the island second-hand during his travels in Asia (1271 - 1295).
Most scholars believe that he described Mogadishu, the port located in present-day Somalia. Nevertheless, Italian cartographers
attached the name "Madagascar" to the island during the Renaissance. Bantu settlers probably crossed the Mozambique Channel to
Madagascar at about the same time as or shortly after the Indonesians arrived. Although the majority of words in the Malagasy
language have Malayan-Polynesian affinities, a smattering of Bantu words — omby (ox), ondry (sheep), and others — appears as
well. From this evidence, some anthropologists believe that Indonesian and Bantu settlers intermixed early in the island’s history.
According to the traditions of some Malagasy peoples, the first Arabs to settle in Madagascar came as refugees from the civil wars
that followed the death of Mohammed in 632. Beginning in the tenth or eleventh century, Arabic and Zanzibari slave-traders
worked their way down the east coast of Africa in their dhows and established settlements on the west coast of Madagascar.
Notably they included the Zafiraminia, traditional ancestors of the Antemoro, Antanosy and other east-coast ethnicities. The last
wave of Arab immigrants, the Antalaotra, immigrated from eastern African colonies. They settled the north-west of the island
(Majunga area) and introduced, for the first time, Islam to Madagascar. By the fifteenth century Europeans had wrested control of
the spice-trade from the Muslims. They did this by by-passing the Middle East and sending their cargo-ships around the Cape of
Good Hope to India. The Portuguese mariner Diogo Dias became the first European to set foot on Madagascar when his ship,
bound for India, blew off course in 1500. In the ensuing two-hundred years, the English and French tried (and failed) to establish
settlements on the island. Fever, dysentery, hostile Malagasy tribespeople, and the trying arid climate of southern Madagascar soon
terminated the English settlement near Toliary (Tuléar) in 1646. Another English settlement in the north in Nosy Bé came to an end
in 1649. The French colony at Taolañaro (Fort Dauphin) fared a little better: it lasted thirty years. In 1665, François Caron, the
Director General of the newly formed French East India Company, sailed to Madagascar. The Company failed to found a colony
on Madagascar but established ports on the nearby islands of Bourbon and Île-de-France (today's Réunion and Mauritius
respectively). Between 1680 and 1725, Madagascar became a pirate stronghold. Many unfortunate sailors became shipwrecked
and stranded on the island. Those who survived settled down with the natives, or more often, found French or English colonies on
the island or even pirate havens and thus become pirates themselves. Prior to the arrival of Europeans, the Malagasy tribes
occasionally waged wars to capture and enslave prisoners. They either sold the slaves to Arab traders or kept them on-hand as
laborers. Following the arrival of European slavers, human chattels became more valuable, and the coastal tribes of Madagascar
took to warring with each other to obtain prisoners for the lucrative slave-trade. The Merina kingdom In the central highlands of
Madagascar, a state of rice-farmers, had lived in relative isolation from the rest of Madagascar for several centuries, but by 1824
the Merina had conquered nearly all of Madagascar — thanks to the leadership of two shrewd kings, Andrianampoinimerina (circa
1745 – 1810) and his son Radama I (1792 – 1828). The British, eager to exert control over the trade routes of the Indian Ocean,
had captured the islands of Réunion and Mauritius from the French in 1810. Although they returned Réunion to France, they kept
Mauritius as a base for expanding the British Empire. Mauritius’s governor, to woo Madagascar from French control, recognized
Radama I as King of Madagascar, a diplomatic maneuver meant to underscore the idea of the sovereignty of the island and thus to
preclude claims by any European powers. The Malagasy people remember Queen Rasoaherina for sending ambassadors to
London and Paris and for prohibiting Sunday markets. On June 30, 1865, she signed a treaty with the United Kingdom giving
British citizens the right to rent land and property on the island and to have a resident ambassador. With the United States of
America she signed a trade agreement that also limited the importation of weapons and the export of cattle. In 1896 the French
Parliament voted to annex Madagascar. The 103-year-old Merina monarchy ended with the royal family sent into exile in Algeria.
The British accepted the imposition of a French protectorate over Madagascar in 1890 in return for eventual British control over
Zanzibar (subsequently part of Tanzania) and as part of an overall definition of spheres-of-influence in the area. The French didn't
establish control over Madagascar by military force, instead they convinced the people of Madagascar to join their empire between
1895 and 1896. Malagasy troops fought in France, Morocco, and Syria during World War II. After France fell to the Germans in
1940, the Vichy government administered Madagascar until 1942, when British Empire troops occupied the strategic island in the
Battle of Madagascar in order to preclude its seizure by the Japanese. The United Kingdom handed over control of the island to
Free French Forces in 1943. The French subsequently established reformed institutions in 1956 under the Loi Cadre (Overseas
Reform Act), and Madagascar moved peacefully toward independence. The Malagasy Republic, proclaimed on October 14, 1958,
became an autonomous state within the French Community. A period of provisional government ended with the adoption of a
constitution in 1959 and full independence on June 26, 1960, with Philibert Tsiranana as President. Tsiranana's rule represented
continuation, with French settlers (or colons) still in positions of power. Unlike many of France's former colonies, the Malagasy
Republic strongly resisted movements towards communism. On 5 February 1975, Colonel Richard Ratsimandrava became the
President of Madagascar. After six days as head of the country, he died in an assassination while driving from the presidential
palace to his home. Political power passed to Gilles Andriamahazo. On 15 June 1975 Lieutenant-Commander Didier Ratsiraka
(who had previously served as foreign minister) came to power in a coup. Elected president for a seven-year term, Ratsiraka
moved further towards socialism, nationalising much of the economy and cutting all ties with France. Eventually opposition — both
in Madagascar and internationally — forced him to reconsider his position, and in 1992 the country adopted a new and democratic
constitution. The first multi-party elections came in 1993, with Albert Zafy defeating Ratsiraka. Ravlomanana's I Love Madagascar
party achieved overwhelming electoral success in December 2002 and he survived an attempted coup in January 2003. He used his
mandate to work closely with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank to reform the economy, to end
corruption and to realise the country's potential.
Source: Wikipedia: History of Madagascar
believe that these original inhabitants still live in the deepest recesses of the forest. In an island whose inhabitants practice ancestor-
worship, the inhabitants venerate the Vazimba as the most ancient of ancestors. The kings of some Malagasy tribes claim a blood
kinship to the Vazimba. Archaeologists place the arrival of humans on Madagascar in the centuries between 200 and 500 A.D.,
when seafarers from southeast Asia (probably from Borneo or the southern Celebes) arrived in their outrigger canoes. The original
Malagasy came to the island as part of the great Austronesian expansion, the movement of people that populated the Malay
Peninsula, Java, Sumatra, Micronesia, and all of Polynesia (including New Zealand, Hawaii and Easter Island). Medieval Arab
navigators and geographers may have known about Madagascar. Various names labelled the island off the southern coast of Ophir
(Africa): Phebol, Cernea, Menuthias, Medruthis, Sherbezat, Camarcada, and the Island of the Moon. Madagascar gets its current
name from Marco Polo, (1254 — 1324), the Venetian explorer, who described an African island of untold wealth called
Madeigascar in his memoirs (1298 - 1320). Polo heard about the island second-hand during his travels in Asia (1271 - 1295).
