| MOZAMBIQUE Republic of Mozambique Republica de Mocambique Joined United Nations: 15 September 1975 Human Rights as assured by their constitution Click here Updated 09/08/10 |
| CAPITAL |
| POPULATION |
| CHIEF OF STATE |
| SELECTION PROCESS |
Maputo
21,669,278
note: estimates for this country explicitly take into account the effects of excess mortality due to
AIDS; this can result in lower life expectancy, higher infant mortality, higher death rates,
lower population growth rates, and changes in the distribution of population by age and sex
than would otherwise be expected; the 1997 Mozambican census reported a population of
16,099,246 (July 2010 est.)
note: estimates for this country explicitly take into account the effects of excess mortality due to
AIDS; this can result in lower life expectancy, higher infant mortality, higher death rates,
lower population growth rates, and changes in the distribution of population by age and sex
than would otherwise be expected; the 1997 Mozambican census reported a population of
16,099,246 (July 2010 est.)
President elected by popular vote for a five-year term (eligible for a
second term); election last held 28 October 2009
Next scheduled election: December 2014
second term); election last held 28 October 2009
Next scheduled election: December 2014
HEAD OF GOVERNMENT
SELECTION PROCESS
Prime Minister appointed by the President
Next scheduled election: 2014
Next scheduled election: 2014
| DECLARATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS |
| ETHNIC GROUPS |
African 99.66% (Makhuwa, Tsonga, Lomwe, Sena, and others), Europeans 0.06%, Euro-Africans 0.2%, Indians 0.08%
| RELIGIONS |
Catholic 23.8%, Muslim 17.8%, Zionist Christian 17.5%, other 17.8%, none 23.1% (1997 census)
| GOVERNMENT STRUCTURE |
Republic with 10 provinces (provincias, singular - provincia), 1 city (cidade); Legal system is based on Portuguese civil law system and
customary law
Executive: President elected by popular vote for a five-year term (eligible for a second term); election last held 28 October 2009 (next to be
held in 2014); Prime Minister appointed by the President
Legislative: Unicameral Assembly of the Republic or Assembleia da Republica (250 seats; members are directly elected by
popular vote to serve five-year terms)
elections: last held 28 October 2009 (next to be held in 2014)
Judicial: Supreme Court (the court of final appeal; some of its professional judges are appointed by the president and some are
elected by the Assembly); other courts include an Administrative Court, customs courts, maritime courts, courts marshal, labor
courts
note: although the constitution provides for a separate Constitutional Court, one has never been established; in its absence the
Supreme Court reviews constitutional cases
customary law
Executive: President elected by popular vote for a five-year term (eligible for a second term); election last held 28 October 2009 (next to be
held in 2014); Prime Minister appointed by the President
Legislative: Unicameral Assembly of the Republic or Assembleia da Republica (250 seats; members are directly elected by
popular vote to serve five-year terms)
elections: last held 28 October 2009 (next to be held in 2014)
Judicial: Supreme Court (the court of final appeal; some of its professional judges are appointed by the president and some are
elected by the Assembly); other courts include an Administrative Court, customs courts, maritime courts, courts marshal, labor
courts
note: although the constitution provides for a separate Constitutional Court, one has never been established; in its absence the
Supreme Court reviews constitutional cases
| LANGUAGES |
Emakhuwa 26.1%, Xichangana 11.3%, Portuguese 8.8% (official; spoken by 27% of population as a second language), Elomwe
7.6%, Cisena 6.8%, Echuwabo 5.8%, other Mozambican languages 32%, other foreign languages 0.3%, unspecified 1.3% (1997
census)
7.6%, Cisena 6.8%, Echuwabo 5.8%, other Mozambican languages 32%, other foreign languages 0.3%, unspecified 1.3% (1997
census)
| BRIEF HISTORY |
First inhabitants were the San hunters and gatherers, ancestors of the Khoisani peoples. Between the first and fourth centuries AD,
waves of Bantu-speaking peoples migrated from the north through the Zambezi River valley and then gradually into the plateau and
coastal areas. The Bantu were farmers and ironworkers. When Vasco da Gama, exploring for Portugal, reached the coast of
Mozambique in 1498, Arab trading settlements had existed along the coast and outlying islands for several centuries, and political
control of the coast was in the hands of a string of local sultans. Most of the local people had embraced Islam. The region lay at the
southernmost end of a traditional trading world that encompassed the Red Sea, the Hadhramaut coast of Arabia and the Indian
coast, described in the 1st-century coasting guide that is called the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea. From about 1500, Portuguese
trading posts and forts became regular ports of call on the new route to the east. 'Mozambique' first described a small coral island at
the mouth of Mossuril Bay, then the fort and town on that island, São Sebastião de Moçambique, and later extended to the whole
of the Portuguese colonies on the east coast of Africa. The square fort at the northern extremity of the island was built in 1510
entirely of ballast stone brought from Portugal. With the decline of Portuguese power, especially during the period when the crown
of Portugal was combined with the crown of Spain (1580-1640), the Portuguese coastal settlements were ignored and fell into a
ruinous condition. Afterwards, investment lagged while Lisbon devoted itself to the more lucrative trade with India and the Far East
and to the colonization of Brazil. Into the 19th century, a system prevailed of dividing the land into prazos (large agricultural estates)
which the natives cultivated for the benefit of the European leaseholders, who were also tax-collector for each district and claimed
the tax either in labour or produce, a system that kept the sharecropping farmers in a state of serfdom. Direct Portuguese influence
was limited. On the coast between several native ports of call and Madagascar a large surreptitious trade in slaves was carried on
until 1877, supplying slaves for Arabia and the Ottomans. European traders and prospectors barely penetrated the interior regions,
until the Transvaal gold rush. The commercial and political importance of Mozambique was eclipsed by Lourenço Marques. In
1891 the Portuguese shifted the administration of much of the country to a large private company, under a charter granting sovereign
rights for 50 years to the Companhia de Moçambique, which, though it had its headquarters at Beira, was controlled and financed
mostly by the British. The 'Mozambique Company' issued postage stamps and established railroad lines to neighboring countries. It
supplied cheap – and often forced – African labor to the goldmines and plantations of the nearby British colonies and South Africa.
