| NAMIBIA Republic of Namibia Republic of Namibia Joined United Nations: 23 April 1990 Human Rights as assured by their constitution Click here Updated 09/29/10 |
| CAPITAL |
| POPULATION |
| CHIEF OF STATE |
| SELECTION PROCESS |
Windhoek
2,108,665
note: estimates for this country explicitly take into account the effects of excess mortality
due to AIDS; this can result in lower life expectancy, higher infant mortality and death
rates, lower population and growth rates, and changes in the distribution of population by
age and sex than would otherwise be expected (July 2010 est.)
note: estimates for this country explicitly take into account the effects of excess mortality
due to AIDS; this can result in lower life expectancy, higher infant mortality and death
rates, lower population and growth rates, and changes in the distribution of population by
age and sex than would otherwise be expected (July 2010 est.)
Nahas Angula
Prime Minister since 21 March 2005
Prime Minister since 21 March 2005
President elected by popular vote for a five-year term (eligible for a
second term); election last held 27-28 November 2009
Next scheduled election: November 2014
second term); election last held 27-28 November 2009
Next scheduled election: November 2014
HEAD OF GOVERNMENT
SELECTION PROCESS
Prime Minister is selected by the President along with the
remainder of the cabinet members from among members of the
National Assembly; election last held 26-27 November 2009
Next scheduled election: November 2014
remainder of the cabinet members from among members of the
National Assembly; election last held 26-27 November 2009
Next scheduled election: November 2014
| DECLARATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS |
| ETHNIC GROUPS |
Black 87.5%, white 6%, mixed 6.5%
note: about 50% of the population belong to the Ovambo tribe and 9% to the Kavangos tribe; other ethnic groups includes Herero
7%, Damara 7%, Nama 5%, Caprivian 4%, Bushmen 3%, Baster 2%, Tswana 0.5%
note: about 50% of the population belong to the Ovambo tribe and 9% to the Kavangos tribe; other ethnic groups includes Herero
7%, Damara 7%, Nama 5%, Caprivian 4%, Bushmen 3%, Baster 2%, Tswana 0.5%
| RELIGIONS |
Christian 80% to 90% (Lutheran 50% at least), indigenous beliefs 10% to 20%
| GOVERNMENT STRUCTURE |
Republic with 13 regions; Legal system is based on Roman-Dutch law and 1990 constitution
Executive: President elected by popular vote for a five-year term (eligible for a second term); election last held 27-28 November 2009 (next
to be held in 2014) Prime Minister and Cabinet appointed by the president from among the members of the National Assembly
Legislative: Bicameral legislature consists of the National Council (26 seats; two members are chosen from each regional council
to serve six-year terms) and the National Assembly (72 seats; members are elected by popular vote to serve five-year terms)
elections: National Council - elections for regional councils to determine members of the National Council held on 29-30 November
2004 (next to be held on 26-27 November 2010); National Assembly - last held on 26-27 November 2009 (next to be held in
November 2014)
Judicial: Supreme Court (judges appointed by the president on the recommendation of the Judicial Service Commission)
Executive: President elected by popular vote for a five-year term (eligible for a second term); election last held 27-28 November 2009 (next
to be held in 2014) Prime Minister and Cabinet appointed by the president from among the members of the National Assembly
Legislative: Bicameral legislature consists of the National Council (26 seats; two members are chosen from each regional council
to serve six-year terms) and the National Assembly (72 seats; members are elected by popular vote to serve five-year terms)
elections: National Council - elections for regional councils to determine members of the National Council held on 29-30 November
2004 (next to be held on 26-27 November 2010); National Assembly - last held on 26-27 November 2009 (next to be held in
November 2014)
Judicial: Supreme Court (judges appointed by the president on the recommendation of the Judicial Service Commission)
| LANGUAGES |
English 7% (official), Afrikaans common language of most of the population and about 60% of the white population, German 32%,
indigenous languages 1% (includes Oshivambo, Herero, Nama)
indigenous languages 1% (includes Oshivambo, Herero, Nama)
| BRIEF HISTORY |
There is a high density of rock paintings in Namibia. The most famous archaeological site is the Apollo 11 Cave, containing rock
paintings dating back at least 25,000 years. Bushmen (also called San) are generally assumed to have been the earliest inhabitants of
the region comprising today's Namibia, Botswana and South Africa. The bushmen were hunters and gatherers with a nomadic
lifestyle. The most important part of their diet consisted of fruits, nuts and roots, but they also hunted different kinds of antelopes.
