| MALI Republic of Mali Republique de Mali Joined United Nations: 28 September 1960 Human Rights as assured by their constitution Click here Updated 11/19/10 |
| CAPITAL |
| POPULATION |
| CHIEF OF STATE |
| SELECTION PROCESS |
Bamako
13,796,354 (July 2010 est.)
Modibo Sidibe
Prime Minister since 28 September 2007
Prime Minister since 28 September 2007
President elected by popular vote for a five-year term (eligible for a
second term); election last held 29 April 2007
Next scheduled election: April 2012
second term); election last held 29 April 2007
Next scheduled election: April 2012
HEAD OF GOVERNMENT
SELECTION PROCESS
Prime minister appointed by the president
Next scheduled election: April 2012
Next scheduled election: April 2012
| DECLARATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS |
| ETHNIC GROUPS |
Mande 50% (Bambara, Malinke, Soninke), Peul 17%, Voltaic 12%, Songhai 6%, Tuareg and Moor 10%, other 5%
| RELIGIONS |
Muslim 90%, Christian 1%, indigenous beliefs 9%
| GOVERNMENT STRUCTURE |
Republic with 8 regions (regions, singular - region); Legal system is based on French civil law system and customary law; judicial
review of legislative acts in Constitutional Court; has not accepted compulsory ICJ jurisdiction
Executive: President elected by popular vote for a five-year term (eligible for a second term); election last held 29 April 2007 (next to be
held April in 2012); prime minister appointed by the president
Legislative: Unicameral National Assembly or Assemblee Nationale (147 seats; members elected by popular vote to serve
five-year terms)
elections: last held 1 and 22 July 2007 (next to be held in July 2012)
Judicial: Supreme Court or Cour Supreme
review of legislative acts in Constitutional Court; has not accepted compulsory ICJ jurisdiction
Executive: President elected by popular vote for a five-year term (eligible for a second term); election last held 29 April 2007 (next to be
held April in 2012); prime minister appointed by the president
Legislative: Unicameral National Assembly or Assemblee Nationale (147 seats; members elected by popular vote to serve
five-year terms)
elections: last held 1 and 22 July 2007 (next to be held in July 2012)
Judicial: Supreme Court or Cour Supreme
| LANGUAGES |
French (official), Bambara 80%, numerous African languages
| BRIEF HISTORY |
Mali's early history is dominated by three famed West African empires-- Ghana, Mali or Malinké, and Songhai. These empires
controlled trans-Saharan trade in gold, salt, and other precious commodities and were in touch with Mediterranean and Middle
Eastern centers of civilization.. All of the empires arose in the area then known as the western Sudan, a vast region of savanna
between the Sahara Desert to the north and the tropical rain forests along the Guinean coast to the south. All were characterized by
strong leadership (matrilineal) and kin-based societies. None had rigid geopolitical boundaries or ethnic identities. The Ghana
Empire, dominated by the Soninke people and centered in the area along the border of the modern states of Mali and Mauritania.
The Ghana Empire began possibly as early as the fifth century AD, and was a powerful trading state between c. 700 and 1075. The
Mali Empire began with the Malinke Kingdom of Mali on the upper Niger River in the 11th century. Expanding rapidly in the 13th
century under the leadership of the Malinké Sundiata Keita. Sundiata led a Mande revolt against the Soso king and then unified a
vast region of the western Sudan into the Mali Empire. It reached its height about 1325, when it conquered Timbuktu and Gao and
extended over a large area centered in the upper Niger and encompassed numerous vassal kingdoms and provinces. The Songhai
people originated in what is now northwestern Nigeria and gradually expanded up the Niger River in the eighth century. They were
well established at Gao by 800 AD, gradually expanding to control neighboring states, and accepting Islam in the late 11th century
when they briefly came under Almoravid dominion. They enjoyed a brief respite after Almoravid power crumbled in 543, but by
1250 had become subject to the rising Mali Empire. In the late fourteenth century, the Songhai gradually gained independence from
the Mali Empire and expanded its borders, ultimately subsuming the entire eastern part of the Mali Empire from its center in Gao
during the period 1465-1530. It was expanded greatly under the rule of Sonni Ali Ber. At its peak under Askia Mohammad I, who
established the Askia Dynasty (1492–1592), it encompassed the Hausa states as far as Kano (in present-day Nigeria) and much of
the territory that had belonged to the Mali Empire in the west (including almost all of what is now Mali). Tombouctou and Djenné
prospered once again, as the rulers actively promoted Islam. The empire eventually collapsed as a result of both internal and
external pressures, including a Moroccan invasion in 1591. The fall of the Songhai Empire marked the end of the region’s role as a
trading crossroads. Following the establishment of sea routes by the European powers, the trans-Saharan trade routes lost their
significance. After the collapse of the Songhai empire, no single state controlled the region. The Moroccan invaders only succeeded
in occupying a few portions of the country, and even in those locations where they did attempt to rule, their hold was weak and
challenged by rivals. Several small successor kingdoms arose. Among the most notable in what is now Mali were: The Bambara
Empire was established at Ségou (also seen as Segu) in the eighteenth century, and ruled parts of central and southern Mali. A split
in the Kulibali dynasty in Ségou led to the establishment of a second Bambara state in what is now western Mali. It was defeated by
Umar Tall before his war with Ségou. The Senufo Kenedugu Kingdom originated in the 17th century in the area around what is now
the border of Mali and Burkina Faso. In 1877 the capital was moved to Sikasso. It resisted the effort of Samori Ture to conquer it,
and was one of the last kingdoms in the area to fall to the French. An Islamic-inspired uprising in the largely Fula Inland Niger Delta
region against rule by Ségou in 1818 led to establishment of a separate state. It later allied with Ségou against Umar Tall and was
also defeated in 1862. Descendants of Umar Tall ruled most of what is now Mali until the French conquest of the region. This was
in some ways a turbulent period, with ongoing resistance in Massina and increasing pressure from the French. The Wassoulou or
Wassulu empire was led by Samori Ture in the predominately Malinké area of what is now upper Guinea and southwestern Mali
(Wassoulou) during the latter part of the 19th century. It later moved to Côte d'Ivoire before being conquered by the French. The
French colonized Mali in 1893. On April 4, 1959, French Sudan was joined with Senegal to form the Mali Federation, which
became fully independent within the French Community on June 20, 1960. The federation collapsed on August 20, 1960, when
Senegal seceded. On September 22, Soudan proclaimed itself the Republic of Mali and withdrew from the French Community.