Because policies were designed to benefit white settlers and the Portuguese homeland, little attention was paid to Mozambique's
national integration, its economic infrastructure, or the skills of its population. After World War II, while many European nations
were granting independence to their colonies, Portugal's dictator António de Oliveira Salazar clung to the concept that Mozambique
and other Portuguese possessions were overseas provinces of the mother country, and emigration to the colonies soared
(Mozambique's Portuguese population was about 250,000 in 1975). The drive for Mozambican independence developed apace,
and in 1962 several anti-colonial political groups formed the Front for the Liberation of Mozambique (FRELIMO), which initiated
an armed campaign against Portuguese colonial rule in September 1964. This conflict, along with the two others already initiated in
the other Portuguese colonies of Angola and Guinea-Bissau, became part of the so-called Portuguese Colonial War. After 10 years
of sporadic warfare and Portugal's return to democracy (partially as a result of the expenses from the wars in Angola and
Mozambique), FRELIMO took control of the capital via a coup in April 1974. Within a year, almost all Portuguese colonists had
left – some expelled by the new government, some fleeing in fear –, and Mozambique became independent on June 25, 1975. In
1982, Renamo, an anti-Communist group sponsored by the Rhodesian Intelligence Service in the mid-1970s, and sponsored by the
apartheid government in South Africa as well as the United States after Zimbabwe's independence, launched a series of attacks on
transport routes, schools and health clinics, and the country descended into civil war. In 1984, Mozambique negotiated the Nkomati
Accord with P. W. Botha and the South African government, in which Mozambique was to expel the African National Congress in
exchange for South Africa stopping support of Renamo. Mozambique complied, but South Africa reneged, and continued to supply
the rebels, and the war continued. In 1986, Mozambican President Samora Machel died in an air crash in South African territory.
Although unproven, many suspect the South African government of responsibility for his death. Machel was replaced by Joaquim
Chissano as president. In 1990, with apartheid crumbling in South Africa, and support for Renamo drying up in South Africa as well
as the United States, the first direct talks between the Frelimo government and Renamo were held. In November 1990 a new
constitution was adopted. Mozambique was now a multiparty state, with periodic elections, and guaranteed democratic rights.
Mozambique held elections in 1994, which were accepted by most parties as free and fair while still contested by many nationals
and observers alike. FRELIMO won, under Joaquim Chissano, while RENAMO, led by Afonso Dhlakama, ran as the official
opposition. In 1995, Mozambique joined the Commonwealth of Nations, becoming the only member nation that was never part of
the British Empire. By mid-1995, over 1.7 million refugees who had sought asylum in neighboring countries had returned to
Mozambique, part of the largest repatriation witnessed in sub-Saharan Africa. An additional 4 million internally displaced persons
had returned to their homes. In early 2000 a cyclone caused widespread flooding in the country, killing hundreds and devastating
the country. While the people of Mozambique are generally honest, often returning excess money paid by foreigners confused by
their currency and abiding by their working hours and responsibilities, there are widespread suspicions that foreign aid resources
have been diverted by powerful leaders of FRELIMO. Carlos Cardoso, a journalist investigating these allegations, was murdered
but his death was not satisfactorily explained. The country, as of late 2004, is still largely derelict — having not yet fully recovered
from Portuguese colonialism and then disinvestment following independence, and the subsequent Communist regime and ensuing
civil war. There is a perception that foreign aid, while having been essential for relief efforts following the war and later the transition
to a market-based economy, has created a slight dependency and has discouraged local entrepreneurship. Much of the economical
recovery is being led by investors and tourists mainly from South Africa, and to a smaller extent East Asia, as well as a limited
number of returning Portuguese nationals.
Source: Wikipedia: History of Mozambique
waves of Bantu-speaking peoples migrated from the north through the Zambezi River valley and then gradually into the plateau and
coastal areas. The Bantu were farmers and ironworkers. When Vasco da Gama, exploring for Portugal, reached the coast of
Mozambique in 1498, Arab trading settlements had existed along the coast and outlying islands for several centuries, and political
control of the coast was in the hands of a string of local sultans. Most of the local people had embraced Islam. The region lay at the
southernmost end of a traditional trading world that encompassed the Red Sea, the Hadhramaut coast of Arabia and the Indian
coast, described in the 1st-century coasting guide that is called the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea. From about 1500, Portuguese
trading posts and forts became regular ports of call on the new route to the east. 'Mozambique' first described a small coral island at
the mouth of Mossuril Bay, then the fort and town on that island, São Sebastião de Moçambique, and later extended to the whole
of the Portuguese colonies on the east coast of Africa. The square fort at the northern extremity of the island was built in 1510
entirely of ballast stone brought from Portugal. With the decline of Portuguese power, especially during the period when the crown
of Portugal was combined with the crown of Spain (1580-1640), the Portuguese coastal settlements were ignored and fell into a
ruinous condition. Afterwards, investment lagged while Lisbon devoted itself to the more lucrative trade with India and the Far East
and to the colonization of Brazil. Into the 19th century, a system prevailed of dividing the land into prazos (large agricultural estates)
which the natives cultivated for the benefit of the European leaseholders, who were also tax-collector for each district and claimed
the tax either in labour or produce, a system that kept the sharecropping farmers in a state of serfdom. Direct Portuguese influence
was limited. On the coast between several native ports of call and Madagascar a large surreptitious trade in slaves was carried on
until 1877, supplying slaves for Arabia and the Ottomans. European traders and prospectors barely penetrated the interior regions,
until the Transvaal gold rush. The commercial and political importance of Mozambique was eclipsed by Lourenço Marques. In
1891 the Portuguese shifted the administration of much of the country to a large private company, under a charter granting sovereign
rights for 50 years to the Companhia de Moçambique, which, though it had its headquarters at Beira, was controlled and financed
mostly by the British. The 'Mozambique Company' issued postage stamps and established railroad lines to neighboring countries. It
supplied cheap – and often forced – African labor to the goldmines and plantations of the nearby British colonies and South Africa.
Because policies were designed to benefit white settlers and the Portuguese homeland, little attention was paid to Mozambique's
national integration, its economic infrastructure, or the skills of its population. After World War II, while many European nations
were granting independence to their colonies, Portugal's dictator António de Oliveira Salazar clung to the concept that Mozambique
and other Portuguese possessions were overseas provinces of the mother country, and emigration to the colonies soared
(Mozambique's Portuguese population was about 250,000 in 1975). The drive for Mozambican independence developed apace,
and in 1962 several anti-colonial political groups formed the Front for the Liberation of Mozambique (FRELIMO), which initiated
an armed campaign against Portuguese colonial rule in September 1964. This conflict, along with the two others already initiated in
the other Portuguese colonies of Angola and Guinea-Bissau, became part of the so-called Portuguese Colonial War. After 10 years
of sporadic warfare and Portugal's return to democracy (partially as a result of the expenses from the wars in Angola and
Mozambique), FRELIMO took control of the capital via a coup in April 1974. Within a year, almost all Portuguese colonists had
left – some expelled by the new government, some fleeing in fear –, and Mozambique became independent on June 25, 1975. In
1982, Renamo, an anti-Communist group sponsored by the Rhodesian Intelligence Service in the mid-1970s, and sponsored by the
apartheid government in South Africa as well as the United States after Zimbabwe's independence, launched a series of attacks on
transport routes, schools and health clinics, and the country descended into civil war. In 1984, Mozambique negotiated the Nkomati
Accord with P. W. Botha and the South African government, in which Mozambique was to expel the African National Congress in
exchange for South Africa stopping support of Renamo. Mozambique complied, but South Africa reneged, and continued to supply
the rebels, and the war continued. In 1986, Mozambican President Samora Machel died in an air crash in South African territory.