Over time, many different ethnic groups of immigrants settled in Namibia. The Owambo, and the smaller and closely related group
Kavango, lived in northern Namibia and southern Angola. Being settled people they had an economy based on farming, cattle and
fishing, but they also produced metal goods. Both groups belonged to the Bantu nation. They rarely ventured south to the central
parts of the country, since the conditions there did not suit their farming way of life, but traded extensively their knives and
agricultural implements. Until about 2,000 years ago the original hunters and gatherers of the San people were the only inhabitants in
Namibia. At this time the Nama (also known as Namaqua, Khoi-Khoi or Hottentot) settled around the Orange River in the south
on the border between Namibia and South Africa where they kept herds of sheep and goats. Both the San and the Nama were
Khoisan peoples, and spoke languages from the Khoisan language group. In the 9th century Damara (also known as Bergdama or
Berg Damara), another Khoisan group, entered Namibia. It is unclear where they came from, but they settled in the grasslands in
central Namibia, known as Damaraland. During the 17th century the Herero, a pastoral, nomadic people keeping cattle, moved into
Namibia. They came from the east African lakes and entered Namibia from the northwest. In the 19th century white farmers, mostly
Boers moved farther northwards pushing the indigenous Khoisan peoples, who put up a fierce resistance, across the Orange River.
Known as Oorlans, they adopted Boer customs and some spoke a language similar to Afrikaans.[1] Armed with guns, the Oorlans
caused instability as more and more came to settle in Namaqualand, and eventually conflict arose between them and the Nama. The
last group to arrive in Namibia before the Europeans were the Basters – descendants of Boer men and African women (mostly
Nama). Being Calvinist and Afrikaans-speaking, they considered themselves to be culturally more "white" than "black". As with the
Oorlans, they were forced northwards by the expansion of white settlers when, in 1868, a group of about 90 families crossed the
Orange River into Namibia. The first European to set foot on Namibian soil was the Portuguese Diogo Cão in 1485, who stopped
briefly on the Skeleton Coast, and raised a limestone cross there, on his exploratory mission along the west coast of Africa. The
next European to visit Namibia was also a Portuguese, Bartholomeu Diaz, who stopped at what today is Walvis Bay and Lüderitz
(which he named Angra Pequena) on his way to round the Cape of Good Hope. The inhospitable Namib Desert constituted a
formidable barrier and neither of the Portuguese explorers went far inland. In 1793 the Dutch authority in the Cape decided to take
control of Walvis bay, since it was the only good deep-water harbour along the Skeleton Coast. When the United Kingdom took
control of the Cape Colony in 1797, they also took over Walvis Bay. But white settlement in the area was limited, and neither the
Dutch nor the British penetrated far into the country. In 1805 the London Missionary Society began working in Namibia, moving
north from the Cape Colony. In 1811 they founded the town Bethanie in southern Namibia, where they built a church, which today
is Namibia's oldest building. In the 1840's the German Rhenish Mission Society started working in Namibia and co-operating with
the London Missionary Society. It was not until the 19th century, when European powers sought to carve up the African continent
between them in the so called "Scramble for Africa", that Europeans – Germany and Great Britain in the forefront – became
interested in Namibia. The first territorial claim on a part of Namibia came in 1878, when Britain annexed Walvis Bay on behalf of
the Cape Colony, confirming the settlement of 1797. Being the only German colony considered suitable for white settlement at the
time, Namibia attracted a large influx of German settlers. In 1903 there were 3,700 Germans living in the area, and by 1910 their
number had increased to 13,000. Another reason for German settlement was the discovery of diamonds in 1908. Diamond
production continues to be a very important part of Namibia's economy. The ongoing local rebellions escalated in 1904 into the
Herero and Namaqua Wars of 1904-1908, when the Herero attacked remote farms on the countryside, killing approximately 150
Germans. In 1915, during World War I, South Africa, being a member of the British Commonwealth and a former British colony,
occupied the German colony of South-West Africa. On December 17, 1920, South Africa undertook administration of South-West
Africa under the terms of Article 22 of the Covenant of the League of Nations and a Class C Mandate agreement by the League
Council. During the 1960s, as the European powers granted independence to their colonies and trust territories in Africa, pressure
mounted on South Africa to do so in Namibia, which was then South-West Africa. On the dismissal (1966) by the International
Court of Justice of a complaint brought by Ethiopia and Liberia against South Africa's continued presence in the territory, the U.N.