President Modibo Keita, whose Union Soudanaise du Rassemblement Democratique Africain (US/RDA) party had dominated pre-
independence politics (as a member of the African Democratic Rally), moved quickly to declare a single-party state and to pursue a
socialist policy based on extensive nationalization. Keita also had close ties to the Eastern bloc. A continuously deteriorating
economy led to a decision to rejoin the Franc Zone in 1967 and modify some of the economic excesses. On November 19, 1968,
a group of young officers staged a bloodless coup and set up a 14-member Military Committee for National Liberation (CMLN),
with Lt. Moussa Traore as president. The military leaders attempted to pursue economic reforms, but for several years faced
debilitating internal political struggles and the disastrous Sahelian drought. A new constitution, approved in 1974, created a one-
party state and was designed to move Mali toward civilian rule. However, the military leaders remained in power. In September
1976, a new political party was established, the Democratic Union of the Malian People (UDPM), based on the concept of
democratic centralism. Single-party presidential and legislative elections were held in June 1979, and Gen. Moussa Traore received
99% of the votes. His efforts at consolidating the single-party government were challenged in 1980 by student-led anti-government
demonstrations, which were brutally put down, and by three coup attempts. The political situation stabilized during 1981 and 1982,
and remained generally calm throughout the 1980s. In late December 1985, however, a border dispute between Mali and Burkina
Faso over the mineral rich Agacher strip erupted into a brief war. The UDPM spread its structure to Cercles and Arrondissements
across the land. By 1990, there was growing dissatisfaction with the demands for austerity imposed by the IMF's economic reform
programs and the perception that the president and his close associates were not themselves adhering to those demands. Cohesive
opposition movements began to emerge, including the National Democratic Initiative Committee and the Alliance for Democracy in
Mali (Alliance pour la Démocratie au Mali—Adema). The increasingly turbulent political situation was complicated by the rise of
ethnic violence in the north in mid-1990. The return to Mali of large numbers of Tuareg who had migrated to Algeria and Libya
during a prolonged drought increased tensions in the region between the nomadic Tuareg and the sedentary population. Ostensibly
fearing a Tuareg secessionist movement in the north, the Traoré regime imposed a state of emergency and harshly repressed Tuareg
unrest. Despite the signing of a peace accord in January 1991, unrest and periodic armed clashes continued. As in other African
countries, demands for multi-party democracy increased. The Traore government allowed some opening of the system, including the
establishment of an independent press and independent political associations, but insisted that Mali was not ready for democracy. In
early 1991, student-led anti-government rioting broke out again, but this time it was supported also by government workers and
others. On March 26, 1991, after 4 days of intense anti-government rioting, a group of 17 military officers, led by current President
Amadou Toumani Touré, arrested President Traore and suspended the constitution. Within days, these officers joined with the
Coordinating Committee of Democratic Associations to form a predominantly civilian, 25-member ruling body, the Transitional
Committee for the Salvation of the People (CTSP). The CTSP then appointed a civilian-led government. A national conference held
in August 1991 produced a draft constitution (approved in a referendum January 12, 1992), a charter for political parties, and an
electoral code. In 1997, attempts to renew national institutions through democratic elections ran into administrative difficulties,
resulting in a court-ordered annulment of the legislative elections held in April 1997. Running as an independent on a platform of
national unity, Touré won the presidency in a runoff against the candidate of Adema, which had been divided by infighting and
suffered from the creation of a spin-off party, the Rally for Mali (Rassemblement pour le Mali—RPM). Touré had retained great
popularity because of his role in the transitional government in 1991–92. The 2002 election was a milestone, marking Mali’s first
successful transition from one democratically elected president to another, despite the persistence of electoral irregularities and low
voter turnout.
Source: Wikipedia: History of Mali
controlled trans-Saharan trade in gold, salt, and other precious commodities and were in touch with Mediterranean and Middle
Eastern centers of civilization.. All of the empires arose in the area then known as the western Sudan, a vast region of savanna
between the Sahara Desert to the north and the tropical rain forests along the Guinean coast to the south. All were characterized by
strong leadership (matrilineal) and kin-based societies. None had rigid geopolitical boundaries or ethnic identities. The Ghana
Empire, dominated by the Soninke people and centered in the area along the border of the modern states of Mali and Mauritania.
The Ghana Empire began possibly as early as the fifth century AD, and was a powerful trading state between c. 700 and 1075. The
Mali Empire began with the Malinke Kingdom of Mali on the upper Niger River in the 11th century. Expanding rapidly in the 13th
century under the leadership of the Malinké Sundiata Keita. Sundiata led a Mande revolt against the Soso king and then unified a
vast region of the western Sudan into the Mali Empire. It reached its height about 1325, when it conquered Timbuktu and Gao and
extended over a large area centered in the upper Niger and encompassed numerous vassal kingdoms and provinces. The Songhai
people originated in what is now northwestern Nigeria and gradually expanded up the Niger River in the eighth century. They were
well established at Gao by 800 AD, gradually expanding to control neighboring states, and accepting Islam in the late 11th century
when they briefly came under Almoravid dominion. They enjoyed a brief respite after Almoravid power crumbled in 543, but by
1250 had become subject to the rising Mali Empire. In the late fourteenth century, the Songhai gradually gained independence from
the Mali Empire and expanded its borders, ultimately subsuming the entire eastern part of the Mali Empire from its center in Gao
during the period 1465-1530. It was expanded greatly under the rule of Sonni Ali Ber. At its peak under Askia Mohammad I, who
established the Askia Dynasty (1492–1592), it encompassed the Hausa states as far as Kano (in present-day Nigeria) and much of
the territory that had belonged to the Mali Empire in the west (including almost all of what is now Mali). Tombouctou and Djenné
prospered once again, as the rulers actively promoted Islam. The empire eventually collapsed as a result of both internal and
external pressures, including a Moroccan invasion in 1591. The fall of the Songhai Empire marked the end of the region’s role as a
trading crossroads. Following the establishment of sea routes by the European powers, the trans-Saharan trade routes lost their
significance. After the collapse of the Songhai empire, no single state controlled the region. The Moroccan invaders only succeeded
in occupying a few portions of the country, and even in those locations where they did attempt to rule, their hold was weak and
challenged by rivals. Several small successor kingdoms arose. Among the most notable in what is now Mali were: The Bambara
Empire was established at Ségou (also seen as Segu) in the eighteenth century, and ruled parts of central and southern Mali. A split
in the Kulibali dynasty in Ségou led to the establishment of a second Bambara state in what is now western Mali. It was defeated by
Umar Tall before his war with Ségou. The Senufo Kenedugu Kingdom originated in the 17th century in the area around what is now
the border of Mali and Burkina Faso. In 1877 the capital was moved to Sikasso. It resisted the effort of Samori Ture to conquer it,
and was one of the last kingdoms in the area to fall to the French. An Islamic-inspired uprising in the largely Fula Inland Niger Delta
region against rule by Ségou in 1818 led to establishment of a separate state. It later allied with Ségou against Umar Tall and was
also defeated in 1862. Descendants of Umar Tall ruled most of what is now Mali until the French conquest of the region. This was
in some ways a turbulent period, with ongoing resistance in Massina and increasing pressure from the French. The Wassoulou or
Wassulu empire was led by Samori Ture in the predominately Malinké area of what is now upper Guinea and southwestern Mali
(Wassoulou) during the latter part of the 19th century. It later moved to Côte d'Ivoire before being conquered by the French. The
French colonized Mali in 1893. On April 4, 1959, French Sudan was joined with Senegal to form the Mali Federation, which
became fully independent within the French Community on June 20, 1960. The federation collapsed on August 20, 1960, when
Senegal seceded. On September 22, Soudan proclaimed itself the Republic of Mali and withdrew from the French Community.