Although unproven, many suspect the South African government of responsibility for his death. Machel was replaced by Joaquim
Chissano as president. In 1990, with apartheid crumbling in South Africa, and support for Renamo drying up in South Africa as well
as the United States, the first direct talks between the Frelimo government and Renamo were held. In November 1990 a new
constitution was adopted. Mozambique was now a multiparty state, with periodic elections, and guaranteed democratic rights.
Mozambique held elections in 1994, which were accepted by most parties as free and fair while still contested by many nationals
and observers alike. FRELIMO won, under Joaquim Chissano, while RENAMO, led by Afonso Dhlakama, ran as the official
opposition. In 1995, Mozambique joined the Commonwealth of Nations, becoming the only member nation that was never part of
the British Empire. By mid-1995, over 1.7 million refugees who had sought asylum in neighboring countries had returned to
Mozambique, part of the largest repatriation witnessed in sub-Saharan Africa. An additional 4 million internally displaced persons
had returned to their homes. In early 2000 a cyclone caused widespread flooding in the country, killing hundreds and devastating
the country. While the people of Mozambique are generally honest, often returning excess money paid by foreigners confused by
their currency and abiding by their working hours and responsibilities, there are widespread suspicions that foreign aid resources
have been diverted by powerful leaders of FRELIMO. Carlos Cardoso, a journalist investigating these allegations, was murdered
but his death was not satisfactorily explained. The country, as of late 2004, is still largely derelict — having not yet fully recovered
from Portuguese colonialism and then disinvestment following independence, and the subsequent Communist regime and ensuing
civil war. There is a perception that foreign aid, while having been essential for relief efforts following the war and later the transition
to a market-based economy, has created a slight dependency and has discouraged local entrepreneurship. Much of the economical
recovery is being led by investors and tourists mainly from South Africa, and to a smaller extent East Asia, as well as a limited
number of returning Portuguese nationals.
Source: Wikipedia: History of Mozambique
| ECONOMIC OVERVIEW |
At independence in 1975, Mozambique was one of the world's poorest countries. Socialist mismanagement and a brutal civil war
from 1977-92 exacerbated the situation. In 1987, the government embarked on a series of macroeconomic reforms designed to
stabilize the economy. These steps, combined with donor assistance and with political stability since the multi-party elections in
1994, have led to dramatic improvements in the country's growth rate. Monetary reforms have reduced inflation. Fiscal reforms,
including the introduction of a value-added tax and reform of the customs service, have improved the government's revenue
collection abilities. In spite of these gains, Mozambique remains dependent upon foreign assistance for more than half of its annual
budget, and the majority of the population remains below the poverty line. Subsistence agriculture continues to employ the vast
majority of the country's work force. A substantial trade imbalance persists although the opening of the Mozal aluminum smelter, the
country's largest foreign investment project to date, has increased export earnings. At the end of 2007, and after years of
negotiations, the government took over Portugal's majority share of the Cahora Bassa Hydroelectricity (HCB) company, a dam that
was not transferred to Mozambique at independence because of the ensuing civil war and unpaid debts. More power is needed for
additional investment projects in titanium extraction and processing and garment manufacturing that could further close the
import/export gap. Mozambique's once substantial foreign debt has been reduced through forgiveness and rescheduling under the
IMF's Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) and Enhanced HIPC initiatives, and is now at a manageable level. In July 2007 the
Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) signed a Compact with Mozambique; the Compact entered into force in September
2008 and will continue for five years. Compact projects will focus on improving sanitation, roads, agriculture, and the business
regulation environment in an effort to spur economic growth in the four northern provinces of the country. Mozambique grew at an
average annual rate of 9% for most of the past decade, one of Africa's strongest performances. However, heavy reliance on
aluminum, which accounts for about one-third of exports, subjects the economy to volatile international prices. The sharp decline in
aluminum prices during the global economic crisis lowered GDP growth by several percentage points.
Source: CIA World Factbook (select Mozambique)
from 1977-92 exacerbated the situation. In 1987, the government embarked on a series of macroeconomic reforms designed to
stabilize the economy. These steps, combined with donor assistance and with political stability since the multi-party elections in
1994, have led to dramatic improvements in the country's growth rate. Monetary reforms have reduced inflation. Fiscal reforms,
including the introduction of a value-added tax and reform of the customs service, have improved the government's revenue
collection abilities. In spite of these gains, Mozambique remains dependent upon foreign assistance for more than half of its annual
budget, and the majority of the population remains below the poverty line. Subsistence agriculture continues to employ the vast
majority of the country's work force. A substantial trade imbalance persists although the opening of the Mozal aluminum smelter, the
country's largest foreign investment project to date, has increased export earnings. At the end of 2007, and after years of
negotiations, the government took over Portugal's majority share of the Cahora Bassa Hydroelectricity (HCB) company, a dam that
was not transferred to Mozambique at independence because of the ensuing civil war and unpaid debts. More power is needed for
additional investment projects in titanium extraction and processing and garment manufacturing that could further close the
import/export gap. Mozambique's once substantial foreign debt has been reduced through forgiveness and rescheduling under the
IMF's Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) and Enhanced HIPC initiatives, and is now at a manageable level. In July 2007 the
Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) signed a Compact with Mozambique; the Compact entered into force in September
2008 and will continue for five years. Compact projects will focus on improving sanitation, roads, agriculture, and the business
regulation environment in an effort to spur economic growth in the four northern provinces of the country. Mozambique grew at an
average annual rate of 9% for most of the past decade, one of Africa's strongest performances. However, heavy reliance on
aluminum, which accounts for about one-third of exports, subjects the economy to volatile international prices. The sharp decline in
aluminum prices during the global economic crisis lowered GDP growth by several percentage points.
Source: CIA World Factbook (select Mozambique)
| POLITICAL CLIMATE |
In the aftermath of the 1998 local elections, the government resolved to make more accommodations to the opposition's procedural
concerns for the second round of multiparty national elections in 1999. Working through the National Assembly, the electoral law
was rewritten and passed by consensus in December 1998. Financed largely by international donors, a very successful voter
registration was conducted from July to September 1999, providing voter registration cards to 85% of the potential electorate
(more than 7 million voters). The second general elections were held December 3-5, 1999, with high voter turnout. International
and domestic observers agreed that the voting process was well organized and went smoothly. Both the opposition and observers
subsequently cited flaws in the tabulation process that, had they not occurred, might have changed the outcome. In the end,
however, international and domestic observers concluded that the close result of the vote reflected the will of the people.