Most scholars believe that he described Mogadishu, the port located in present-day Somalia. Nevertheless, Italian cartographers
attached the name "Madagascar" to the island during the Renaissance. Bantu settlers probably crossed the Mozambique Channel to
Madagascar at about the same time as or shortly after the Indonesians arrived. Although the majority of words in the Malagasy
language have Malayan-Polynesian affinities, a smattering of Bantu words — omby (ox), ondry (sheep), and others — appears as
well. From this evidence, some anthropologists believe that Indonesian and Bantu settlers intermixed early in the island’s history.
According to the traditions of some Malagasy peoples, the first Arabs to settle in Madagascar came as refugees from the civil wars
that followed the death of Mohammed in 632. Beginning in the tenth or eleventh century, Arabic and Zanzibari slave-traders
worked their way down the east coast of Africa in their dhows and established settlements on the west coast of Madagascar.
Notably they included the Zafiraminia, traditional ancestors of the Antemoro, Antanosy and other east-coast ethnicities. The last
wave of Arab immigrants, the Antalaotra, immigrated from eastern African colonies. They settled the north-west of the island
(Majunga area) and introduced, for the first time, Islam to Madagascar. By the fifteenth century Europeans had wrested control of
the spice-trade from the Muslims. They did this by by-passing the Middle East and sending their cargo-ships around the Cape of
Good Hope to India. The Portuguese mariner Diogo Dias became the first European to set foot on Madagascar when his ship,
bound for India, blew off course in 1500. In the ensuing two-hundred years, the English and French tried (and failed) to establish
settlements on the island. Fever, dysentery, hostile Malagasy tribespeople, and the trying arid climate of southern Madagascar soon
terminated the English settlement near Toliary (Tuléar) in 1646. Another English settlement in the north in Nosy Bé came to an end
in 1649. The French colony at Taolañaro (Fort Dauphin) fared a little better: it lasted thirty years. In 1665, François Caron, the
Director General of the newly formed French East India Company, sailed to Madagascar. The Company failed to found a colony
on Madagascar but established ports on the nearby islands of Bourbon and Île-de-France (today's Réunion and Mauritius
respectively). Between 1680 and 1725, Madagascar became a pirate stronghold. Many unfortunate sailors became shipwrecked
and stranded on the island. Those who survived settled down with the natives, or more often, found French or English colonies on
the island or even pirate havens and thus become pirates themselves. Prior to the arrival of Europeans, the Malagasy tribes
occasionally waged wars to capture and enslave prisoners. They either sold the slaves to Arab traders or kept them on-hand as
laborers. Following the arrival of European slavers, human chattels became more valuable, and the coastal tribes of Madagascar
took to warring with each other to obtain prisoners for the lucrative slave-trade. The Merina kingdom In the central highlands of
Madagascar, a state of rice-farmers, had lived in relative isolation from the rest of Madagascar for several centuries, but by 1824
the Merina had conquered nearly all of Madagascar — thanks to the leadership of two shrewd kings, Andrianampoinimerina (circa
1745 – 1810) and his son Radama I (1792 – 1828). The British, eager to exert control over the trade routes of the Indian Ocean,
had captured the islands of Réunion and Mauritius from the French in 1810. Although they returned Réunion to France, they kept
Mauritius as a base for expanding the British Empire. Mauritius’s governor, to woo Madagascar from French control, recognized
Radama I as King of Madagascar, a diplomatic maneuver meant to underscore the idea of the sovereignty of the island and thus to
preclude claims by any European powers. The Malagasy people remember Queen Rasoaherina for sending ambassadors to
London and Paris and for prohibiting Sunday markets. On June 30, 1865, she signed a treaty with the United Kingdom giving
British citizens the right to rent land and property on the island and to have a resident ambassador. With the United States of
America she signed a trade agreement that also limited the importation of weapons and the export of cattle. In 1896 the French
Parliament voted to annex Madagascar. The 103-year-old Merina monarchy ended with the royal family sent into exile in Algeria.
The British accepted the imposition of a French protectorate over Madagascar in 1890 in return for eventual British control over
Zanzibar (subsequently part of Tanzania) and as part of an overall definition of spheres-of-influence in the area. The French didn't
establish control over Madagascar by military force, instead they convinced the people of Madagascar to join their empire between
1895 and 1896. Malagasy troops fought in France, Morocco, and Syria during World War II. After France fell to the Germans in
1940, the Vichy government administered Madagascar until 1942, when British Empire troops occupied the strategic island in the
Battle of Madagascar in order to preclude its seizure by the Japanese. The United Kingdom handed over control of the island to
Free French Forces in 1943. The French subsequently established reformed institutions in 1956 under the Loi Cadre (Overseas
Reform Act), and Madagascar moved peacefully toward independence. The Malagasy Republic, proclaimed on October 14, 1958,
became an autonomous state within the French Community. A period of provisional government ended with the adoption of a
constitution in 1959 and full independence on June 26, 1960, with Philibert Tsiranana as President. Tsiranana's rule represented
continuation, with French settlers (or colons) still in positions of power. Unlike many of France's former colonies, the Malagasy
Republic strongly resisted movements towards communism. On 5 February 1975, Colonel Richard Ratsimandrava became the
President of Madagascar. After six days as head of the country, he died in an assassination while driving from the presidential
palace to his home. Political power passed to Gilles Andriamahazo. On 15 June 1975 Lieutenant-Commander Didier Ratsiraka
(who had previously served as foreign minister) came to power in a coup. Elected president for a seven-year term, Ratsiraka
moved further towards socialism, nationalising much of the economy and cutting all ties with France. Eventually opposition — both
in Madagascar and internationally — forced him to reconsider his position, and in 1992 the country adopted a new and democratic
constitution. The first multi-party elections came in 1993, with Albert Zafy defeating Ratsiraka. Ravlomanana's I Love Madagascar
party achieved overwhelming electoral success in December 2002 and he survived an attempted coup in January 2003. He used his
mandate to work closely with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank to reform the economy, to end
corruption and to realise the country's potential.