General Assembly revoked South Africa's mandate. Also in 1966, the South-West Africa People's Organisation (SWAPO) began
guerrilla attacks on South Africa, infiltrating the territory from bases in Zambia. After Angola became independent in 1975,
SWAPO established bases in the southern part of the country. Hostilities intensified over the years, especially in Ovamboland. In
October 1989, under orders of the UN Security Council, Pretoria was forced to demobilize some 1,600 members of Koevoet
(Afrikaans for crowbar). The 11-month transition period ended relatively smoothly. By February 9, 1990 the Constituent Assembly
had drafted and adopted a constitution. Independence Day on March 21, 1990 was attended by numerous international
representatives, including the main players, the UN Secretary-General Javier Pérez de Cuéllar and President of South Africa F W
de Klerk, who jointly conferred formal independence on Namibia. Sam Nujoma was sworn in as the first President of Namibia
watched by Nelson Mandela (just released from prison) and representatives from 147 countries, including 20 heads of state. On
March 1, 1994, the coastal enclave of Walvis Bay and 12 offshore islands were transferred to Namibia by South Africa. In 1998,
with one year until the scheduled presidential election when Sam Nujoma would not be allowed to participate in since he had
already served the two terms that the constitution allows, SWAPO amended the constitution, allowing three terms instead of two.
They were able to do this since SWAPO had a two-thirds majority in both the National Assembly and the National Council, which
is the minimum needed to amend the constitution. Sam Nujoma was reelected as president in 1999, winning the election, that had a
62.1% turnout with 76.82%. Second was Ben Ulenga from the Congress of Democrats (COD), that won 10.49% of the votes.
Nujoma was succeeded as President of Namibia by Hifikepunye Pohamba in 2003. One of SWAPO's policies, that had been
formulated long before the party came into power, was land reform. Namibia's colonial and apartheid past had resulted in a situation
where about 20 percent of the population owned about 75 percent of all the land. In 1999 Namibia signed a mutual defence pact
with its northern neighbour Angola. This affected the Angolan Civil War that had been ongoing since Angola's independence in
1975. Both being leftist movements, SWAPO wanted to support the ruling party MPLA in Angola to fight the rebel movement
UNITA, whose stronghold was in southern Angola. The defence pact allowed Angolan troops to use Namibian territory when
attacking UNITA. The Angolan civil war resulted in a large number of Angolan refugees coming to Namibia. At its peak in 2001
there were over 30,000 Angolan refugees in Namibia. The calmer situation in Angola has made it possible for many of them to
return to their home with the help of UNHCR, and in 2004 only 12,600 remained in Namibia. Most of them reside in the refugee
camp Osire north of Windhoek. Namibia also intervened in the Second Congo War, sending troops in support of the DRC's
president Laurent-Désiré Kabila.