The second local elections, involving 33 municipalities with some 2.4 million registered voters, took place in November 2003. This
was the first time that FRELIMO, RENAMO-UE, and independent parties competed without significant boycotts. The 24%
turnout was well above the 15% turnout in the first municipal elections. FRELIMO won 28 mayoral positions and the majority in 29
municipal assemblies, while RENAMO won 5 mayoral positions and the majority in 4 municipal assemblies. The voting was
conducted in an orderly fashion without violent incidents. However, the period immediately after the elections was marked by
objections about voter and candidate registration and vote tabulation, as well as calls for greater transparency.
In May 2004, the government approved a new general elections law that contained innovations based on the experience of the
2003 municipal elections.
Presidential and National Assembly elections took place on December 1-2, 2004. FRELIMO candidate Armando Guebuza won
with 64% of the popular vote. His opponent, Afonso Dhlakama of RENAMO, received 32% of the popular vote. FRELIMO won
160 seats in Parliament. A coalition of RENAMO and several small parties won the 90 remaining seats. Armando Guebuza was
inaugurated as the President of Mozambique on February 2, 2005.
Source: Wikipedia: Politics of Mozambique
concerns for the second round of multiparty national elections in 1999. Working through the National Assembly, the electoral law
was rewritten and passed by consensus in December 1998. Financed largely by international donors, a very successful voter
registration was conducted from July to September 1999, providing voter registration cards to 85% of the potential electorate
(more than 7 million voters). The second general elections were held December 3-5, 1999, with high voter turnout. International
and domestic observers agreed that the voting process was well organized and went smoothly. Both the opposition and observers
subsequently cited flaws in the tabulation process that, had they not occurred, might have changed the outcome. In the end,
however, international and domestic observers concluded that the close result of the vote reflected the will of the people.
The second local elections, involving 33 municipalities with some 2.4 million registered voters, took place in November 2003. This
was the first time that FRELIMO, RENAMO-UE, and independent parties competed without significant boycotts. The 24%
turnout was well above the 15% turnout in the first municipal elections. FRELIMO won 28 mayoral positions and the majority in 29
municipal assemblies, while RENAMO won 5 mayoral positions and the majority in 4 municipal assemblies. The voting was
conducted in an orderly fashion without violent incidents. However, the period immediately after the elections was marked by
objections about voter and candidate registration and vote tabulation, as well as calls for greater transparency.
In May 2004, the government approved a new general elections law that contained innovations based on the experience of the
2003 municipal elections.
Presidential and National Assembly elections took place on December 1-2, 2004. FRELIMO candidate Armando Guebuza won
with 64% of the popular vote. His opponent, Afonso Dhlakama of RENAMO, received 32% of the popular vote. FRELIMO won
160 seats in Parliament. A coalition of RENAMO and several small parties won the 90 remaining seats. Armando Guebuza was
inaugurated as the President of Mozambique on February 2, 2005.
Source: Wikipedia: Politics of Mozambique
| INTERNATIONAL DISPUTES |
None reported.
| REFUGEES AND INTERNALLY DISPLACED PERSONS (IDPS) |
None reported.
| ILLICIT DRUGS |
Southern African transit point for South Asian hashish and heroin, and South American cocaine probably destined for the
European and South African markets; producer of cannabis (for local consumption) and methaqualone (for export to South
Africa); corruption and poor regulatory capability makes the banking system vulnerable to money laundering, but the lack of a
well-developed financial infrastructure limits the country's utility as a money-laundering center.
European and South African markets; producer of cannabis (for local consumption) and methaqualone (for export to South
Africa); corruption and poor regulatory capability makes the banking system vulnerable to money laundering, but the lack of a
well-developed financial infrastructure limits the country's utility as a money-laundering center.
| HUMAN RIGHTS STATEMENTS, ANALYSIS AND CRITIQUES |
2009 Human Rights Report: Mozambique
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
March 11, 2010
Mozambique has a democratic constitution and an estimated population of 21.5 million. President Armando Guebuza was reelected in
October in a contest criticized by several national and international observers, including the EU and the Commonwealth, as lacking a
"level playing field" and faulted for lacking transparency, integrity, impartiality, and independence. Although election day itself was largely
peaceful, donor nations, domestic and foreign observer groups, and local civil society expressed concern over the ruling party's use of
government vehicles to campaign and the electoral procedures which preceded the balloting, particularly the exclusion of six of nine
presidential candidates and the disqualification of one opposition party's parliamentary candidates from seven of 11 provinces. Freedom
House has since removed Mozambique from its list of electoral democracies.
The Front for the Liberation of Mozambique (FRELIMO) has been the ruling political party since independence from Portugal in 1975.
While civilian authorities generally maintained effective control of the security forces, there were some instances in which elements of
the security forces acted independently.
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
March 11, 2010
Mozambique has a democratic constitution and an estimated population of 21.5 million. President Armando Guebuza was reelected in
October in a contest criticized by several national and international observers, including the EU and the Commonwealth, as lacking a
"level playing field" and faulted for lacking transparency, integrity, impartiality, and independence. Although election day itself was largely
peaceful, donor nations, domestic and foreign observer groups, and local civil society expressed concern over the ruling party's use of
government vehicles to campaign and the electoral procedures which preceded the balloting, particularly the exclusion of six of nine
presidential candidates and the disqualification of one opposition party's parliamentary candidates from seven of 11 provinces. Freedom
House has since removed Mozambique from its list of electoral democracies.
The Front for the Liberation of Mozambique (FRELIMO) has been the ruling political party since independence from Portugal in 1975.
While civilian authorities generally maintained effective control of the security forces, there were some instances in which elements of
the security forces acted independently.
- Incidents of serious human rights abuses, including vigilante killings, occurred during the year.
- Security forces continued to commit unlawful killings although the government took steps to prosecute perpetrators.
- Prison conditions remained harsh and life-threatening, resulting in several deaths.
- Arbitrary arrest and detention, as well as lengthy pretrial detention, were problems.
- An understaffed and inadequately trained judiciary was inefficient and influenced by the ruling party.
- Political and judicial decisions involving independent media outlets constrained press freedom.
- Societal problems including domestic violence, discrimination against women, abuse, exploitation, forced labor of children,
trafficking in women and children, and discrimination against persons with HIV/AIDS remained widespread.