President Modibo Keita, whose Union Soudanaise du Rassemblement Democratique Africain (US/RDA) party had dominated pre-
independence politics (as a member of the African Democratic Rally), moved quickly to declare a single-party state and to pursue a
socialist policy based on extensive nationalization. Keita also had close ties to the Eastern bloc. A continuously deteriorating
economy led to a decision to rejoin the Franc Zone in 1967 and modify some of the economic excesses. On November 19, 1968,
a group of young officers staged a bloodless coup and set up a 14-member Military Committee for National Liberation (CMLN),
with Lt. Moussa Traore as president. The military leaders attempted to pursue economic reforms, but for several years faced
debilitating internal political struggles and the disastrous Sahelian drought. A new constitution, approved in 1974, created a one-
party state and was designed to move Mali toward civilian rule. However, the military leaders remained in power. In September
1976, a new political party was established, the Democratic Union of the Malian People (UDPM), based on the concept of
democratic centralism. Single-party presidential and legislative elections were held in June 1979, and Gen. Moussa Traore received
99% of the votes. His efforts at consolidating the single-party government were challenged in 1980 by student-led anti-government
demonstrations, which were brutally put down, and by three coup attempts. The political situation stabilized during 1981 and 1982,
and remained generally calm throughout the 1980s. In late December 1985, however, a border dispute between Mali and Burkina
Faso over the mineral rich Agacher strip erupted into a brief war. The UDPM spread its structure to Cercles and Arrondissements
across the land. By 1990, there was growing dissatisfaction with the demands for austerity imposed by the IMF's economic reform
programs and the perception that the president and his close associates were not themselves adhering to those demands. Cohesive
opposition movements began to emerge, including the National Democratic Initiative Committee and the Alliance for Democracy in
Mali (Alliance pour la Démocratie au Mali—Adema). The increasingly turbulent political situation was complicated by the rise of
ethnic violence in the north in mid-1990. The return to Mali of large numbers of Tuareg who had migrated to Algeria and Libya
during a prolonged drought increased tensions in the region between the nomadic Tuareg and the sedentary population. Ostensibly
fearing a Tuareg secessionist movement in the north, the Traoré regime imposed a state of emergency and harshly repressed Tuareg
unrest. Despite the signing of a peace accord in January 1991, unrest and periodic armed clashes continued. As in other African
countries, demands for multi-party democracy increased. The Traore government allowed some opening of the system, including the
establishment of an independent press and independent political associations, but insisted that Mali was not ready for democracy. In
early 1991, student-led anti-government rioting broke out again, but this time it was supported also by government workers and
others. On March 26, 1991, after 4 days of intense anti-government rioting, a group of 17 military officers, led by current President
Amadou Toumani Touré, arrested President Traore and suspended the constitution. Within days, these officers joined with the
Coordinating Committee of Democratic Associations to form a predominantly civilian, 25-member ruling body, the Transitional
Committee for the Salvation of the People (CTSP). The CTSP then appointed a civilian-led government. A national conference held
in August 1991 produced a draft constitution (approved in a referendum January 12, 1992), a charter for political parties, and an
electoral code. In 1997, attempts to renew national institutions through democratic elections ran into administrative difficulties,
resulting in a court-ordered annulment of the legislative elections held in April 1997. Running as an independent on a platform of
national unity, Touré won the presidency in a runoff against the candidate of Adema, which had been divided by infighting and
suffered from the creation of a spin-off party, the Rally for Mali (Rassemblement pour le Mali—RPM). Touré had retained great
popularity because of his role in the transitional government in 1991–92. The 2002 election was a milestone, marking Mali’s first
successful transition from one democratically elected president to another, despite the persistence of electoral irregularities and low
voter turnout.
Source: Wikipedia: History of Mali
| ECONOMIC OVERVIEW |
Mali is among the 25 poorest countries in the world, with 65% of its land area desert or semidesert and with a highly unequal
distribution of income. Economic activity is largely confined to the riverine area irrigated by the Niger. About 10% of the population
is nomadic and some 80% of the labor force is engaged in farming and fishing. Industrial activity is concentrated on processing farm
commodities. Mali is heavily dependent on foreign aid and vulnerable to fluctuations in world prices for gold and cotton, its main
exports. The government has continued its successful implementation of an IMF-recommended structural adjustment program that is
helping the economy grow, diversify, and attract foreign investment. Mali has invested in tourism and a tractor assembly factory.
Mali's adherence to economic reform and the 50% devaluation of the CFA franc in January 1994 have pushed up economic growth
to a 5% average in 1996-2008. Worker remittances and external trade routes for the landlocked country have been jeopardized by
continued unrest in neighboring Cote d'Ivoire, however, Mali is building a road network that will connect it to all adjacent countries
and it has a railway line to Senegal.
Source: CIA World Factbook (select Mali)
distribution of income. Economic activity is largely confined to the riverine area irrigated by the Niger. About 10% of the population
is nomadic and some 80% of the labor force is engaged in farming and fishing. Industrial activity is concentrated on processing farm
commodities. Mali is heavily dependent on foreign aid and vulnerable to fluctuations in world prices for gold and cotton, its main
exports. The government has continued its successful implementation of an IMF-recommended structural adjustment program that is
helping the economy grow, diversify, and attract foreign investment. Mali has invested in tourism and a tractor assembly factory.
Mali's adherence to economic reform and the 50% devaluation of the CFA franc in January 1994 have pushed up economic growth
to a 5% average in 1996-2008. Worker remittances and external trade routes for the landlocked country have been jeopardized by
continued unrest in neighboring Cote d'Ivoire, however, Mali is building a road network that will connect it to all adjacent countries
and it has a railway line to Senegal.
Source: CIA World Factbook (select Mali)
| POLITICAL CLIMATE |
Politics of Mali takes place in a framework of a presidential representative democratic republic, whereby the President of Mali is
both head of state and head of government, and of a pluriform multi-party system. Executive power is exercised by the government.
Legislative power is vested in both the government and the National Assembly. The Judiciary is independent of the executive and
the legislature.
Under Mali's 1992 constitution, the president is chief of state and commander in chief of the armed forces. The president is elected
to 5-year terms, with a limit of two terms. The president appoints the prime minister as head of government. The president chairs the
Council of Ministers (the prime minister and currently 22 other ministers, including 6 women), which adopts proposals for laws
submitted to the National Assembly for approval.
The National Assembly (Assemblée Nationale) has 160 members, elected for a five year term, 147 members elected in single-seat
constituencies and 13 members elected by the Malinese abroad. The National Assembly is the sole legislative arm of the
government. Representation is apportioned according to the population of administrative districts. Election is direct and by party list.
The term of office is 5 years. The Assembly meets for two regular sessions each year. It debates and votes on legislation proposed
either by one of its members or by the government and has the right to question government ministers about government actions and
policies. Eight political parties, aggregated into four parliamentary groups, are represented in the Assembly. ADEMA currently
holds the majority; minority parties are represented in all committees and in the Assembly directorate.
Source: Wikipedia: Politics of Mali
both head of state and head of government, and of a pluriform multi-party system. Executive power is exercised by the government.
Legislative power is vested in both the government and the National Assembly. The Judiciary is independent of the executive and
the legislature.
Under Mali's 1992 constitution, the president is chief of state and commander in chief of the armed forces. The president is elected
to 5-year terms, with a limit of two terms. The president appoints the prime minister as head of government. The president chairs the
Council of Ministers (the prime minister and currently 22 other ministers, including 6 women), which adopts proposals for laws
submitted to the National Assembly for approval.