Source: Wikipedia: History of Namibia
paintings dating back at least 25,000 years. Bushmen (also called San) are generally assumed to have been the earliest inhabitants of
the region comprising today's Namibia, Botswana and South Africa. The bushmen were hunters and gatherers with a nomadic
lifestyle. The most important part of their diet consisted of fruits, nuts and roots, but they also hunted different kinds of antelopes.
Over time, many different ethnic groups of immigrants settled in Namibia. The Owambo, and the smaller and closely related group
Kavango, lived in northern Namibia and southern Angola. Being settled people they had an economy based on farming, cattle and
fishing, but they also produced metal goods. Both groups belonged to the Bantu nation. They rarely ventured south to the central
parts of the country, since the conditions there did not suit their farming way of life, but traded extensively their knives and
agricultural implements. Until about 2,000 years ago the original hunters and gatherers of the San people were the only inhabitants in
Namibia. At this time the Nama (also known as Namaqua, Khoi-Khoi or Hottentot) settled around the Orange River in the south
on the border between Namibia and South Africa where they kept herds of sheep and goats. Both the San and the Nama were
Khoisan peoples, and spoke languages from the Khoisan language group. In the 9th century Damara (also known as Bergdama or
Berg Damara), another Khoisan group, entered Namibia. It is unclear where they came from, but they settled in the grasslands in
central Namibia, known as Damaraland. During the 17th century the Herero, a pastoral, nomadic people keeping cattle, moved into
Namibia. They came from the east African lakes and entered Namibia from the northwest. In the 19th century white farmers, mostly
Boers moved farther northwards pushing the indigenous Khoisan peoples, who put up a fierce resistance, across the Orange River.
Known as Oorlans, they adopted Boer customs and some spoke a language similar to Afrikaans.[1] Armed with guns, the Oorlans
caused instability as more and more came to settle in Namaqualand, and eventually conflict arose between them and the Nama. The
last group to arrive in Namibia before the Europeans were the Basters – descendants of Boer men and African women (mostly
Nama). Being Calvinist and Afrikaans-speaking, they considered themselves to be culturally more "white" than "black". As with the
Oorlans, they were forced northwards by the expansion of white settlers when, in 1868, a group of about 90 families crossed the
Orange River into Namibia. The first European to set foot on Namibian soil was the Portuguese Diogo Cão in 1485, who stopped
briefly on the Skeleton Coast, and raised a limestone cross there, on his exploratory mission along the west coast of Africa. The
next European to visit Namibia was also a Portuguese, Bartholomeu Diaz, who stopped at what today is Walvis Bay and Lüderitz
(which he named Angra Pequena) on his way to round the Cape of Good Hope. The inhospitable Namib Desert constituted a
formidable barrier and neither of the Portuguese explorers went far inland. In 1793 the Dutch authority in the Cape decided to take
control of Walvis bay, since it was the only good deep-water harbour along the Skeleton Coast. When the United Kingdom took
control of the Cape Colony in 1797, they also took over Walvis Bay. But white settlement in the area was limited, and neither the
Dutch nor the British penetrated far into the country. In 1805 the London Missionary Society began working in Namibia, moving
north from the Cape Colony. In 1811 they founded the town Bethanie in southern Namibia, where they built a church, which today
is Namibia's oldest building. In the 1840's the German Rhenish Mission Society started working in Namibia and co-operating with
the London Missionary Society. It was not until the 19th century, when European powers sought to carve up the African continent
between them in the so called "Scramble for Africa", that Europeans – Germany and Great Britain in the forefront – became
interested in Namibia. The first territorial claim on a part of Namibia came in 1878, when Britain annexed Walvis Bay on behalf of
the Cape Colony, confirming the settlement of 1797. Being the only German colony considered suitable for white settlement at the
time, Namibia attracted a large influx of German settlers. In 1903 there were 3,700 Germans living in the area, and by 1910 their
number had increased to 13,000. Another reason for German settlement was the discovery of diamonds in 1908. Diamond
production continues to be a very important part of Namibia's economy. The ongoing local rebellions escalated in 1904 into the
Herero and Namaqua Wars of 1904-1908, when the Herero attacked remote farms on the countryside, killing approximately 150
Germans. In 1915, during World War I, South Africa, being a member of the British Commonwealth and a former British colony,
occupied the German colony of South-West Africa. On December 17, 1920, South Africa undertook administration of South-West
Africa under the terms of Article 22 of the Covenant of the League of Nations and a Class C Mandate agreement by the League
Council. During the 1960s, as the European powers granted independence to their colonies and trust territories in Africa, pressure
mounted on South Africa to do so in Namibia, which was then South-West Africa. On the dismissal (1966) by the International
Court of Justice of a complaint brought by Ethiopia and Liberia against South Africa's continued presence in the territory, the U.N.