4 November 2009
COMMITTEE ON THE RIGHTS OF THE CHILD
Fifty-second session
CONSIDERATION OF REPORTS SUBMITTED BY STATES PARTIES UNDER ARTICLE 44 OF THE CONVENTION
Concluding observations of the Committee on the Rights of the Child: Mozambique
A. Introduction
2. The Committee welcomes the frank and self-critical nature of the second periodic report of the State party as well as the written
replies to its list of issues (CRC/C/MOZ/Q/2/Add.1), and appreciates the fruitful dialogue held with the high-level and multisectoral
delegation, which allowed for a better understanding of the situation of children in the State party.
B. Follow-up measures and progress achieved by the State party
3. The Committee notes with appreciation the adoption of the following legislation:
• Promotion and Protection Law on Child Rights No. 7/2008, of 9 July 2008 (hereafter “Child Rights Protection Law”)
• Jurisdictional Organization for Minors Law No. 8/2008 of 9 July 2008 (hereafter “Juvenile Justice Law”)
C. Factors and difficulties impeding the implementation of the Convention
6. The Committee notes that Mozambique continues to be one of the poorest countries in the world despite its progress, and that it is
particularly affected by high rates of HIV and AIDS, regional disparities and recurrent natural disasters, especially floods and drought,
which create difficulties and challenges to the accelerated implementation of programmes to ensure the realization of the rights of the
child.
D. Main areas of concern and recommendations
1. General measures of implementation
(arts. 4, 42 and 44 (para. 6) of the Convention)
The Committee’s previous recommendations
7. The Committee notes with appreciation efforts by the State party to implement the Committee’s concluding observations on the State
party’s initial report (CRC/C/15/Add.172). Nevertheless, the Committee regrets that some of its concerns and recommendations have
been insufficiently or only partly addressed.
8. The Committee refers the State party to its general comment No. 5 (2003) on general measures of implementation for the Convention
on the Rights of the Child and recommends that it take all necessary measures to address the recommendations from the concluding
observations of the initial report that have not yet been implemented or sufficiently implemented, including those related to the allocation
of resources, children with disabilities, children living on the street, child labour, corporal punishment, and child abuse and neglect. The
Committee also recommends that the State party provide adequate follow-up to the recommendations contained in the present
concluding observations on the second periodic report.
Click here to read more »
COMMITTEE ON THE RIGHTS OF THE CHILD
Fifty-second session
CONSIDERATION OF REPORTS SUBMITTED BY STATES PARTIES UNDER ARTICLE 44 OF THE CONVENTION
Concluding observations of the Committee on the Rights of the Child: Mozambique
A. Introduction
2. The Committee welcomes the frank and self-critical nature of the second periodic report of the State party as well as the written
replies to its list of issues (CRC/C/MOZ/Q/2/Add.1), and appreciates the fruitful dialogue held with the high-level and multisectoral
delegation, which allowed for a better understanding of the situation of children in the State party.
B. Follow-up measures and progress achieved by the State party
3. The Committee notes with appreciation the adoption of the following legislation:
• Promotion and Protection Law on Child Rights No. 7/2008, of 9 July 2008 (hereafter “Child Rights Protection Law”)
• Jurisdictional Organization for Minors Law No. 8/2008 of 9 July 2008 (hereafter “Juvenile Justice Law”)
C. Factors and difficulties impeding the implementation of the Convention
6. The Committee notes that Mozambique continues to be one of the poorest countries in the world despite its progress, and that it is
particularly affected by high rates of HIV and AIDS, regional disparities and recurrent natural disasters, especially floods and drought,
which create difficulties and challenges to the accelerated implementation of programmes to ensure the realization of the rights of the
child.
D. Main areas of concern and recommendations
1. General measures of implementation
(arts. 4, 42 and 44 (para. 6) of the Convention)
The Committee’s previous recommendations
7. The Committee notes with appreciation efforts by the State party to implement the Committee’s concluding observations on the State
party’s initial report (CRC/C/15/Add.172). Nevertheless, the Committee regrets that some of its concerns and recommendations have
been insufficiently or only partly addressed.
8. The Committee refers the State party to its general comment No. 5 (2003) on general measures of implementation for the Convention
on the Rights of the Child and recommends that it take all necessary measures to address the recommendations from the concluding
observations of the initial report that have not yet been implemented or sufficiently implemented, including those related to the allocation
of resources, children with disabilities, children living on the street, child labour, corporal punishment, and child abuse and neglect. The
Committee also recommends that the State party provide adequate follow-up to the recommendations contained in the present
concluding observations on the second periodic report.
Click here to read more »
Freedom In The World 2010 Report
Political Rights Score: 4
Civil Liberties Score: 3
Status: Partly Free
Ratings Change
Mozambique’s political rights rating declined from 3 to 4 due to significant irregularities and a lack of transparency pertaining
to the registration of candidates and the tabulation of votes in the October 2009 presidential, legislative, and provincial
elections.
Overview
President Armando Guebuza and the ruling Front for the Liberation of Mozambique (FRELIMO) party won sweeping victories in the
October 2009 national and provincial elections. International observers found that the overall outcome reflected the will of the people, but
significant problems pertaining to the registration of candidates and the tabulation of results underscored the crucial need for greater
transparency in the electoral process. Endemic corruption and weak judicial institutions also pointed to the broader challenge of securing
transparency and accountability.
Mozambique held presidential, legislative, and—for the first time—provincial elections in October 2009. Guebuza was reelected by a
landslide, securing 75 percent of the vote. His opponents, Afonso Dhlakama of RENAMO and Daviz Simango of the newly formed
Democratic Movement of Mozambique (MDM), received 16.4 percent and 8.6 percent, respectively. In the parliamentary contest,
FRELIMO captured 191 of 250 seats, while RENAMO won 51 and the MDM won eight. FRELIMO also won absolute majorities in all
10 of the country’s provincial assemblies.
RENAMO and MDM both alleged fraud. The European Union and other international observer groups reported that voting was
conducted in a peaceful and orderly manner, though they were highly critical of many preelection and election-day processes. They
noted that the CNE’s rejection of party lists for ostensibly technical reasons—including the disqualification of MDM candidates’
nomination papers in 9 of the country’s 13 parliamentaryconstituencies—substantially restricted voter choice. The observers also
documented irregularities that indicated ballot stuffing and tabulation fraud at some polling stations, though such distortions were
considered insufficient to have impacted the overall result of the election.
Mozambique has achieved high levels of sustained economic growth since the end of the civil war, owing to relative political stability and
the government’s commitment to donor-backed market reforms. The economy has shown resilience in the face of the recent global
downturn, with the International Monetary Fund estimating average real gross domestic product growth at 4.5 percent for 2009.
Mozambique enjoys close relations with donors, who have helped to finance high spending levels on priority social sectors and poverty-
reduction programs. The government is working to increase the share of domestic revenue in government spending by expanding the tax
base and increasing foreign investment. Donors have also put pressure on the government to enact “second generation” liberalizing
structural reforms to maintain the country’s economic growth.