Source: Wikipedia: History of Madagascar
| ECONOMIC OVERVIEW |
After discarding socialist economic policies in the mid-1990s, Madagascar followed a World Bank- and IMF-led policy of
privatization and liberalization that has been undermined since the start of the political crisis. This strategy placed the country on a
slow and steady growth path from an extremely low level. Agriculture, including fishing and forestry, is a mainstay of the economy,
accounting for more than one-fourth of GDP and employing 80% of the population. Exports of apparel have boomed in recent
years primarily due to duty-free access to the US. However, Madagascar's failure to comply with the requirements of the African
Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) led to the termination of the country's duty-free access in January 2010. Deforestation and
erosion, aggravated by the use of firewood as the primary source of fuel, are serious concerns. Former President
RAVALOMANANA worked aggressively to revive the economy following the 2002 political crisis, which triggered a 12% drop in
GDP that year. The current political crisis which began in early 2009 has dealt additional blows to the economy. Tourism dropped
more than 50% in 2009, compared with the previous year, and many investors are wary of entering the uncertain investment
environment.
Source: CIA World Factbook (select Madagascar)
privatization and liberalization that has been undermined since the start of the political crisis. This strategy placed the country on a
slow and steady growth path from an extremely low level. Agriculture, including fishing and forestry, is a mainstay of the economy,
accounting for more than one-fourth of GDP and employing 80% of the population. Exports of apparel have boomed in recent
years primarily due to duty-free access to the US. However, Madagascar's failure to comply with the requirements of the African
Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) led to the termination of the country's duty-free access in January 2010. Deforestation and
erosion, aggravated by the use of firewood as the primary source of fuel, are serious concerns. Former President
RAVALOMANANA worked aggressively to revive the economy following the 2002 political crisis, which triggered a 12% drop in
GDP that year. The current political crisis which began in early 2009 has dealt additional blows to the economy. Tourism dropped
more than 50% in 2009, compared with the previous year, and many investors are wary of entering the uncertain investment
environment.
Source: CIA World Factbook (select Madagascar)
| POLITICAL CLIMATE |
In December 2001, a presidential election was held in which both major candidates claimed victory. The Ministry of the Interior
declared incumbent Ratsiraka of the AREMA party victorious. Marc Ravalomanana contested the results and claimed victory. A
political crisis followed in which Ratsiraka supporters cut major transport routes from the primary port city to the capital city, a
stronghold of Ravalomanana support. Sporadic violence and considerable economic disruption continued until July 2002 when
Ratsiraka and several of his prominent supporters fled to exile in France. In addition to political differences, ethnic differences
played a role in the crisis and continue to play a role in politics. Ratsiraka is from the coastal Betsimisaraka tribe and Ravalomanana
comes from the highland Merina tribe.
After the end of the 2002 political crisis, President Ravalomanana began many reform projects, forcefully advocating "rapid and
durable development" and the launching of a battle against corruption. December 2002 legislative elections gave his newly formed
TIM (Tiako-I-Madagasikara) (I Love Madagascar) Party a commanding majority in the National Assembly. November 2003
municipal elections were conducted freely, returning a majority of supporters of the president, but also significant numbers of
independent and regional opposition figures.
Following the crisis of 2002, the President replaced provincial governors with appointed PDSs (Presidents des Delegations
Speciales). Subsequent legislation established a structure of 22 regions to decentralize administration. In September 2004, the
Government named 22 Regional Chiefs, reporting directly to the President, to implement its decentralization plans. Financing and
specific powers for the regional administrations remain to be clarified.
On 17 March 2009, Andry Rajoelina declared himself President following a coup which culminated in the resignation of President
Marc Ravalomanana. According to the Madagascar Constitution Rajoelina is not qualified to be President as he is only 34 and the
Constitution requires all candidates to be at least 40. Rajoelina has suspended Constitutional rule. A "unity" government has been
established with Rajoelina agreeing to not stand for election as president. Next scheduled election: October 2010.
Source: Wikipedia: Politics of Madagascar
declared incumbent Ratsiraka of the AREMA party victorious. Marc Ravalomanana contested the results and claimed victory. A
political crisis followed in which Ratsiraka supporters cut major transport routes from the primary port city to the capital city, a
stronghold of Ravalomanana support. Sporadic violence and considerable economic disruption continued until July 2002 when
Ratsiraka and several of his prominent supporters fled to exile in France. In addition to political differences, ethnic differences
played a role in the crisis and continue to play a role in politics. Ratsiraka is from the coastal Betsimisaraka tribe and Ravalomanana
comes from the highland Merina tribe.
After the end of the 2002 political crisis, President Ravalomanana began many reform projects, forcefully advocating "rapid and
durable development" and the launching of a battle against corruption. December 2002 legislative elections gave his newly formed
TIM (Tiako-I-Madagasikara) (I Love Madagascar) Party a commanding majority in the National Assembly. November 2003
municipal elections were conducted freely, returning a majority of supporters of the president, but also significant numbers of
independent and regional opposition figures.
Following the crisis of 2002, the President replaced provincial governors with appointed PDSs (Presidents des Delegations
Speciales). Subsequent legislation established a structure of 22 regions to decentralize administration. In September 2004, the
Government named 22 Regional Chiefs, reporting directly to the President, to implement its decentralization plans. Financing and
specific powers for the regional administrations remain to be clarified.
On 17 March 2009, Andry Rajoelina declared himself President following a coup which culminated in the resignation of President
Marc Ravalomanana. According to the Madagascar Constitution Rajoelina is not qualified to be President as he is only 34 and the
Constitution requires all candidates to be at least 40. Rajoelina has suspended Constitutional rule. A "unity" government has been
established with Rajoelina agreeing to not stand for election as president. Next scheduled election: October 2010.
Source: Wikipedia: Politics of Madagascar
| INTERNATIONAL DISPUTES |
Claims Bassas da India, Europa Island, Glorioso Islands, and Juan de Nova Island (all administered by France).
| REFUGEES AND INTERNALLY DISPLACED PERSONS (IDPS) |
None reported.
| ILLICIT DRUGS |
Illicit producer of cannabis (cultivated and wild varieties) used mostly for domestic consumption; transshipment point for heroin.
| HUMAN RIGHTS STATEMENTS, ANALYSIS AND CRITIQUES |
2009 Human Rights Report: Madagascar
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
March 11, 2010
Madagascar, with a population of over 20 million, is ruled by an unelected civilian regime that assumed power in a coup March 17 with
military support. Andry Nirina Rajoelina adopted the title of President of the Transition, at the head of a loose coalition of former
opposition politicians, and intends to remain in this position until elections are held. Former President Marc Ravalomanana,
democratically elected in 2006, has resided abroad since the coup; since March 21, the parliament has been suspended. In defiance of a
negotiated agreement with the African Union (AU) and local political leaders, the regime failed to establish a transitional administration
that would oversee free and open elections for the restoration of a legal government. Military leaders continue to assert their autonomy
from the current political leadership, despite their tacit support of Rajoelina's de facto government.