The National Assembly (Assemblée Nationale) has 160 members, elected for a five year term, 147 members elected in single-seat
constituencies and 13 members elected by the Malinese abroad. The National Assembly is the sole legislative arm of the
government. Representation is apportioned according to the population of administrative districts. Election is direct and by party list.
The term of office is 5 years. The Assembly meets for two regular sessions each year. It debates and votes on legislation proposed
either by one of its members or by the government and has the right to question government ministers about government actions and
policies. Eight political parties, aggregated into four parliamentary groups, are represented in the Assembly. ADEMA currently
holds the majority; minority parties are represented in all committees and in the Assembly directorate.
Source: Wikipedia: Politics of Mali
| INTERNATIONAL DISPUTES |
None reported.
| REFUGEES AND INTERNALLY DISPLACED PERSONS (IDPS) |
Refugees (country of origin): 6,300 (Mauritania) (2007)
| ILLICIT DRUGS |
None reported.
| HUMAN RIGHTS STATEMENTS, ANALYSIS AND CRITIQUES |
2009 Human Rights Report: Mali
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
March 11, 2010
Mali, with a population of approximately 12.6 million, is a constitutional democracy. International and domestic observers characterized
the April 2007 presidential election, which resulted in the reelection of President Amadou Toumani Toure, and the July 2007 legislative
elections as generally free and fair; however, there were some administrative irregularities. The north experienced periodic violence
involving Tuareg rebels, ethnic violence, and the terrorist organization al-Qaida in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM). While civilian authorities
generally maintained effective control of the security forces, there were instances in which elements of the security forces acted
independently.
The government generally respected its citizens' human rights; however, there were problems, including:
Tuareg rebels, AQIM, and ethnic factions committed abuses against civilians in the north.
Click here to read more »
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
March 11, 2010
Mali, with a population of approximately 12.6 million, is a constitutional democracy. International and domestic observers characterized
the April 2007 presidential election, which resulted in the reelection of President Amadou Toumani Toure, and the July 2007 legislative
elections as generally free and fair; however, there were some administrative irregularities. The north experienced periodic violence
involving Tuareg rebels, ethnic violence, and the terrorist organization al-Qaida in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM). While civilian authorities
generally maintained effective control of the security forces, there were instances in which elements of the security forces acted
independently.
The government generally respected its citizens' human rights; however, there were problems, including:
- the arbitrary or unlawful deprivation of a life,
- police abuse of civilians,
- poor prison conditions,
- arbitrary detention,
- lengthy pretrial detention,
- prolonged trial delays,
- executive influence over the judiciary,
- lack of enforcement of court orders,
- restrictions on freedom of speech and assembly,
- isolated cases of fraud in communal elections,
- official corruption and impunity,
- domestic violence and discrimination against women,
- female genital mutilation (FGM),
- trafficking in persons,
- societal discrimination against black Tamacheks,
- discrimination based on sexual orientation,
- societal discrimination against persons with HIV/AIDS,
- slavery-like practices and hereditary servitude relationships between ethnic groups,
- child labor.
Tuareg rebels, AQIM, and ethnic factions committed abuses against civilians in the north.
Click here to read more »
2 February 2007
CONSIDERATION OF REPORTS SUBMITTED BY STATES PARTIES UNDER
ARTICLE 44 OF THE CONVENTION
Forty-fourth session
Concluding Observations of the Committee on the
Rights of the Child: Mali
Introduction
2. The Committee welcomes the State party’s second periodic report, prepared in accordance with the Committees guidelines, which
gave a clear understanding of the situation of children in the State party and the detailed written replies to its list of issues
(CRC/C/MLI/Q/2). It further notes with appreciation the open, frank and constructive dialogue with the high level delegation.
B. Follow-up measures undertaken and progress achieved by the State party
3. The Committee notes with appreciation the enactment of the following legislation:
(a) Law N°06-024, of 2006, making birth registration cost free;
(b) Decree N°06-117/P-RM creating the “Commission Nationale des Droits de l’Homme” in 2006;
(c) Decree N°05-147/P-RM, of 2005, providing free antiretroviral therapy;
(d) Act No. 04-004, creating the National Centre for Documentation and Information on Women and the Child in 2004;
C. Factors and difficulties impeding the implementation of the Convention
5. The Committee acknowledges challenges faced by the State party, namely the high rate of poverty, serious problems of accessibility,
in particular, of the large and desert areas of the country as well as the prevalence of traditions and customs which may hamper
progress towards the full realization of all human rights and fundamental freedoms of children.
Principal areas of concern and recommendations
The Committee’s previous recommendations
6. While the Committee notes that some of its previous recommendations (CRC/C/15/Add.113 of 1999) have been implemented, it
regrets that many of them have not been sufficiently addressed, including the recommendations regarding birth registration, corporal
punishment and ill-treatment, neglect and abuse of children, female genital mutilation and early and forced marriages, economic
exploitation, discrimination against certain vulnerable groups of children and the reform of the juvenile justice system. These concerns
and recommendations are reiterated in the present document.
7. The Committee urges the State party to make every effort to implement the recommendations from the concluding observations of the
initial report that have not yet been sufficiently addressed and to provide adequate follow-up information to the recommendations
contained in the present concluding observations.
Click here to read more »
CONSIDERATION OF REPORTS SUBMITTED BY STATES PARTIES UNDER
ARTICLE 44 OF THE CONVENTION
Forty-fourth session
Concluding Observations of the Committee on the
Rights of the Child: Mali
Introduction
2. The Committee welcomes the State party’s second periodic report, prepared in accordance with the Committees guidelines, which
gave a clear understanding of the situation of children in the State party and the detailed written replies to its list of issues
(CRC/C/MLI/Q/2). It further notes with appreciation the open, frank and constructive dialogue with the high level delegation.
B. Follow-up measures undertaken and progress achieved by the State party
3. The Committee notes with appreciation the enactment of the following legislation:
(a) Law N°06-024, of 2006, making birth registration cost free;
(b) Decree N°06-117/P-RM creating the “Commission Nationale des Droits de l’Homme” in 2006;
(c) Decree N°05-147/P-RM, of 2005, providing free antiretroviral therapy;
(d) Act No. 04-004, creating the National Centre for Documentation and Information on Women and the Child in 2004;
C. Factors and difficulties impeding the implementation of the Convention
5. The Committee acknowledges challenges faced by the State party, namely the high rate of poverty, serious problems of accessibility,
in particular, of the large and desert areas of the country as well as the prevalence of traditions and customs which may hamper
progress towards the full realization of all human rights and fundamental freedoms of children.
Principal areas of concern and recommendations
The Committee’s previous recommendations
6. While the Committee notes that some of its previous recommendations (CRC/C/15/Add.113 of 1999) have been implemented, it
regrets that many of them have not been sufficiently addressed, including the recommendations regarding birth registration, corporal
punishment and ill-treatment, neglect and abuse of children, female genital mutilation and early and forced marriages, economic
exploitation, discrimination against certain vulnerable groups of children and the reform of the juvenile justice system. These concerns
and recommendations are reiterated in the present document.