Click here to read more »
Political Rights Score: 4
Civil Liberties Score: 3
Status: Partly Free
Ratings Change
Mozambique’s political rights rating declined from 3 to 4 due to significant irregularities and a lack of transparency pertaining
to the registration of candidates and the tabulation of votes in the October 2009 presidential, legislative, and provincial
elections.
Overview
President Armando Guebuza and the ruling Front for the Liberation of Mozambique (FRELIMO) party won sweeping victories in the
October 2009 national and provincial elections. International observers found that the overall outcome reflected the will of the people, but
significant problems pertaining to the registration of candidates and the tabulation of results underscored the crucial need for greater
transparency in the electoral process. Endemic corruption and weak judicial institutions also pointed to the broader challenge of securing
transparency and accountability.
Mozambique held presidential, legislative, and—for the first time—provincial elections in October 2009. Guebuza was reelected by a
landslide, securing 75 percent of the vote. His opponents, Afonso Dhlakama of RENAMO and Daviz Simango of the newly formed
Democratic Movement of Mozambique (MDM), received 16.4 percent and 8.6 percent, respectively. In the parliamentary contest,
FRELIMO captured 191 of 250 seats, while RENAMO won 51 and the MDM won eight. FRELIMO also won absolute majorities in all
10 of the country’s provincial assemblies.
RENAMO and MDM both alleged fraud. The European Union and other international observer groups reported that voting was
conducted in a peaceful and orderly manner, though they were highly critical of many preelection and election-day processes. They
noted that the CNE’s rejection of party lists for ostensibly technical reasons—including the disqualification of MDM candidates’
nomination papers in 9 of the country’s 13 parliamentaryconstituencies—substantially restricted voter choice. The observers also
documented irregularities that indicated ballot stuffing and tabulation fraud at some polling stations, though such distortions were
considered insufficient to have impacted the overall result of the election.
Mozambique has achieved high levels of sustained economic growth since the end of the civil war, owing to relative political stability and
the government’s commitment to donor-backed market reforms. The economy has shown resilience in the face of the recent global
downturn, with the International Monetary Fund estimating average real gross domestic product growth at 4.5 percent for 2009.
Mozambique enjoys close relations with donors, who have helped to finance high spending levels on priority social sectors and poverty-
reduction programs. The government is working to increase the share of domestic revenue in government spending by expanding the tax
base and increasing foreign investment. Donors have also put pressure on the government to enact “second generation” liberalizing
structural reforms to maintain the country’s economic growth.
Click here to read more »
Mozambique police must only use live ammunition to protect life during demonstrations
1 September 2010
Amnesty International has urged Mozambique’s police not to use live ammunition to disperse violent demonstrations in the capital
Maputo unless lives are at risk.
According to media reports up to six people, including two children, were killed on Wednesday during clashes between police and
demonstrators protesting the rising price of commodities in the country. The protests are continuing across the city.
“While we recognize that the police are trying to contain a violent protest, live ammunition - which amounts to lethal force - should not
be used except when strictly unavoidable in order to protect life,” said Muluka-Anne Miti, Amnesty International’s Mozambique
researcher.
Amnesty International calls on the Mozambique police authorities to ensure that police have non-lethal means of force at their disposal to
control the situation and disperse the demonstrators.
A text message has been circulating in Maputo encouraging demonstrators to continue their protests till Friday, according to information
obtained by Amnesty International.
According to a recent Amnesty International report at least 46 people were unlawfully killed by the police in Mozambique between
January 2006 and the end of 2009.
“The government must conduct an impartial and independent investigation in the circumstances surrounding today’s deaths and if people
were killed unlawfully prosecute those responsible,” said Muluka-Anne Miti.
Despite repeated requests, the authorities have provided Amnesty International with very little information into investigations into police
killings in Mozambique, including during visits to the country.
In some cases, Amnesty International was told that investigations were not carried out because the killing was presumed to be lawful.
International standards require an effective investigation be carried out into all cases of death or serious injury as a result of use of force
or firearms by the police.
Click here to read more »
1 September 2010
Amnesty International has urged Mozambique’s police not to use live ammunition to disperse violent demonstrations in the capital
Maputo unless lives are at risk.
According to media reports up to six people, including two children, were killed on Wednesday during clashes between police and
demonstrators protesting the rising price of commodities in the country. The protests are continuing across the city.
“While we recognize that the police are trying to contain a violent protest, live ammunition - which amounts to lethal force - should not
be used except when strictly unavoidable in order to protect life,” said Muluka-Anne Miti, Amnesty International’s Mozambique
researcher.
Amnesty International calls on the Mozambique police authorities to ensure that police have non-lethal means of force at their disposal to
control the situation and disperse the demonstrators.
A text message has been circulating in Maputo encouraging demonstrators to continue their protests till Friday, according to information
obtained by Amnesty International.
According to a recent Amnesty International report at least 46 people were unlawfully killed by the police in Mozambique between
January 2006 and the end of 2009.
“The government must conduct an impartial and independent investigation in the circumstances surrounding today’s deaths and if people
were killed unlawfully prosecute those responsible,” said Muluka-Anne Miti.
Despite repeated requests, the authorities have provided Amnesty International with very little information into investigations into police
killings in Mozambique, including during visits to the country.
In some cases, Amnesty International was told that investigations were not carried out because the killing was presumed to be lawful.
International standards require an effective investigation be carried out into all cases of death or serious injury as a result of use of force
or firearms by the police.
Click here to read more »
SADC must take stronger stand
by Tiseke Kasambala
November 9, 2008
Leaders of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) meeting at an emergency summit in South Africa today will be
hoping that their intervention will finally break the political deadlock between Zimbabwe's two main parties, ZANU-PF and the Movement
for Democratic Change (MDC).
But they are unlikely to succeed if they continue to ignore the responsibility of ZANU-PF and President Robert Mugabe, for the impasse
and the country's ongoing political and humanitarian crisis.
The two parties differ sharply over the allocation of new cabinet positions, largely because ZANU-PF wants to relegate the MDC to
junior partnership in the new power-sharing government.
On October 11, ZANU-PF, without the consent of the MDC and contrary to the agreement, published a list of cabinet appointments.
Mugabe allocated all senior ministries - including home affairs, foreign affairs and justice, as well as defence and finance - to ZANU-PF.
The MDC rejected the ZANU-PF list and released its own.
ZANU-PF's insistence on retaining control of the most powerful ministries at the expense of equitable power-sharing is a clear sign that
the party is not yet committed to bringing an end to the country's crisis.