The right of citizens to choose their government has been effectively curtailed. In addition, the following serious human rights problems
were reported:
The conflict between Rajoelina and Ravalomanana began shortly after Rajoelina's election as Mayor of Antananarivo in 2007. An
increasingly public feud between the politicians reached a turning point on December 13, 2008, when Ravalomanana closed VIVA TV,
owned by Rajoelina. Disparate opposition groups lined up behind Rajoelina, who seized on widespread discontent to mount increasingly
large demonstrations in Antananarivo over the following two months, culminating in a series of violent confrontations in January and
February. Domestic and international efforts to broker talks failed to achieve resolution and, in early March, a mutiny within the army
removed the security forces from Ravalomanana's control. On March 17, Ravalomanana signed a decree granting executive power to a
military directorate, which subsequently transferred it to Rajoelina. The ongoing political conflict has resulted in widespread abuses of
power, restrictions on assembly, speech, and press freedom, and an increase in politically motivated arrests and detentions.
Click here to read more »
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
March 11, 2010
Madagascar, with a population of over 20 million, is ruled by an unelected civilian regime that assumed power in a coup March 17 with
military support. Andry Nirina Rajoelina adopted the title of President of the Transition, at the head of a loose coalition of former
opposition politicians, and intends to remain in this position until elections are held. Former President Marc Ravalomanana,
democratically elected in 2006, has resided abroad since the coup; since March 21, the parliament has been suspended. In defiance of a
negotiated agreement with the African Union (AU) and local political leaders, the regime failed to establish a transitional administration
that would oversee free and open elections for the restoration of a legal government. Military leaders continue to assert their autonomy
from the current political leadership, despite their tacit support of Rajoelina's de facto government.
The right of citizens to choose their government has been effectively curtailed. In addition, the following serious human rights problems
were reported:
- unlawful killings;
- other security force abuses;
- harsh prison conditions, sometimes resulting in deaths;
- arbitrary arrest and detention;
- lengthy pretrial detention;
- censorship;
- official corruption and impunity;
- societal discrimination and violence against women and children;
- trafficking of women and children;
- child labor, including forced child labor.
The conflict between Rajoelina and Ravalomanana began shortly after Rajoelina's election as Mayor of Antananarivo in 2007. An
increasingly public feud between the politicians reached a turning point on December 13, 2008, when Ravalomanana closed VIVA TV,
owned by Rajoelina. Disparate opposition groups lined up behind Rajoelina, who seized on widespread discontent to mount increasingly
large demonstrations in Antananarivo over the following two months, culminating in a series of violent confrontations in January and
February. Domestic and international efforts to broker talks failed to achieve resolution and, in early March, a mutiny within the army
removed the security forces from Ravalomanana's control. On March 17, Ravalomanana signed a decree granting executive power to a
military directorate, which subsequently transferred it to Rajoelina. The ongoing political conflict has resulted in widespread abuses of
power, restrictions on assembly, speech, and press freedom, and an increase in politically motivated arrests and detentions.
Click here to read more »
16 December 2009
COMMITTEE ON ECONOMIC, SOCIAL AND CULTURAL RIGHTS
Forty-third session
Geneva, 2-20 November 2009
CONSIDERATION OF REPORTS SUBMITTED BY STATES PARTIES UNDER ARTICLES 16 AND 17 OF THE COVENANT
Concluding observations of the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights
MADAGASCAR
A. Introduction
2. The Committee welcomes the submission of the second report of the State party but regrets the 17 years delay in its submission. The
Committee also welcomes the written replies to the list of issues (E./C.12/MDG/Q/2/Add.1), as well as the frank and constructive
dialogue with the delegation which included a number of representatives from different ministries.
B. Positive aspects
3. The Committee welcomes the ratification by the State party of the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or
Degrading Treatment or Punishment on 13 December 2005, the two Optional Protocols to the Convention on the Rights of the Child, on
22 September 2004, as well as the signing, in 2007, of the Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Economic, Social and
Cultural Rights. It also welcomes the ratification of International Labour Organization (ILO) Conventions No. 98 (1949) concerning the
Application of the Principles of the Right to Organise and to Bargain Collectively, No. 105 (1957) concerning the Abolition of Forced
Labour, No. 138 (1973) concerning the Minimum Age for Admission to Employment and No. 182 (1999) concerning the Prohibition and
Immediate Action for the Elimination of the Worst Forms of Child Labour. It further welcomes the ratification by the State Party, in
2008, of the Convention on the Nationality of Married Women.
C. Factors and difficulties impeding the implementation of the Covenant
6. The Committee acknowledges that the State party has faced a serious political crisis, which has reduced its ability to fulfil its
obligations under the Covenant.
D. Principal subjects of concern and recommendations
7. The Committee regrets that the report of the State party does not contain sufficiently updated information and statistics that would
enable it to fully assess how the rights set out in the Covenant are respected in the State party.
The Committee recommends that the State party provide updated information in its next periodic report on the practical application of the
Covenant, including through disaggregated data and relevant statistics, regarding the implementation of its laws and the practical results
of plans, programmes and strategies carried out in the various fields covered by the Covenant.
Click here to read more »
COMMITTEE ON ECONOMIC, SOCIAL AND CULTURAL RIGHTS
Forty-third session
Geneva, 2-20 November 2009
CONSIDERATION OF REPORTS SUBMITTED BY STATES PARTIES UNDER ARTICLES 16 AND 17 OF THE COVENANT
Concluding observations of the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights
MADAGASCAR
A. Introduction
2. The Committee welcomes the submission of the second report of the State party but regrets the 17 years delay in its submission. The
Committee also welcomes the written replies to the list of issues (E./C.12/MDG/Q/2/Add.1), as well as the frank and constructive
dialogue with the delegation which included a number of representatives from different ministries.
B. Positive aspects
3. The Committee welcomes the ratification by the State party of the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or
Degrading Treatment or Punishment on 13 December 2005, the two Optional Protocols to the Convention on the Rights of the Child, on
22 September 2004, as well as the signing, in 2007, of the Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Economic, Social and
Cultural Rights. It also welcomes the ratification of International Labour Organization (ILO) Conventions No. 98 (1949) concerning the
Application of the Principles of the Right to Organise and to Bargain Collectively, No. 105 (1957) concerning the Abolition of Forced
Labour, No. 138 (1973) concerning the Minimum Age for Admission to Employment and No. 182 (1999) concerning the Prohibition and
Immediate Action for the Elimination of the Worst Forms of Child Labour. It further welcomes the ratification by the State Party, in
2008, of the Convention on the Nationality of Married Women.
C. Factors and difficulties impeding the implementation of the Covenant
6. The Committee acknowledges that the State party has faced a serious political crisis, which has reduced its ability to fulfil its
obligations under the Covenant.
D. Principal subjects of concern and recommendations
7. The Committee regrets that the report of the State party does not contain sufficiently updated information and statistics that would
enable it to fully assess how the rights set out in the Covenant are respected in the State party.