General Assembly revoked South Africa's mandate. Also in 1966, the South-West Africa People's Organisation (SWAPO) began
guerrilla attacks on South Africa, infiltrating the territory from bases in Zambia. After Angola became independent in 1975,
SWAPO established bases in the southern part of the country. Hostilities intensified over the years, especially in Ovamboland. In
October 1989, under orders of the UN Security Council, Pretoria was forced to demobilize some 1,600 members of Koevoet
(Afrikaans for crowbar). The 11-month transition period ended relatively smoothly. By February 9, 1990 the Constituent Assembly
had drafted and adopted a constitution. Independence Day on March 21, 1990 was attended by numerous international
representatives, including the main players, the UN Secretary-General Javier Pérez de Cuéllar and President of South Africa F W
de Klerk, who jointly conferred formal independence on Namibia. Sam Nujoma was sworn in as the first President of Namibia
watched by Nelson Mandela (just released from prison) and representatives from 147 countries, including 20 heads of state. On
March 1, 1994, the coastal enclave of Walvis Bay and 12 offshore islands were transferred to Namibia by South Africa. In 1998,
with one year until the scheduled presidential election when Sam Nujoma would not be allowed to participate in since he had
already served the two terms that the constitution allows, SWAPO amended the constitution, allowing three terms instead of two.
They were able to do this since SWAPO had a two-thirds majority in both the National Assembly and the National Council, which
is the minimum needed to amend the constitution. Sam Nujoma was reelected as president in 1999, winning the election, that had a
62.1% turnout with 76.82%. Second was Ben Ulenga from the Congress of Democrats (COD), that won 10.49% of the votes.
Nujoma was succeeded as President of Namibia by Hifikepunye Pohamba in 2003. One of SWAPO's policies, that had been
formulated long before the party came into power, was land reform. Namibia's colonial and apartheid past had resulted in a situation
where about 20 percent of the population owned about 75 percent of all the land. In 1999 Namibia signed a mutual defence pact
with its northern neighbour Angola. This affected the Angolan Civil War that had been ongoing since Angola's independence in
1975. Both being leftist movements, SWAPO wanted to support the ruling party MPLA in Angola to fight the rebel movement
UNITA, whose stronghold was in southern Angola. The defence pact allowed Angolan troops to use Namibian territory when
attacking UNITA. The Angolan civil war resulted in a large number of Angolan refugees coming to Namibia. At its peak in 2001
there were over 30,000 Angolan refugees in Namibia. The calmer situation in Angola has made it possible for many of them to
return to their home with the help of UNHCR, and in 2004 only 12,600 remained in Namibia. Most of them reside in the refugee
camp Osire north of Windhoek. Namibia also intervened in the Second Congo War, sending troops in support of the DRC's
president Laurent-Désiré Kabila.