7. The Committee urges the State party to make every effort to implement the recommendations from the concluding observations of the
initial report that have not yet been sufficiently addressed and to provide adequate follow-up information to the recommendations
contained in the present concluding observations.
Click here to read more »
Freedom In The World 2010 Report
Political Rights Score: 2
Civil Liberties Score: 3
Status: Free
Overview
Although a government military offensive in early 2009 appeared to have resolved some of the conflict with the Tuareg rebels in the
north, increased threats from the regional terrorist organization, Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb, within Mali kept the country’s
security situation tenuous. A new family law that had been under review for 10 years stalled again after religious groups protested the
legislature’s approval of the legislation in August.
In the April 2009 municipal elections, ADEMA captured 30 percent of the available seats and five of the eight regional assemblies in the
capital. While the government did not restrict opposition political parties from operating before or during the election, they did not
perform well. The largest single opposition party, Rally for Mali (RPM), lost the only district it controlled in the capital, and a number of
its young politicians broke off to form new political parties that performed well in the polls.
Tensions between the government and the marginalized ethnic Tuareg minority have erupted into violence over the years. Following a
1991 peace agreement and more than a decade of relative calm, a group of Tuareg army deserters attacked military barracks in 2006,
demanding greater autonomy and development assistance. From 2006 to 2008, fighting continued amid a series of negotiations and
ceasefires between the government and Tuareg rebels. Despite a 2008 peace agreement, the North Mali Tuareg Alliance for Change
(ATNMC)—a rebel faction led by Ibrahim Bahanga—intensified its insurgency efforts. Violence throughout 2008 culminated in a
December assault on an army base, followed by direct attacks on two pro-Toure Tuareg politicians that same month. The conflict had
been transformed from a purely military operation isolated in the north to one that was both political and nationwide in scope, confirming
President Toure’s belief that negotiations with Bahanga were no longer possible. The army subsequently intensified its efforts, destroying
the ATNMC’s main base in January 2009. By April, hundreds of rebels had laid down their weapons and signed the 2008agreement,
while Bahanga fled to Libya.
While government relations with the Tuareg rebels appeared to have stabilized by the end of 2009, security in the north continued to be
threatened by the growing activity of the terrorist organization Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM). As AQIM increases its
operations, work or travel in the region has become nearly impossible, particularly for foreigners and known government supporters. At
the end of 2008, AQIM kidnapped four European tourists, and one of them—a British national—was decapitated in May 2009 after the
British government refused to release a radical cleric. While the other three hostages were released in July, the group assassinated a
senior army intelligence officer in June, killed nearly 30 soldiers in an ambush on a military convoy in July, and took another European
hostage in December. Originating during the Algerian civil war, AQIM is motivated by ideology rather than cultural grievances as the
Tuareg rebels had been.
Although it is one of the world’s least developed countries, Mali has undertaken significant political and economic reforms since the early
1990s, including a decentralization program that gave greater autonomy to local communities. Mali has benefited from international debt
relief, and is currently working with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to meet the targets under the Poverty Reduction and Growth
Facility to improve Mali’s budget.
Click here to read more »
Political Rights Score: 2
Civil Liberties Score: 3
Status: Free
Overview
Although a government military offensive in early 2009 appeared to have resolved some of the conflict with the Tuareg rebels in the
north, increased threats from the regional terrorist organization, Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb, within Mali kept the country’s
security situation tenuous. A new family law that had been under review for 10 years stalled again after religious groups protested the
legislature’s approval of the legislation in August.
In the April 2009 municipal elections, ADEMA captured 30 percent of the available seats and five of the eight regional assemblies in the
capital. While the government did not restrict opposition political parties from operating before or during the election, they did not
perform well. The largest single opposition party, Rally for Mali (RPM), lost the only district it controlled in the capital, and a number of
its young politicians broke off to form new political parties that performed well in the polls.
Tensions between the government and the marginalized ethnic Tuareg minority have erupted into violence over the years. Following a
1991 peace agreement and more than a decade of relative calm, a group of Tuareg army deserters attacked military barracks in 2006,
demanding greater autonomy and development assistance. From 2006 to 2008, fighting continued amid a series of negotiations and
ceasefires between the government and Tuareg rebels. Despite a 2008 peace agreement, the North Mali Tuareg Alliance for Change
(ATNMC)—a rebel faction led by Ibrahim Bahanga—intensified its insurgency efforts. Violence throughout 2008 culminated in a
December assault on an army base, followed by direct attacks on two pro-Toure Tuareg politicians that same month. The conflict had
been transformed from a purely military operation isolated in the north to one that was both political and nationwide in scope, confirming
President Toure’s belief that negotiations with Bahanga were no longer possible. The army subsequently intensified its efforts, destroying
the ATNMC’s main base in January 2009. By April, hundreds of rebels had laid down their weapons and signed the 2008agreement,
while Bahanga fled to Libya.
While government relations with the Tuareg rebels appeared to have stabilized by the end of 2009, security in the north continued to be
threatened by the growing activity of the terrorist organization Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM). As AQIM increases its
operations, work or travel in the region has become nearly impossible, particularly for foreigners and known government supporters. At
the end of 2008, AQIM kidnapped four European tourists, and one of them—a British national—was decapitated in May 2009 after the
British government refused to release a radical cleric. While the other three hostages were released in July, the group assassinated a
senior army intelligence officer in June, killed nearly 30 soldiers in an ambush on a military convoy in July, and took another European
hostage in December. Originating during the Algerian civil war, AQIM is motivated by ideology rather than cultural grievances as the
Tuareg rebels had been.
Although it is one of the world’s least developed countries, Mali has undertaken significant political and economic reforms since the early
1990s, including a decentralization program that gave greater autonomy to local communities. Mali has benefited from international debt
relief, and is currently working with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to meet the targets under the Poverty Reduction and Growth
Facility to improve Mali’s budget.
Click here to read more »
PUBLIC STATEMENT
15 July 2010
Mali- Mauritania - Niger: Amnesty International calls for the release of all hostages held by Al Qa’ida in the Islamic Maghreb
Amnesty International is calling for the immediate release of two Spanish aid workers, Alberto Vilalta, aged 35, and Roque Pascual, aged
50, as well as a 78 year old French national Michel Germaneau, a humanitarian activist, abducted by self-proclaimed members of the
organization al-Qa’ida in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM).
Amnesty International is particularly concerned by the fact that on 11 July 2010, AQIM threatened to kill Michel Germaneau within the
next 15 days unless the French government meets its demands for the release of prisoners.
Michel Germaneau, a retired engineer, was captured at Inabangaret, northern Niger, in April 2010 and Amnesty International is
concerned about his detention in the Sahel desert. In May 2010, AQIM released a picture and audio of Michel Germaneau in which he
said he had a serious medical problem. Amnesty International learnt that he suffers from cardio vascular disease and needs regular
treatment and medicines.
Amnesty International is also concerned by the extremely harsh conditions in which the hostages are likely to be held in the Sahel desert.