The Committee recommends that the State party provide updated information in its next periodic report on the practical application of the
Covenant, including through disaggregated data and relevant statistics, regarding the implementation of its laws and the practical results
of plans, programmes and strategies carried out in the various fields covered by the Covenant.
Click here to read more »
Freedom in the World 2011: The Authoritarian Challenge to Democracy
Washington, D.C
January 13, 2011
Global freedom suffered its fifth consecutive year of decline in 2010, according to Freedom in the World 2011, Freedom House’s annual
assessment of political rights and civil liberties around the world. This represents the longest continuous period of decline in the nearly
40-year history of the survey. The year featured drops in the number of Free countries and the number of electoral democracies, as well
as an overall deterioration for freedom in the Middle East and North Africa region.
A total of 25 countries showed significant declines in 2010, more than double the 11 countries exhibiting noteworthy gains. The number
of countries designated as Free fell from 89 to 87, and the number of electoral democracies dropped to 115, far below the 2005 figure of
123. In addition, authoritarian regimes like those in China, Egypt, Iran, Russia, and Venezuela continued to step up repressive measures
with little significant resistance from the democratic world.
“This should be a wake-up call for all of the world’s democracies,” said David J. Kramer, executive director of Freedom House. “Our
adversaries are not just engaging in widespread repression, they are doing so with unprecedented aggressiveness and self-confidence,
and the democratic community is not rising to the challenge.”
Published annually since 1972, Freedom in the World examines the ability of individuals to exercise their political and civil rights in 194
countries and 14 territories around the world. The latest edition analyzes developments that occurred in 2010 and assigns each country a
freedom status—Free, Partly Free, or Not Free—based on a scoring of performance on key democracy indicators.
Four countries received status declines, including Ukraine and Mexico, which both fell from Free to Partly Free. Mexico’s downgrade
was a result of the government’s inability to stem the tide of violence by drug-trafficking groups, while Ukraine suffered from
deteriorating levels of press freedom, instances of election fraud, and growing politicization of the judiciary. Djibouti and Ethiopia were
downgraded from Partly Free to Not Free. Other countries showing declines included Bahrain, Côte d’Ivoire, Egypt, France, Sri Lanka,
and Venezuela.
The Middle East and North Africa remained the region with the lowest level of freedom in 2010, continuing its multiyear decline from an
already-low democratic baseline.
Key regional findings:
Sub-Saharan Africa: Major declines were recorded in Ethiopia and Djibouti, both of which dropped from Partly Free to Not Free. In
addition, declines were noted in Burundi, Côte d’Ivoire, Guinea-Bissau, Madagascar, Rwanda, Swaziland, and Zambia. Improvements
were noted in Kenya, Nigeria, Somaliland, and Tanzania, as well as in Guinea, which received an improvement in status from Not Free to
Partly Free.
Click here to read more »
Washington, D.C
January 13, 2011
Global freedom suffered its fifth consecutive year of decline in 2010, according to Freedom in the World 2011, Freedom House’s annual
assessment of political rights and civil liberties around the world. This represents the longest continuous period of decline in the nearly
40-year history of the survey. The year featured drops in the number of Free countries and the number of electoral democracies, as well
as an overall deterioration for freedom in the Middle East and North Africa region.
A total of 25 countries showed significant declines in 2010, more than double the 11 countries exhibiting noteworthy gains. The number
of countries designated as Free fell from 89 to 87, and the number of electoral democracies dropped to 115, far below the 2005 figure of
123. In addition, authoritarian regimes like those in China, Egypt, Iran, Russia, and Venezuela continued to step up repressive measures
with little significant resistance from the democratic world.
“This should be a wake-up call for all of the world’s democracies,” said David J. Kramer, executive director of Freedom House. “Our
adversaries are not just engaging in widespread repression, they are doing so with unprecedented aggressiveness and self-confidence,
and the democratic community is not rising to the challenge.”
Published annually since 1972, Freedom in the World examines the ability of individuals to exercise their political and civil rights in 194
countries and 14 territories around the world. The latest edition analyzes developments that occurred in 2010 and assigns each country a
freedom status—Free, Partly Free, or Not Free—based on a scoring of performance on key democracy indicators.
Four countries received status declines, including Ukraine and Mexico, which both fell from Free to Partly Free. Mexico’s downgrade
was a result of the government’s inability to stem the tide of violence by drug-trafficking groups, while Ukraine suffered from
deteriorating levels of press freedom, instances of election fraud, and growing politicization of the judiciary. Djibouti and Ethiopia were
downgraded from Partly Free to Not Free. Other countries showing declines included Bahrain, Côte d’Ivoire, Egypt, France, Sri Lanka,
and Venezuela.
The Middle East and North Africa remained the region with the lowest level of freedom in 2010, continuing its multiyear decline from an
already-low democratic baseline.
Key regional findings:
Sub-Saharan Africa: Major declines were recorded in Ethiopia and Djibouti, both of which dropped from Partly Free to Not Free. In
addition, declines were noted in Burundi, Côte d’Ivoire, Guinea-Bissau, Madagascar, Rwanda, Swaziland, and Zambia. Improvements
were noted in Kenya, Nigeria, Somaliland, and Tanzania, as well as in Guinea, which received an improvement in status from Not Free to
Partly Free.
Click here to read more »
Madagascar: Amnesty International urges release of political prisoners, investigation into excessive use of force against
demonstrators and freedom of the media
AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL
PUBLIC STATEMENT
10 June 2010
Amnesty International shares serious concerns expressed by several States about the excessive, sometimes lethal, use of force by the
security forces, as well as arbitrary arrests and detention in the context of the current political crisis and about political interference in
the administration of justice resulting in a lack of independent investigations into such violations. Defendants have been denied the right
to be brought promptly before a judge or to be tried within a reasonable time. Others have been denied the right to defence, or their
lawyers have been harassed and intimidated.
Amnesty International welcomes Madagascar’s support of a recommendation to release political detainees, cease arbitrary detention and
ensure that those arrested and detained are given a fair trial. Amnesty International urges the government to ensure its prompt
implementation. It is essential that Madagascar support and give effect to the important recommendations to open an independent inquiry
into the deaths and the excessive use of force during the, often peaceful, demonstrations in 2009. Madagascar must ensure that those
responsible for unlawful killings and other human rights violations are brought to justice in accordance with international standards for
fair trial and victims and their families granted reparation, including fair and adequate compensation. Amnesty International also calls on
the government to immediately disband the bodies set up by the High Transitional Authority (HAT) and mandated to carry out arrests,
detentions and the investigation of crimes, as recommended during the review.
Journalists and media outlets have been targeted by the authorities; both under President Ravalomanana and after the HAT came to
power in March 2009. Journalists deemed too critical of those in power have been silenced. Amnesty International calls on Madagascar
to swiftly implement recommendations to guarantee freedom of expression and assembly and an independent media and to ensure that no
one is arrested for exercising their rights to freedom of expression, association and peaceful assembly.