Source: Wikipedia: History of Namibia
| ECONOMIC OVERVIEW |
The economy is heavily dependent on the extraction and processing of minerals for export. Mining accounts for 8% of GDP, but
provides more than 50% of foreign exchange earnings. Rich alluvial diamond deposits make Namibia a primary source for
gem-quality diamonds. Namibia is the fourth-largest exporter of nonfuel minerals in Africa, the world's fifth-largest producer of
uranium, and the producer of large quantities of lead, zinc, tin, silver, and tungsten. The mining sector employs only about 3% of the
population while about 35-40% of the population depends on subsistence agriculture for its livelihood. Namibia normally imports
about 50% of its cereal requirements; in drought years food shortages are a major problem in rural areas. A high per capita GDP,
relative to the region, hides one of the world's most unequal income distributions, as shown by Namibia's GINI coefficient. The
Namibian economy is closely linked to South Africa with the Namibian dollar pegged one-to-one to the South African rand. Until
2010, Namibia drew 40% of its budget revenues from the Southern African Customs Union (SACU). Increased payments from
SACU put Namibia's budget into surplus in 2007 for the first time since independence. SACU allotments to Namibia increased in
2009, but will drop for 2010 and 2011. Increased fish production and mining of zinc, copper, uranium, and silver spurred growth in
2003-08, but growth in recent years was undercut by poor fish catches, higher costs of producing metals, and the global recession.
Source: CIA World Factbook (select Namibia)
provides more than 50% of foreign exchange earnings. Rich alluvial diamond deposits make Namibia a primary source for
gem-quality diamonds. Namibia is the fourth-largest exporter of nonfuel minerals in Africa, the world's fifth-largest producer of
uranium, and the producer of large quantities of lead, zinc, tin, silver, and tungsten. The mining sector employs only about 3% of the
population while about 35-40% of the population depends on subsistence agriculture for its livelihood. Namibia normally imports
about 50% of its cereal requirements; in drought years food shortages are a major problem in rural areas. A high per capita GDP,
relative to the region, hides one of the world's most unequal income distributions, as shown by Namibia's GINI coefficient. The
Namibian economy is closely linked to South Africa with the Namibian dollar pegged one-to-one to the South African rand. Until
2010, Namibia drew 40% of its budget revenues from the Southern African Customs Union (SACU). Increased payments from
SACU put Namibia's budget into surplus in 2007 for the first time since independence. SACU allotments to Namibia increased in
2009, but will drop for 2010 and 2011. Increased fish production and mining of zinc, copper, uranium, and silver spurred growth in
2003-08, but growth in recent years was undercut by poor fish catches, higher costs of producing metals, and the global recession.
Source: CIA World Factbook (select Namibia)
| POLITICAL CLIMATE |
While the ethnic-based three-tier South African-imposed governing authorities have been dissolved, the current government pledged
for the sake of national reconciliation to retain civil servants employed during the colonial period. The government is still organizing
itself both on a national and regional level.
The Constituent Assembly converted itself into the National Assembly on February 16, 1990, retaining all the members elected on a
straight party ticket.
Namibia has about 40 political groups, ranging from modern political parties to traditional groups based on tribal authority. Some
represent single tribes or ethnic groups while others encompass several. Most participate in political alliances, some of which are
multiracial, with frequently shifting membership.
SWAPO is the ruling party, and all but one of the new government's first cabinet posts went to SWAPO members. A Marxist
oriented movement, SWAPO has become more pragmatic and now espouses the need for a mixed economy and Democracy.
SWAPO has been a legal political party since its formation and was cautiously active in Namibia, although before implementation of
the UN Plan, it was forbidden to hold meetings of more than 20 people, and its leadership was subject to frequent detention.
SWAPO draws its strength principally, but not exclusively, from within the Ovambo tribe. In December 1976, the UN General
Assembly recognized SWAPO as "the sole and authentic representative of the Namibian people," a characterization other internal
parties did not accept.
Source: Wikipedia: Politics of Namibia
for the sake of national reconciliation to retain civil servants employed during the colonial period. The government is still organizing
itself both on a national and regional level.
The Constituent Assembly converted itself into the National Assembly on February 16, 1990, retaining all the members elected on a
straight party ticket.