One former hostage held by the AQIM told Amnesty International: “In June-July, it is incredibly hot (more than 55 degrees, day and
night). With the blanket over a dry tree, I had only two square metres of shade. Concerning the food, I had only rice and plain spaghetti,
but enough. I also always had enough water. Sometimes, I was verbally insulted and some of them called me “Chrétiens chiens”
(Christians are dogs). They also tried to convert the hostages to Islam. Some young guards used to shoot in the air or used to point at
me with their Kalashnikov. I complained to the leader and they stopped”.
Another former hostage told Amnesty International that after protesting he was punished and had to stay under the mid day sun for two
hours, he was told by the abductors that: “Europeans could not stay for more than five hours under that sun”.
The two other remaining Spanish hostages were abducted on 29 November 2009 by self proclaimed members of the AQIM in
Mauritania. Amnesty International learnt that one of them, Alberto Vilalta, was wounded by a bullet in the leg at the time of his abduction.
Hostage-taking is expressly prohibited by international law. Amnesty International calls on AQIMto end the practice of hostage-taking
and immediately and unconditionally release all hostages in circumstances that guarantee their safety and well-being. Any failure by
AQIM to treat all captives humanely or any infliction of torture or other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or threats thereof would
be fundamentally inconsistent with respect for the human rights of those it holds.
Click here to read more »
15 July 2010
Mali- Mauritania - Niger: Amnesty International calls for the release of all hostages held by Al Qa’ida in the Islamic Maghreb
Amnesty International is calling for the immediate release of two Spanish aid workers, Alberto Vilalta, aged 35, and Roque Pascual, aged
50, as well as a 78 year old French national Michel Germaneau, a humanitarian activist, abducted by self-proclaimed members of the
organization al-Qa’ida in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM).
Amnesty International is particularly concerned by the fact that on 11 July 2010, AQIM threatened to kill Michel Germaneau within the
next 15 days unless the French government meets its demands for the release of prisoners.
Michel Germaneau, a retired engineer, was captured at Inabangaret, northern Niger, in April 2010 and Amnesty International is
concerned about his detention in the Sahel desert. In May 2010, AQIM released a picture and audio of Michel Germaneau in which he
said he had a serious medical problem. Amnesty International learnt that he suffers from cardio vascular disease and needs regular
treatment and medicines.
Amnesty International is also concerned by the extremely harsh conditions in which the hostages are likely to be held in the Sahel desert.
One former hostage held by the AQIM told Amnesty International: “In June-July, it is incredibly hot (more than 55 degrees, day and
night). With the blanket over a dry tree, I had only two square metres of shade. Concerning the food, I had only rice and plain spaghetti,
but enough. I also always had enough water. Sometimes, I was verbally insulted and some of them called me “Chrétiens chiens”
(Christians are dogs). They also tried to convert the hostages to Islam. Some young guards used to shoot in the air or used to point at
me with their Kalashnikov. I complained to the leader and they stopped”.
Another former hostage told Amnesty International that after protesting he was punished and had to stay under the mid day sun for two
hours, he was told by the abductors that: “Europeans could not stay for more than five hours under that sun”.
The two other remaining Spanish hostages were abducted on 29 November 2009 by self proclaimed members of the AQIM in
Mauritania. Amnesty International learnt that one of them, Alberto Vilalta, was wounded by a bullet in the leg at the time of his abduction.
Hostage-taking is expressly prohibited by international law. Amnesty International calls on AQIMto end the practice of hostage-taking
and immediately and unconditionally release all hostages in circumstances that guarantee their safety and well-being. Any failure by
AQIM to treat all captives humanely or any infliction of torture or other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or threats thereof would
be fundamentally inconsistent with respect for the human rights of those it holds.
Click here to read more »
Mali: Militants Should Free Remaining Hostage
Murder of Tourist by Maghreb al-Qaeda an Affront to Humanity
June 4, 2009
(Dakar) - Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM), which is responsible for the brutal killing of a British tourist on May 31, 2009,
should immediately and unconditionally free a second hostage in its custody, Human Rights Watch said today.
The murdered hostage, Edwin Dyer, was one of four European tourists kidnapped in Niger near the Malian border on January 22 as they
returned from a music festival. On April 26, the group threatened to kill Dyer unless the British government freed an imprisoned
Palestinian Muslim cleric, Abu Qatada al-Filistini, whose real name is Omar Mahmoud Othman, within 20 days. On May 15, the group
extended the deadline to May 30. Dyer's killing on May 31 was reported in a communique issued by the group on June 2.
"The world was shocked by this brutal killing," said Corinne Dufka, senior West Africa researcher for Human Rights Watch. "Al-Qaeda
in the Islamic Maghreb should finally realize that these vicious attacks do not serve its cause and should immediately free the remaining
hostage."
The two female captives among the four Europeans kidnapped on January 22 were freed on April 22, along with two Canadian United
Nations diplomats - Robert Fowler and Louis Guay - who had been abducted in Niger by the group in December. It is believed that all
six hostages were moved to northern Mali, where Dyer was probably executed.
The fate of the remaining hostage, a Swiss national named Werner Greiner, remains unknown. There are conflicting reports about
whether AQIM is imposing any conditions for his release. Human Rights Watch called on the group to free him immediately and
unconditionally.
AQIM was formerly known as the Salafist Group for Preaching and Combat. In January 2007, the group affiliated itself with al-Qaeda
and has since extended its operations from its original base of operations in Algeria to other North African states. It has been implicated
in the killing of scores of civilians, such as the December 2007 twin bombings of the United Nations offices and a court building in
Algiers that left 41 dead according to media accounts, including 17 UN personnel, and the December 2007 killing of four French tourists
in Mauritania.
"AQIM's murder of Edwin Dyer demonstrates an utter contempt for human life," said Dufka. "Those responsible for this terrible crime
and for earlier attacks by AQIM that have left scores of dead in their wake should be apprehended and brought to justice."
Click here to read more »
Murder of Tourist by Maghreb al-Qaeda an Affront to Humanity
June 4, 2009
(Dakar) - Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM), which is responsible for the brutal killing of a British tourist on May 31, 2009,
should immediately and unconditionally free a second hostage in its custody, Human Rights Watch said today.
The murdered hostage, Edwin Dyer, was one of four European tourists kidnapped in Niger near the Malian border on January 22 as they
returned from a music festival. On April 26, the group threatened to kill Dyer unless the British government freed an imprisoned
Palestinian Muslim cleric, Abu Qatada al-Filistini, whose real name is Omar Mahmoud Othman, within 20 days. On May 15, the group
extended the deadline to May 30. Dyer's killing on May 31 was reported in a communique issued by the group on June 2.
"The world was shocked by this brutal killing," said Corinne Dufka, senior West Africa researcher for Human Rights Watch. "Al-Qaeda
in the Islamic Maghreb should finally realize that these vicious attacks do not serve its cause and should immediately free the remaining
hostage."
The two female captives among the four Europeans kidnapped on January 22 were freed on April 22, along with two Canadian United
Nations diplomats - Robert Fowler and Louis Guay - who had been abducted in Niger by the group in December. It is believed that all
six hostages were moved to northern Mali, where Dyer was probably executed.
The fate of the remaining hostage, a Swiss national named Werner Greiner, remains unknown. There are conflicting reports about
whether AQIM is imposing any conditions for his release. Human Rights Watch called on the group to free him immediately and
unconditionally.