Despite the power-sharing agreement, the politically motivated violence by ZANU-PF and its allies persists. Human Rights Watch has
found that the ZANU-PF-controlled police continue to use violence to break up peaceful protests, and routinely persecute opposition
activists.
A brazen example was the break-up of a peaceful demonstration by women's rights activists last month, as SADC leaders, including the
presidents of Mozambique and South Africa, were visiting the country to try to end the political deadlock.
Click here to read more »
by Tiseke Kasambala
November 9, 2008
Leaders of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) meeting at an emergency summit in South Africa today will be
hoping that their intervention will finally break the political deadlock between Zimbabwe's two main parties, ZANU-PF and the Movement
for Democratic Change (MDC).
But they are unlikely to succeed if they continue to ignore the responsibility of ZANU-PF and President Robert Mugabe, for the impasse
and the country's ongoing political and humanitarian crisis.
The two parties differ sharply over the allocation of new cabinet positions, largely because ZANU-PF wants to relegate the MDC to
junior partnership in the new power-sharing government.
On October 11, ZANU-PF, without the consent of the MDC and contrary to the agreement, published a list of cabinet appointments.
Mugabe allocated all senior ministries - including home affairs, foreign affairs and justice, as well as defence and finance - to ZANU-PF.
The MDC rejected the ZANU-PF list and released its own.
ZANU-PF's insistence on retaining control of the most powerful ministries at the expense of equitable power-sharing is a clear sign that
the party is not yet committed to bringing an end to the country's crisis.
Despite the power-sharing agreement, the politically motivated violence by ZANU-PF and its allies persists. Human Rights Watch has
found that the ZANU-PF-controlled police continue to use violence to break up peaceful protests, and routinely persecute opposition
activists.
A brazen example was the break-up of a peaceful demonstration by women's rights activists last month, as SADC leaders, including the
presidents of Mozambique and South Africa, were visiting the country to try to end the political deadlock.
Click here to read more »
General Debate of the 64th Session (2009)
Mozambique
H.E. Mr. Oldemiro Marques Baloi, Minister for Foreign Affairs and Cooperation
28 September 2009
Statement Summary
OLDEMIRO BALOI, Minister for Foreign Affairs and Cooperation of Mozambique, said his country was preparing for general elections,
which would include, for the first time, voting for provincial parliaments. “These elections bear witness to our strong political will and
commitment to further strengthen democracy in the country,” he said, adding that, because of such political advances, Mozambique’s
economy had become more stable. However, while GDP growth rates had averaged 7.8 per cent over the last five years, the global
financial and economic crisis had curtailed the Government’s plan to reduce the poverty rate to 45 per cent, and it had been forecasted
that the economic growth rate might slow to 4.3 per cent in 2009.
Turning to economic integration, democratic consolidation and political stability, he said countries in Southern Africa had made advances
in such areas as free and fair elections, but challenges remained, particularly in areas like peace, security and stability. In Zimbabwe,
there had been progress in implementing the Global Political Agreement, which “is enabling the country to move towards an atmosphere
of political and social stability, conducive to a permanent dialogue, reconstruction and economic recovery”. Mozambique reiterated
SADC’s call for the removal of all sanctions imposed on that country. It also reiterated its support for political dialogue in Madagascar
and urged the parties to implement the Maputo Agreement.
Regarding conflicts in Africa, he praised ongoing regional and continental initiatives aimed at promoting peace and stability in the
Democratic Republic of the Congo, Darfur, Somalia and other places. In the Middle East, Mozambique supported a two-State solution
and broader Arab-Israeli normalization. The United Nations had an important role in coordinating the response to global challenges and
needed to be reformed. “ Mozambique strongly believes in multilateralism, and that the United Nations is at the centre of it. We also
believe that the United Nations is a privileged form that congregates the universal aspirations for a peaceful, secure, stable and
prosperous world, where the values of tolerance, respect of human rights and international cooperation for development are upheld.”
Click here to read more »
Mozambique
H.E. Mr. Oldemiro Marques Baloi, Minister for Foreign Affairs and Cooperation
28 September 2009
Statement Summary
OLDEMIRO BALOI, Minister for Foreign Affairs and Cooperation of Mozambique, said his country was preparing for general elections,
which would include, for the first time, voting for provincial parliaments. “These elections bear witness to our strong political will and
commitment to further strengthen democracy in the country,” he said, adding that, because of such political advances, Mozambique’s
economy had become more stable. However, while GDP growth rates had averaged 7.8 per cent over the last five years, the global
financial and economic crisis had curtailed the Government’s plan to reduce the poverty rate to 45 per cent, and it had been forecasted
that the economic growth rate might slow to 4.3 per cent in 2009.
Turning to economic integration, democratic consolidation and political stability, he said countries in Southern Africa had made advances
in such areas as free and fair elections, but challenges remained, particularly in areas like peace, security and stability. In Zimbabwe,
there had been progress in implementing the Global Political Agreement, which “is enabling the country to move towards an atmosphere
of political and social stability, conducive to a permanent dialogue, reconstruction and economic recovery”. Mozambique reiterated
SADC’s call for the removal of all sanctions imposed on that country. It also reiterated its support for political dialogue in Madagascar
and urged the parties to implement the Maputo Agreement.
Regarding conflicts in Africa, he praised ongoing regional and continental initiatives aimed at promoting peace and stability in the
Democratic Republic of the Congo, Darfur, Somalia and other places. In the Middle East, Mozambique supported a two-State solution
and broader Arab-Israeli normalization. The United Nations had an important role in coordinating the response to global challenges and
needed to be reformed. “ Mozambique strongly believes in multilateralism, and that the United Nations is at the centre of it. We also
believe that the United Nations is a privileged form that congregates the universal aspirations for a peaceful, secure, stable and
prosperous world, where the values of tolerance, respect of human rights and international cooperation for development are upheld.”
Click here to read more »
TRANSLATED FROM PORTUGUESE BY GOOGLE TRANSLATE
Ministry of Justice (Minj) and LDH Signed Addendum to the Memorandum of Understanding
Written by LDH
Monday, August 23, 2010
Under the joint implementation of the National Conference on Prison Reform The Mozambican Ministry of Justice (Minj) and the Human
Rights League (LDH) signed Tuesday in Maputo, a memorandum of understanding in order to ensure free access of the activists of that
body of civil society to prisons in the country.
The memorandum was signed by Minister of Justice, Benvinda Levy, and the president of LDH, Alice Mabota. According to memistra
with this addition, the League has free access to prisons and will alert the Minj of everything that happens on those sites in order to help
us to improve the business, government desenpenhadas the purpose is to help each other and we are not fighting it.