Namibia has about 40 political groups, ranging from modern political parties to traditional groups based on tribal authority. Some
represent single tribes or ethnic groups while others encompass several. Most participate in political alliances, some of which are
multiracial, with frequently shifting membership.
SWAPO is the ruling party, and all but one of the new government's first cabinet posts went to SWAPO members. A Marxist
oriented movement, SWAPO has become more pragmatic and now espouses the need for a mixed economy and Democracy.
SWAPO has been a legal political party since its formation and was cautiously active in Namibia, although before implementation of
the UN Plan, it was forbidden to hold meetings of more than 20 people, and its leadership was subject to frequent detention.
SWAPO draws its strength principally, but not exclusively, from within the Ovambo tribe. In December 1976, the UN General
Assembly recognized SWAPO as "the sole and authentic representative of the Namibian people," a characterization other internal
parties did not accept.
Source: Wikipedia: Politics of Namibia
| INTERNATIONAL DISPUTES |
Concerns from international experts and local populations over the Okavango Delta ecology in Botswana and human displacement
scuttled Namibian plans to construct a hydroelectric dam on Popa Falls along the Angola-Namibia border; managed dispute with
South Africa over the location of the boundary in the Orange River; Namibia has supported, and in 2004 Zimbabwe dropped
objections to, plans between Botswana and Zambia to build a bridge over the Zambezi River, thereby de facto recognizing a short,
but not clearly delimited, Botswana-Zambia boundary in the river
scuttled Namibian plans to construct a hydroelectric dam on Popa Falls along the Angola-Namibia border; managed dispute with
South Africa over the location of the boundary in the Orange River; Namibia has supported, and in 2004 Zimbabwe dropped
objections to, plans between Botswana and Zambia to build a bridge over the Zambezi River, thereby de facto recognizing a short,
but not clearly delimited, Botswana-Zambia boundary in the river
| REFUGEES AND INTERNALLY DISPLACED PERSONS (IDPS) |
Refugees (country of origin): 4,700 (Angola) (2007)
| ILLICIT DRUGS |
None reported.
| HUMAN RIGHTS STATEMENTS, ANALYSIS AND CRITIQUES |
2009 Human Rights Report: Namibia
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
March 11, 2010
Namibia is a multiparty democracy with a population of approximately two million. The presidential and parliamentary elections held
November 27 and 28 resulted in the re-election of President Hifikepunye Pohamba and the retention by the ruling South West Africa
People's Organization (SWAPO) of its parliamentary majority. Both the president and SWAPO won more than 75 percent of the vote.
Despite some irregularities, international observers characterized the election as generally free and fair. Several opposition parties have
challenged the outcome in court, and the case was pending at year's end. Civilian authorities generally maintained effective control of the
security forces.
Human rights problems included:
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
March 11, 2010
Namibia is a multiparty democracy with a population of approximately two million. The presidential and parliamentary elections held
November 27 and 28 resulted in the re-election of President Hifikepunye Pohamba and the retention by the ruling South West Africa
People's Organization (SWAPO) of its parliamentary majority. Both the president and SWAPO won more than 75 percent of the vote.
Despite some irregularities, international observers characterized the election as generally free and fair. Several opposition parties have
challenged the outcome in court, and the case was pending at year's end. Civilian authorities generally maintained effective control of the
security forces.
Human rights problems included:
- police use of excessive force;
- poor conditions in prisons and detention centers;
- arbitrary arrest, prolonged pretrial detention and long delays in trials;
- limitations on press freedom;
- criticism of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs);
- harassment and political intimidation of opposition members;
- official corruption.
- Societal abuses included violence against women and children, including rape and child abuse;
- discrimination against women,
- ethnic minorities, and indigenous people;
- child labor.