AQIM was formerly known as the Salafist Group for Preaching and Combat. In January 2007, the group affiliated itself with al-Qaeda
and has since extended its operations from its original base of operations in Algeria to other North African states. It has been implicated
in the killing of scores of civilians, such as the December 2007 twin bombings of the United Nations offices and a court building in
Algiers that left 41 dead according to media accounts, including 17 UN personnel, and the December 2007 killing of four French tourists
in Mauritania.
"AQIM's murder of Edwin Dyer demonstrates an utter contempt for human life," said Dufka. "Those responsible for this terrible crime
and for earlier attacks by AQIM that have left scores of dead in their wake should be apprehended and brought to justice."
Click here to read more »
TRANSLATED FROM FRENCH BY GOOGLE TRANSLATE
Democracy and good governance in Mali: EXHAUSTIVE DIAGNOSIS OF APR
In its evaluation report, the mechanism highlights our strengths and best practices, but also our weaknesses
Tuesday, September 14, 2010
The evaluation report of Mali in the African Peer Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) was officially presented yesterday at the head of
state. The ceremony was held at the International Conference Centre of Bamako in the presence of Prime Minister Modibo Sidibe,
members of government, presidents of institutions of the Republic, representatives of the diplomatic corps and the representative of the
APRM Panel, Ms. Domitilla Mukantaganzwa .
Providing the report to the President of the Republic is a milestone in the APRM process in our country. This 400-page document
summarizes a profound diagnosis of the governance of Mali in the fields of democracy and the political, economic management,
business management, socio-economic development. The work was conducted by the National APRM governance high of 105
members. These experts have traveled across the country and questioned several officials and personalities of the state including the
President of the Republic, the Prime Minister, members of the government.
The conclusions of the National Commission of governance have been defended brilliantly by President Toure before his peers at their
11th forum held June 30, 2009 in Sirte, Libya. "The draft report, prepared under the supervision of the Panel of Eminent Persons of the
APRM has been done with professionalism and dedication, despite working conditions sometimes made difficult because of the territory
and the small size of the team of experts from the immensity of the task, "commented the Minister for Malians Abroad and African
Integration, focal point of the APRM.
Badara Aliou Macalou Note also that the National Action Plan, component objectives and timelines, will guide all stakeholders,
governments, private sector and civil society to achieve a common vision of development of our country . A technical unit, said the
minister, will be responsible for monitoring and evaluating the implementation of this Action Plan. "Endowed with sufficient human and
material resources, the technical unit should therefore ensure that the process is technically viable and transparent, based on the effective
participation of all major social partners," he said.
The representative of the APRM panel highlighted the issues and challenges, strengths and weaknesses of governance in Mali mentioned
in this report. "Let me touch some of the highlights of the evaluation report of Mali. These points are related to poverty, the high level of
corruption, insecurity in northern Mali, lack of modernization of the economy" , listed Ms. Domitilla Mukantaganzwa. Despite these
challenges, the paper notes that Mali, a country of dialogue, is resolutely committed to consolidating democracy and strengthening good
governance, she said. Ms. Domitilla Mukantaganzwa urged the state to invest in the implementation of national action plan and
encouraged the government for all efforts to meet the challenges of building a viable democracy and effective, based on cultural values
strictly endogenous. "The report we have today, is a dense and comprehensive report. It affects all aspects of governance," said the head
of state before declaring that the Government of Mali noted with satisfaction that several conclusions from the assessment mission
countries, overlap those established by the national self assessment report. The report, by Amadou Toumani Toure, highlights the
strengths of the Malian political experience based on our cultural values."
Click here to read more »
Democracy and good governance in Mali: EXHAUSTIVE DIAGNOSIS OF APR
In its evaluation report, the mechanism highlights our strengths and best practices, but also our weaknesses
Tuesday, September 14, 2010
The evaluation report of Mali in the African Peer Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) was officially presented yesterday at the head of
state. The ceremony was held at the International Conference Centre of Bamako in the presence of Prime Minister Modibo Sidibe,
members of government, presidents of institutions of the Republic, representatives of the diplomatic corps and the representative of the
APRM Panel, Ms. Domitilla Mukantaganzwa .
Providing the report to the President of the Republic is a milestone in the APRM process in our country. This 400-page document
summarizes a profound diagnosis of the governance of Mali in the fields of democracy and the political, economic management,
business management, socio-economic development. The work was conducted by the National APRM governance high of 105
members. These experts have traveled across the country and questioned several officials and personalities of the state including the
President of the Republic, the Prime Minister, members of the government.
The conclusions of the National Commission of governance have been defended brilliantly by President Toure before his peers at their
11th forum held June 30, 2009 in Sirte, Libya. "The draft report, prepared under the supervision of the Panel of Eminent Persons of the
APRM has been done with professionalism and dedication, despite working conditions sometimes made difficult because of the territory
and the small size of the team of experts from the immensity of the task, "commented the Minister for Malians Abroad and African
Integration, focal point of the APRM.
Badara Aliou Macalou Note also that the National Action Plan, component objectives and timelines, will guide all stakeholders,
governments, private sector and civil society to achieve a common vision of development of our country . A technical unit, said the
minister, will be responsible for monitoring and evaluating the implementation of this Action Plan. "Endowed with sufficient human and
material resources, the technical unit should therefore ensure that the process is technically viable and transparent, based on the effective
participation of all major social partners," he said.
The representative of the APRM panel highlighted the issues and challenges, strengths and weaknesses of governance in Mali mentioned
in this report. "Let me touch some of the highlights of the evaluation report of Mali. These points are related to poverty, the high level of
corruption, insecurity in northern Mali, lack of modernization of the economy" , listed Ms. Domitilla Mukantaganzwa. Despite these
challenges, the paper notes that Mali, a country of dialogue, is resolutely committed to consolidating democracy and strengthening good
governance, she said. Ms. Domitilla Mukantaganzwa urged the state to invest in the implementation of national action plan and
encouraged the government for all efforts to meet the challenges of building a viable democracy and effective, based on cultural values
strictly endogenous. "The report we have today, is a dense and comprehensive report. It affects all aspects of governance," said the head
of state before declaring that the Government of Mali noted with satisfaction that several conclusions from the assessment mission
countries, overlap those established by the national self assessment report. The report, by Amadou Toumani Toure, highlights the
strengths of the Malian political experience based on our cultural values."
Click here to read more »
MALI: THE HANDS OFF CAIN MISSION'S FIRST MEETINGS FOR ABOLITION AND THE UN MORATORIUM
November 10, 2010
the Hands Off Cain and Radical Party delegation in Mali, comprising Marco Pannella, Elisabetta Zamparutti and Matteo Angioli, had a
series of meetings concerning one of the objectives of the four day mission- accelerating the legislative process towards the abolition of
the death penalty in Mali.
The Radicals first met the President of the Mali Order of Lawyers, Maiga Seydou Ibrahim, and then various members of the Platform of
Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, including executive secretary of the People's Movement for Education on Human Rights
Mahamari Mohamed El Moktar and the vice president of the National Commission of Human Rights Kané Nana Sano.
Openly abolitionist, the president of the Order of Lawyers explained the internal difficulty of seeing to completion the parliamentary
procedures of the legal project for the definitive abolition of capital punishment, presented by the Government in October 2007. The
difficulties are tied to aggression by certain Muslim exponents and their complaints prevented the parliament approving the procedure.