Although Madagascar has imposed a de facto moratorium on executions, it has not yet abolished the death penalty in law or ratified the
Second Optional Protocol to the ICCPR aiming at the abolition of the death penalty. Amnesty International calls on Madagascar to
introduce a de jure moratorium on executions and to abolish the death penalty.
Click here to read more »
demonstrators and freedom of the media
AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL
PUBLIC STATEMENT
10 June 2010
Amnesty International shares serious concerns expressed by several States about the excessive, sometimes lethal, use of force by the
security forces, as well as arbitrary arrests and detention in the context of the current political crisis and about political interference in
the administration of justice resulting in a lack of independent investigations into such violations. Defendants have been denied the right
to be brought promptly before a judge or to be tried within a reasonable time. Others have been denied the right to defence, or their
lawyers have been harassed and intimidated.
Amnesty International welcomes Madagascar’s support of a recommendation to release political detainees, cease arbitrary detention and
ensure that those arrested and detained are given a fair trial. Amnesty International urges the government to ensure its prompt
implementation. It is essential that Madagascar support and give effect to the important recommendations to open an independent inquiry
into the deaths and the excessive use of force during the, often peaceful, demonstrations in 2009. Madagascar must ensure that those
responsible for unlawful killings and other human rights violations are brought to justice in accordance with international standards for
fair trial and victims and their families granted reparation, including fair and adequate compensation. Amnesty International also calls on
the government to immediately disband the bodies set up by the High Transitional Authority (HAT) and mandated to carry out arrests,
detentions and the investigation of crimes, as recommended during the review.
Journalists and media outlets have been targeted by the authorities; both under President Ravalomanana and after the HAT came to
power in March 2009. Journalists deemed too critical of those in power have been silenced. Amnesty International calls on Madagascar
to swiftly implement recommendations to guarantee freedom of expression and assembly and an independent media and to ensure that no
one is arrested for exercising their rights to freedom of expression, association and peaceful assembly.
Although Madagascar has imposed a de facto moratorium on executions, it has not yet abolished the death penalty in law or ratified the
Second Optional Protocol to the ICCPR aiming at the abolition of the death penalty. Amnesty International calls on Madagascar to
introduce a de jure moratorium on executions and to abolish the death penalty.
Click here to read more »
Without Protection
September 16, 2010
Executive Summary
I thought that the police are like Madagascar. When you have a problem you go there. But here, they are part of the problem.
–Malagasy worker, February 9, 2010.
On December 9, 2009, a Lebanese criminal court sentenced a Lebanese woman to 15 days in jail for repeatedly beating Jonalin Malibago,
her Filipina maid, three years earlier. Lebanese newspapers hailed the case a landmark victory for the country’s estimated 200,000
migrant domestic workers (MDWs), many of whom report abuse at the hands of their employers. The case illustrated the positive role
that the judiciary can play in protecting MDWs, even though the sentence was lenient given the violation. But it also raised at least one
significant question: was the Malibago verdicta rare instance of an employer being held to account for abuses against MDWsor was it
part of a broader pattern of successful prosecutions?
This report seeks to answer that question. To do so, Human Rights Watch reviewed 114 Lebanese judicial decisions in which MDWs
were either plaintiffs or defendants, and interviewed MDWs who reported abuse as well as lawyers who regularly take up their cases. It
finds that the Lebanese judicial system is failing to protect the rights of MDWs, and that while Malibago’s case is by no means unique in
holding an employer accountable for mistreatment, too many other workers do not receive justice.
In cases where MDWs complained about employers failing to hand over passports or other identity papers, the courts dismissed the
complaint, or simply asked the employer to return the document. Even then, there was little follow-up to ensure compliance, and no
employer was prosecuted for his or her behavior in any case that Human Rights Watch reviewed. Accepting the argument of employers
that it is legitimate to hold an employee’s passport to prevent her from running away, judges have rejected attempts by activists and
lawyers to challenge passport withholding on the grounds that it amounts to “deprivation of liberty” (Hajez Huriyat). In 2001, an
investigative judge in Beirut dismissed a complaint brought by two women from Madagascar against their recruitment agency for
“confiscation of passport,” reasoning that “it is natural for the employer to confiscate the maid’s passport and keep it with him, in case
she tries to escape from his house to work in another without compensating him.”[2]
Click here to read more »
September 16, 2010
Executive Summary
I thought that the police are like Madagascar. When you have a problem you go there. But here, they are part of the problem.
–Malagasy worker, February 9, 2010.
On December 9, 2009, a Lebanese criminal court sentenced a Lebanese woman to 15 days in jail for repeatedly beating Jonalin Malibago,
her Filipina maid, three years earlier. Lebanese newspapers hailed the case a landmark victory for the country’s estimated 200,000
migrant domestic workers (MDWs), many of whom report abuse at the hands of their employers. The case illustrated the positive role
that the judiciary can play in protecting MDWs, even though the sentence was lenient given the violation. But it also raised at least one
significant question: was the Malibago verdicta rare instance of an employer being held to account for abuses against MDWsor was it
part of a broader pattern of successful prosecutions?
This report seeks to answer that question. To do so, Human Rights Watch reviewed 114 Lebanese judicial decisions in which MDWs
were either plaintiffs or defendants, and interviewed MDWs who reported abuse as well as lawyers who regularly take up their cases. It
finds that the Lebanese judicial system is failing to protect the rights of MDWs, and that while Malibago’s case is by no means unique in
holding an employer accountable for mistreatment, too many other workers do not receive justice.
In cases where MDWs complained about employers failing to hand over passports or other identity papers, the courts dismissed the
complaint, or simply asked the employer to return the document. Even then, there was little follow-up to ensure compliance, and no
employer was prosecuted for his or her behavior in any case that Human Rights Watch reviewed. Accepting the argument of employers
that it is legitimate to hold an employee’s passport to prevent her from running away, judges have rejected attempts by activists and
lawyers to challenge passport withholding on the grounds that it amounts to “deprivation of liberty” (Hajez Huriyat). In 2001, an
investigative judge in Beirut dismissed a complaint brought by two women from Madagascar against their recruitment agency for
“confiscation of passport,” reasoning that “it is natural for the employer to confiscate the maid’s passport and keep it with him, in case
she tries to escape from his house to work in another without compensating him.”[2]
Click here to read more »
TRANSLATED FROM FRENCH BY GOOGLE TRANSLATE
2011: Year of Challenge and Development
December 31, 2010
"Together we must try all means to develop our beloved country and we must anticipate its future. We must respect each other and stop
using hurtful words and actions and provocations. It is time stop the suspicions and goings. We must strive to listen to each other. We
can get closer perfectly in compliance with the wisdom dictated by many Malagasy.