LDH in turn, proved to be congratulated for reaching this stage in the relations of strategic partnership in the reform of the prison system;
Commends his efforts to moralize the system, especially the chains that have long been doomed to abandonment, patriotic and
humanistic attitude with which managed the portfolio during the crisis in the Maximum Security Jail where the BO for the first time,
developed a screening process accordingly. And on the other side to continue opening up the sector to civil society organizations.
For the League, the holding of this Conference, in partnership with MIJUS represents great progress in the fight for improved conditions
of confinement and implementation of human rights standards of the African Union and the United Nations that the country has entered
into, and taking account the guidelines issued by the Prison Policy and Implementation Strategy.
Since the event happens in the wake of the sectoral reform process provides an opportunity to jointly sublime state, Civil Society and
Development Partners share responsibilities towards the humanization of the prison system and within the framework of consolidating
the rule of law.
However, the League hopes as one of the immediate results of the Conference to adopt a Joint Declaration and its Action Plan as a tool
that drives a new approach to retirement and with the effectiveness of this conference the partnership between the League and MIJUS
be strengthened with impact tangible in the situation in prison and in society in general as well as a greater commitment by the partners.
Click here to read more »
Ministry of Justice (Minj) and LDH Signed Addendum to the Memorandum of Understanding
Written by LDH
Monday, August 23, 2010
Under the joint implementation of the National Conference on Prison Reform The Mozambican Ministry of Justice (Minj) and the Human
Rights League (LDH) signed Tuesday in Maputo, a memorandum of understanding in order to ensure free access of the activists of that
body of civil society to prisons in the country.
The memorandum was signed by Minister of Justice, Benvinda Levy, and the president of LDH, Alice Mabota. According to memistra
with this addition, the League has free access to prisons and will alert the Minj of everything that happens on those sites in order to help
us to improve the business, government desenpenhadas the purpose is to help each other and we are not fighting it.
LDH in turn, proved to be congratulated for reaching this stage in the relations of strategic partnership in the reform of the prison system;
Commends his efforts to moralize the system, especially the chains that have long been doomed to abandonment, patriotic and
humanistic attitude with which managed the portfolio during the crisis in the Maximum Security Jail where the BO for the first time,
developed a screening process accordingly. And on the other side to continue opening up the sector to civil society organizations.
For the League, the holding of this Conference, in partnership with MIJUS represents great progress in the fight for improved conditions
of confinement and implementation of human rights standards of the African Union and the United Nations that the country has entered
into, and taking account the guidelines issued by the Prison Policy and Implementation Strategy.
Since the event happens in the wake of the sectoral reform process provides an opportunity to jointly sublime state, Civil Society and
Development Partners share responsibilities towards the humanization of the prison system and within the framework of consolidating
the rule of law.
However, the League hopes as one of the immediate results of the Conference to adopt a Joint Declaration and its Action Plan as a tool
that drives a new approach to retirement and with the effectiveness of this conference the partnership between the League and MIJUS
be strengthened with impact tangible in the situation in prison and in society in general as well as a greater commitment by the partners.
Click here to read more »
Mozambique to Establish a National Commission for Human Rights
Posted on admin on August 20, 2010
Mozambique is ready to establish a national commission that will supervise issues concerning to human rights nationwide and whose
base will be the promotion and protection of human rights, Justice Minister Benvida Levy said in Maputo on Friday.
“The establishment of this institution is considered crucial to creating an environment conducive to the observance of human rights in
the country, with the involvement of civil society,” Levi said at a gathering in the capital convened to exchange experiences on best
practices and challenges to achieve this end.
The representative of the United Nations Development Program (UNDP), Jocely Mason praised the enterprise and said that for the
proper exercise of the agency to be created, they need the interest of various sectors.
Mozambique has often been cited by international intuitions as one of the countries where human rights are low on the list of priorities.
Amnesty International said in its 2009 annual report that violence is the first resort, excessive use of force, and abuse by police remained
problems as police operated “with a license to kill,” and the weak police accountability system had led to a general climate of impunity.
This was also endorsed by a local non-governmental organization ; Human Rights League (LDH) which said police officers summarily
executed several citizens during the first nine months of the year in Maputo and its satellite suburb of Matola.
However, the authorities in a few cases brought criminal charges against a few officers for disciplinary offences during the year.
High levels of crime in and around Maputo, especially with the return of nearly 50,000 citizens fleeing violence in South Africa last year,
and continued violence against the police by criminal gangs, were seen as likely factors in the number of unlawful killings committed by
security forces during the year as over-anxious police officers reacted with a strong show of force and often resorted to violence.
There were incidents in 2009 when police fired rubber bullets, teargas, and live ammunition at demonstrators in Maputo when protesting
residents demonstrated against increases in the cost of living and particularly a rise in fuel prices prompting transport fare hikes.
The national commission, according to Levi, will be up and running before the end of the year.
Click here to read more>>
Posted on admin on August 20, 2010
Mozambique is ready to establish a national commission that will supervise issues concerning to human rights nationwide and whose
base will be the promotion and protection of human rights, Justice Minister Benvida Levy said in Maputo on Friday.
“The establishment of this institution is considered crucial to creating an environment conducive to the observance of human rights in
the country, with the involvement of civil society,” Levi said at a gathering in the capital convened to exchange experiences on best
practices and challenges to achieve this end.
The representative of the United Nations Development Program (UNDP), Jocely Mason praised the enterprise and said that for the
proper exercise of the agency to be created, they need the interest of various sectors.
Mozambique has often been cited by international intuitions as one of the countries where human rights are low on the list of priorities.
Amnesty International said in its 2009 annual report that violence is the first resort, excessive use of force, and abuse by police remained
problems as police operated “with a license to kill,” and the weak police accountability system had led to a general climate of impunity.
This was also endorsed by a local non-governmental organization ; Human Rights League (LDH) which said police officers summarily
executed several citizens during the first nine months of the year in Maputo and its satellite suburb of Matola.
However, the authorities in a few cases brought criminal charges against a few officers for disciplinary offences during the year.
High levels of crime in and around Maputo, especially with the return of nearly 50,000 citizens fleeing violence in South Africa last year,
and continued violence against the police by criminal gangs, were seen as likely factors in the number of unlawful killings committed by
security forces during the year as over-anxious police officers reacted with a strong show of force and often resorted to violence.
There were incidents in 2009 when police fired rubber bullets, teargas, and live ammunition at demonstrators in Maputo when protesting
residents demonstrated against increases in the cost of living and particularly a rise in fuel prices prompting transport fare hikes.
The national commission, according to Levi, will be up and running before the end of the year.
Click here to read more>>
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Armando Guebuza
President since 2 February 2005
President since 2 February 2005
Aires Bonifacio Ali
Prime Minister since 17 February 2004
Prime Minister since 17 February 2004
| TRAFFICKING IN PERSONS |
None reported.