The Parliamentary Commission on Human Rights didn't have the strength to give a positive opinion on limiting itself to record the imans'
10 reasons of aversion and the abolitionists' 10 reasons in favour.
“It concerns Mali giving value to supporting international measures, from the co-sponsorisation of the pro moratorium UN Resolution,
also confirmed this year, to adhesion to the statute of the International Court of Justice not to use the death penalty,” Radical
parliamentarian Elisabetta Zamparutti said. The same evaluation was given by the Platform for Economic, Social and Cultural Rights,
which consists of 55 non governmental organisations in Mali.
Today, the Radical delegation will hold meetings with the highest representatives of Mali- the Minister of Foreign Affairs and Justice
Minister. Besides the abolition of the death penalty in Mali, the other objective of the mission is to gain the African country's support for
two important Resolutions in discussion at the United Nations- the Universal Moratorium on capital punishment and the banning of
female genital mutilation.
The mission in Mali is part of Hands Off Cain's “Africa Project” for the realisation of the UN resolution for the moratorium on
executions and the abolition of the death penalty in Africa. The two year project, financed in part by the European Union, foresees
missions in 8 African countries for the first year and the holding of regional conferences in the second year. (Sources: HOC, 10/11/2010)
Click here to read more »
November 10, 2010
the Hands Off Cain and Radical Party delegation in Mali, comprising Marco Pannella, Elisabetta Zamparutti and Matteo Angioli, had a
series of meetings concerning one of the objectives of the four day mission- accelerating the legislative process towards the abolition of
the death penalty in Mali.
The Radicals first met the President of the Mali Order of Lawyers, Maiga Seydou Ibrahim, and then various members of the Platform of
Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, including executive secretary of the People's Movement for Education on Human Rights
Mahamari Mohamed El Moktar and the vice president of the National Commission of Human Rights Kané Nana Sano.
Openly abolitionist, the president of the Order of Lawyers explained the internal difficulty of seeing to completion the parliamentary
procedures of the legal project for the definitive abolition of capital punishment, presented by the Government in October 2007. The
difficulties are tied to aggression by certain Muslim exponents and their complaints prevented the parliament approving the procedure.
The Parliamentary Commission on Human Rights didn't have the strength to give a positive opinion on limiting itself to record the imans'
10 reasons of aversion and the abolitionists' 10 reasons in favour.
“It concerns Mali giving value to supporting international measures, from the co-sponsorisation of the pro moratorium UN Resolution,
also confirmed this year, to adhesion to the statute of the International Court of Justice not to use the death penalty,” Radical
parliamentarian Elisabetta Zamparutti said. The same evaluation was given by the Platform for Economic, Social and Cultural Rights,
which consists of 55 non governmental organisations in Mali.
Today, the Radical delegation will hold meetings with the highest representatives of Mali- the Minister of Foreign Affairs and Justice
Minister. Besides the abolition of the death penalty in Mali, the other objective of the mission is to gain the African country's support for
two important Resolutions in discussion at the United Nations- the Universal Moratorium on capital punishment and the banning of
female genital mutilation.
The mission in Mali is part of Hands Off Cain's “Africa Project” for the realisation of the UN resolution for the moratorium on
executions and the abolition of the death penalty in Africa. The two year project, financed in part by the European Union, foresees
missions in 8 African countries for the first year and the holding of regional conferences in the second year. (Sources: HOC, 10/11/2010)
Click here to read more »
TRANSLATED FROM FRENCH BY GOOGLE TRANSLATE
The wide field of mediation: Some case studies: Sina Mamourou DIALLO (mayor of the town of Niéna)
11/19/2010
He presented a history of sharing the field of culture between two villages. Faced with the intransigence of both players, was taken to
share the daba, extreme measure after which no one can exploit the plot. Finally the little son of the protagonists have agreed and
proceeded to an equal division of space.
Mamadou Sissoko (Network advocacy lobbying for the development of Kita)
He spoke of a history of hiring. Indeed, an old man had received rent from him a Dogon from which he was heavily indebted to its
orders and small needs. It will eventually cede part of its concession in lieu of debt. The grandchildren of the old man had wanted to
expel the Dogon because they were unaware of the sale. Finally, the network brought together the protagonists in the great Imam. Small
children have agreed to adjust the debt Dogon who agreed to leave the family.
Yacouba DIARRA (Stop Sahel Nara)
He presented a local mechanism of conflict management, in this case the platform to prevent and manage conflicts of Nara. Indeed,
present since 1996 in Nara, Stop Sahel NGO shall carry out the pacification of coexistence between pastoralists and farmers in the
middle.
Dr. Hamada MAIGA talked about the experience of the consortium TASSAGHT / GRAIP in preventing and resolving conflicts in Gao.
Ms. Ami Konate (APDF Koulikoro)
She presented a history of marriage in Koulikoro that its structure has been resolved amicably.
Ms. Fatoumata Coulibaly BALDE was invited to present the case of the school of deaf-mutes Kita why Madam Ombudsman, along with
members of its advisory committee had made the trip. The misunderstanding has been cleared.
RECOMMENDATIONS
Participants in the workshop discussion and reflection on traditional and modern mediation in Mali met from 9 to 11 November 2010 in
Bamako.
Click here to read more>>
The wide field of mediation: Some case studies: Sina Mamourou DIALLO (mayor of the town of Niéna)
11/19/2010
He presented a history of sharing the field of culture between two villages. Faced with the intransigence of both players, was taken to
share the daba, extreme measure after which no one can exploit the plot. Finally the little son of the protagonists have agreed and
proceeded to an equal division of space.
Mamadou Sissoko (Network advocacy lobbying for the development of Kita)
He spoke of a history of hiring. Indeed, an old man had received rent from him a Dogon from which he was heavily indebted to its
orders and small needs. It will eventually cede part of its concession in lieu of debt. The grandchildren of the old man had wanted to
expel the Dogon because they were unaware of the sale. Finally, the network brought together the protagonists in the great Imam. Small
children have agreed to adjust the debt Dogon who agreed to leave the family.
Yacouba DIARRA (Stop Sahel Nara)
He presented a local mechanism of conflict management, in this case the platform to prevent and manage conflicts of Nara. Indeed,
present since 1996 in Nara, Stop Sahel NGO shall carry out the pacification of coexistence between pastoralists and farmers in the
middle.
Dr. Hamada MAIGA talked about the experience of the consortium TASSAGHT / GRAIP in preventing and resolving conflicts in Gao.
Ms. Ami Konate (APDF Koulikoro)
She presented a history of marriage in Koulikoro that its structure has been resolved amicably.
Ms. Fatoumata Coulibaly BALDE was invited to present the case of the school of deaf-mutes Kita why Madam Ombudsman, along with
members of its advisory committee had made the trip. The misunderstanding has been cleared.
RECOMMENDATIONS
Participants in the workshop discussion and reflection on traditional and modern mediation in Mali met from 9 to 11 November 2010 in
Bamako.
Click here to read more>>
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Amadou Toumani Toure
President since 8 June 2002
President since 8 June 2002
| TRAFFICKING IN PERSONS |
None reported.