That nothing and no one seeks to divide or even to confront the Malagasy. We must think with the same mind, having the same cry of
the heart. Humility and exchanges of views without ulterior motive or hypocrisy: this is what must guide everyone. At the National
Conference, we agreed to the establishment of a unity government (opening) for organizing all elections that will take place this year
2011. For the year 2011 will be good in an election year.
The challenge that we identified: that of erecting a new Madagascar, which raises its head, developed to be the Pride of all Malagasy.
Many projects ahead. Whatever difficulties may arise for the hamper, the year 2011 will be the "Year of Challenge and Development." I
make this challenge a duty that we will accomplish together that we will achieve, Friends Malagasy. Love-that embodied in the motto of
the republic-reign over our nation.
We have confidence in the future and we trust God's blessing
THE HOMELAND IS SACRED! "
Andry Nirina RAJOELINA
Chairman of the Transition from Madagascar
(December 31, 2010)
Click here to read more »
2011: Year of Challenge and Development
December 31, 2010
"Together we must try all means to develop our beloved country and we must anticipate its future. We must respect each other and stop
using hurtful words and actions and provocations. It is time stop the suspicions and goings. We must strive to listen to each other. We
can get closer perfectly in compliance with the wisdom dictated by many Malagasy.
That nothing and no one seeks to divide or even to confront the Malagasy. We must think with the same mind, having the same cry of
the heart. Humility and exchanges of views without ulterior motive or hypocrisy: this is what must guide everyone. At the National
Conference, we agreed to the establishment of a unity government (opening) for organizing all elections that will take place this year
2011. For the year 2011 will be good in an election year.
The challenge that we identified: that of erecting a new Madagascar, which raises its head, developed to be the Pride of all Malagasy.
Many projects ahead. Whatever difficulties may arise for the hamper, the year 2011 will be the "Year of Challenge and Development." I
make this challenge a duty that we will accomplish together that we will achieve, Friends Malagasy. Love-that embodied in the motto of
the republic-reign over our nation.
We have confidence in the future and we trust God's blessing
THE HOMELAND IS SACRED! "
Andry Nirina RAJOELINA
Chairman of the Transition from Madagascar
(December 31, 2010)
Click here to read more »
TRANSLATED FROM FRENCH BY GOOGLE TRANSLATE
Press Release
SADC mediation
Friday, February 4, 2011
January 31, 2011, the SADC Mediation presented to key political players Malagasy, including AREMA ESCOPOL, HPM, The Other
Sensitivities, MDM, MONIMA the Mouvances Ratsiraka and Ravalomanana Zafy, TGV and UDR-C a proposed roadmap for ending the
crisis in Madagascar.
The draft Road Map, prepared on the basis of all the main documents produced to date for the transition in Madagascar, as well as on
the basis of extensive consultations conducted with key Malagasy political actors, civil society and the Community International, aims to
provide an environment transitional neutral, credible, inclusive and consensus, towards free, fair and transparent.
The draft roadmap calls for continued dialogue malagasy - Madagascar for the crisis in Madagascar, the formation of a Transitional
Government of National UNlON headed by a consensus Prime Minister and the restructuring / reorganization of the two Transition
Houses of Parliament, including the Congress and the Supreme Council Transition Transition, as well as the Independent National
Electoral Commission. The composition of these transitional institutions must be inclusive and consensual. So, it should also respect the
principles of fair and equitable distribution of positions and portfolios, observing from the political, as well as gender balance.
The Roadmap calls for the President of the Transition, the Prime Minister of Consensus and the entire administration of the transition
remain neutral during the transition, especially during the election process. The Transitional Government of National Unity will be in
charge of the country's current affairs, as well as the establishment of the necessary conditions for credible elections, fair and
transparent, in cooperation with the international community. So, He will not make new commitments to long-term, they do that within
the competence of the future government after the elections.
The Roadmap calls for the adoption of confidence-building measures to create an atmosphere of calm in the country, putting an end to
ongoing legal proceedings brought against members of the opposition that might emerge as being based on political reasons. The
Roadmap calls for respect for the rule of law and the principle of equal treatment, as well as the protection and promotion of human
rights and other fundamental rights, including freedom of expression, of opinion, association and press freedom.
The Roadmap calls for an amnesty for all large political events between 2002 and 2009. Excluded from the amnesty of crimes against
humanity, war crimes, crimes of genocide and other serious violations of human rights and fundamental freedoms. Road Map encourage
the politicians to Malagasy participate in good faith in the transition process and to avoid obstruction of the transition process. They must
reject violence or threat to use violence during the transition, as well as incitement to hatred. The roadmap encourages all Malagasy
maintain a constructive and patriotic to advance the transition to the return of Madagascar to constitutional normality.
Click here to read more »
Press Release
SADC mediation
Friday, February 4, 2011
January 31, 2011, the SADC Mediation presented to key political players Malagasy, including AREMA ESCOPOL, HPM, The Other
Sensitivities, MDM, MONIMA the Mouvances Ratsiraka and Ravalomanana Zafy, TGV and UDR-C a proposed roadmap for ending the
crisis in Madagascar.
The draft Road Map, prepared on the basis of all the main documents produced to date for the transition in Madagascar, as well as on
the basis of extensive consultations conducted with key Malagasy political actors, civil society and the Community International, aims to
provide an environment transitional neutral, credible, inclusive and consensus, towards free, fair and transparent.
The draft roadmap calls for continued dialogue malagasy - Madagascar for the crisis in Madagascar, the formation of a Transitional
Government of National UNlON headed by a consensus Prime Minister and the restructuring / reorganization of the two Transition
Houses of Parliament, including the Congress and the Supreme Council Transition Transition, as well as the Independent National
Electoral Commission. The composition of these transitional institutions must be inclusive and consensual. So, it should also respect the
principles of fair and equitable distribution of positions and portfolios, observing from the political, as well as gender balance.
The Roadmap calls for the President of the Transition, the Prime Minister of Consensus and the entire administration of the transition
remain neutral during the transition, especially during the election process. The Transitional Government of National Unity will be in
charge of the country's current affairs, as well as the establishment of the necessary conditions for credible elections, fair and
transparent, in cooperation with the international community. So, He will not make new commitments to long-term, they do that within
the competence of the future government after the elections.
The Roadmap calls for the adoption of confidence-building measures to create an atmosphere of calm in the country, putting an end to
ongoing legal proceedings brought against members of the opposition that might emerge as being based on political reasons. The
Roadmap calls for respect for the rule of law and the principle of equal treatment, as well as the protection and promotion of human
rights and other fundamental rights, including freedom of expression, of opinion, association and press freedom.
The Roadmap calls for an amnesty for all large political events between 2002 and 2009. Excluded from the amnesty of crimes against
humanity, war crimes, crimes of genocide and other serious violations of human rights and fundamental freedoms. Road Map encourage
the politicians to Malagasy participate in good faith in the transition process and to avoid obstruction of the transition process. They must
reject violence or threat to use violence during the transition, as well as incitement to hatred. The roadmap encourages all Malagasy
maintain a constructive and patriotic to advance the transition to the return of Madagascar to constitutional normality.
Click here to read more »
TRANSLATED FROM FRENCH BY GOOGLE TRANSLATE
WEEKLY OVERVIEW
06/2011 - February 7 to 13
Human rights, governance
± National reconciliation prior to any ballot, advocated by Albert Zafy, is still debate. Tribune believes that "any step leading to an
amnesty politicians would only perpetuate the cycle of political crises, if it were to overlook research and public revelation of the truth
about their wickedness and their errors." The daily added that the Justice aims to right wrongs and protect victims, society and even the
offenders, but not reconciled. He therefore favors an approach "Truth and Reconciliation" to enable victims to mourn happened and "to
express their emotions, their pain, their anger." The "Raiamandreny Mijoro," stressed the urgent need for national reconciliation, which
"should not wait for the formalization of the roadmap." The return of two former presidents should also contribute to healing, judge for
his part Manandafy Rakotonirina, who has made a step in this direction at the UN.
± The anniversary of the massacre of February 7, 2009 revived the controversy over officials of the drama. Marc Ravalomanana's
supporters and those of Rajoelina asked everyone to open an international investigation but the international community did not respond.
Condemning the verdict in absentia Marc Ravalomanana and 14 co-defendants to life imprisonment has left a sense of unfinished
business. Recent revelations of two key characters of events should lead to reopening the case but it is probably not the interests of the
regime, which holds the official version. Monja Roindefo, key man of February 7, 2009, is more certain of the source of gunfire.
"Everyone must provide evidence" he says. He said that a fair trial should be mounted and was "ready to answer for his actions." The
justice minister would not see any obstacles to the referral to the ICC by members AV7. A position contrary to that she had taken when
Lieutenant-Colonel Andrianasoavina made the same request. But the press questioned the outcome of this request, because of the
disinterest of the international community, which has other concerns.
± Justice & Peace, linked to the Catholic Church, calls the establishment of a tribunal to try the case on 7 February 2009. It calls on all
people with information to come forward. It also calls for cases tried on 11 February 1975 [assassination of Colonel Richard
Ratsimandrava] and 29 March 1947 [uprising against the colonial power]
± Fetison Andrianirina and her 2 co-defendants sentenced to suspended prison: after nearly three months imprisonment tumultuous two
postponements and 6 unsuccessful applications for bail, the three leaders appeared at the bar in a tense atmosphere . They were
prosecuted for refusing to comply when the police dispersed the demonstrators have called for violence and participating in an
unauthorized demonstration. The verdict was considered moderate but rather the defense denounced the partiality of the court, which
did not act before the case of looting of January 26, 2009. "If we refer to this issue that we treat those currently in power should have
been the subject of prison," she added. The Head of Delegation of the Ravalomanana and his companions joined the daily meeting
supporters of the former head of state, where they were welcomed as heroes. The lawyers announced their intention to appeal. Fetison
Andrianirina demanded the release of other political prisoners, while holding a unifying speech. He denied the existence of negotiations
for its inclusion in the next unity government. 16 other opponents were also sentenced to prison terms of 6 to 12 months imprisonment
suspended.
± The trial of journalists from Radio Fahazavana back to April 12. The 10 employees of the station belonging to the FJKM temporarily
regained freedom September 7, 2010, after being placed in custody on May 27
Click here to read more>>
WEEKLY OVERVIEW
06/2011 - February 7 to 13
Human rights, governance
± National reconciliation prior to any ballot, advocated by Albert Zafy, is still debate. Tribune believes that "any step leading to an
amnesty politicians would only perpetuate the cycle of political crises, if it were to overlook research and public revelation of the truth
about their wickedness and their errors." The daily added that the Justice aims to right wrongs and protect victims, society and even the
offenders, but not reconciled. He therefore favors an approach "Truth and Reconciliation" to enable victims to mourn happened and "to
express their emotions, their pain, their anger." The "Raiamandreny Mijoro," stressed the urgent need for national reconciliation, which
"should not wait for the formalization of the roadmap." The return of two former presidents should also contribute to healing, judge for
his part Manandafy Rakotonirina, who has made a step in this direction at the UN.
± The anniversary of the massacre of February 7, 2009 revived the controversy over officials of the drama. Marc Ravalomanana's
supporters and those of Rajoelina asked everyone to open an international investigation but the international community did not respond.
Condemning the verdict in absentia Marc Ravalomanana and 14 co-defendants to life imprisonment has left a sense of unfinished
business. Recent revelations of two key characters of events should lead to reopening the case but it is probably not the interests of the
regime, which holds the official version. Monja Roindefo, key man of February 7, 2009, is more certain of the source of gunfire.
"Everyone must provide evidence" he says. He said that a fair trial should be mounted and was "ready to answer for his actions." The
justice minister would not see any obstacles to the referral to the ICC by members AV7. A position contrary to that she had taken when
Lieutenant-Colonel Andrianasoavina made the same request. But the press questioned the outcome of this request, because of the
disinterest of the international community, which has other concerns.
± Justice & Peace, linked to the Catholic Church, calls the establishment of a tribunal to try the case on 7 February 2009. It calls on all
people with information to come forward. It also calls for cases tried on 11 February 1975 [assassination of Colonel Richard
Ratsimandrava] and 29 March 1947 [uprising against the colonial power]
± Fetison Andrianirina and her 2 co-defendants sentenced to suspended prison: after nearly three months imprisonment tumultuous two
postponements and 6 unsuccessful applications for bail, the three leaders appeared at the bar in a tense atmosphere . They were
prosecuted for refusing to comply when the police dispersed the demonstrators have called for violence and participating in an
unauthorized demonstration. The verdict was considered moderate but rather the defense denounced the partiality of the court, which
did not act before the case of looting of January 26, 2009. "If we refer to this issue that we treat those currently in power should have
been the subject of prison," she added. The Head of Delegation of the Ravalomanana and his companions joined the daily meeting
supporters of the former head of state, where they were welcomed as heroes. The lawyers announced their intention to appeal. Fetison
Andrianirina demanded the release of other political prisoners, while holding a unifying speech. He denied the existence of negotiations
for its inclusion in the next unity government. 16 other opponents were also sentenced to prison terms of 6 to 12 months imprisonment
suspended.
± The trial of journalists from Radio Fahazavana back to April 12. The 10 employees of the station belonging to the FJKM temporarily
regained freedom September 7, 2010, after being placed in custody on May 27
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Andry Rajoelina
President since 17 March 2009
President since 17 March 2009
| TRAFFICKING IN PERSONS |
None reported.
Albert Camille Vital
Prime Minister since 18 December 2009
Prime Minister since 18 December 2009
Emmanuel Rakotovahiny
Vice President since 06 October 2009
Vice President since 06 October 2009