19 August 2008
COMMITTEE ON THE ELIMINATION OF RACIAL DISCRIMINATION
Seventy-third session 28 July - 15 August 2008
CONSIDERATION OF REPORTS SUBMITTED BY STATES PARTIES UNDER ARTICLE 9 OF THE CONVENTION
Concluding observations of the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination
NAMIBIA
Introduction
2. The Committee welcomes the submission of the eighth to twelfth periodic reports by the State party. It notes with appreciation the
efforts made by the State party to comply with the guidelines for the preparation of reports and to address the issues raised by the
Committee in its previous concluding observations.
3. The Committee welcomes the opportunity to resume the dialogue with the State party and expresses appreciation for the frank and
sincere dialogue held with the delegation and the comprehensive responses provided to the list of issues and questions posed by
Committee members.
Positive aspects
5. The Committee welcomes the commitment expressed by the State party to reconciling Namibian society and building a nation in
which all communities can live in peace and harmony, irrespective of their national and ethnic origin, colour, belief or language. It
acknowledges the difficulties with which the State party has been confronted in eliminating racial discrimination following decades of its
institutionalization during colonial occupation. The Committee commends the State party for its critical self-assessment during the
dialogue with the Committee.
6. The Committee welcomes the State party’s efforts to combat segregation and racial discrimination in various areas, particularly
education.
Principal areas of concern and recommendations
9. The Committee notes with concern the paucity of socio-economic data provided in the current report and underlines the importance
and value it attaches to such data.
The Committee recommends that the State party take all necessary measures to ensure that socio-economic data relevant for the
monitoring of the Convention is available in the next report. In this connection, the Committee draws the State party’s attention to
paragraphs 10 to 12 of the reporting guidelines for the CERD-specific document adopted at its seventy-first session.
Click here to read more »
COMMITTEE ON THE ELIMINATION OF RACIAL DISCRIMINATION
Seventy-third session 28 July - 15 August 2008
CONSIDERATION OF REPORTS SUBMITTED BY STATES PARTIES UNDER ARTICLE 9 OF THE CONVENTION
Concluding observations of the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination
NAMIBIA
Introduction
2. The Committee welcomes the submission of the eighth to twelfth periodic reports by the State party. It notes with appreciation the
efforts made by the State party to comply with the guidelines for the preparation of reports and to address the issues raised by the
Committee in its previous concluding observations.
3. The Committee welcomes the opportunity to resume the dialogue with the State party and expresses appreciation for the frank and
sincere dialogue held with the delegation and the comprehensive responses provided to the list of issues and questions posed by
Committee members.
Positive aspects
5. The Committee welcomes the commitment expressed by the State party to reconciling Namibian society and building a nation in
which all communities can live in peace and harmony, irrespective of their national and ethnic origin, colour, belief or language. It
acknowledges the difficulties with which the State party has been confronted in eliminating racial discrimination following decades of its
institutionalization during colonial occupation. The Committee commends the State party for its critical self-assessment during the
dialogue with the Committee.
6. The Committee welcomes the State party’s efforts to combat segregation and racial discrimination in various areas, particularly
education.
Principal areas of concern and recommendations
9. The Committee notes with concern the paucity of socio-economic data provided in the current report and underlines the importance
and value it attaches to such data.
The Committee recommends that the State party take all necessary measures to ensure that socio-economic data relevant for the
monitoring of the Convention is available in the next report. In this connection, the Committee draws the State party’s attention to
paragraphs 10 to 12 of the reporting guidelines for the CERD-specific document adopted at its seventy-first session.
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Freedom In The World 2010 Report
Political Rights Score: 2
Civil Liberties Score: 2
Status: Free
Overview
Elections in November 2009 returned President Hifikepunye Pohamba and the South West Africa People’s Organizationto power.
Although improvements were registered in the legal framework and conduct of the electoral contests, the incumbency enjoyed some
advantages and localized violence marred the campaigning process. While a number of opposition groups questioned the integrity of the
elections process, observers declared the contests free and fair. A new communications law passed in July raised concerns about
privacy rights, and media harassment continued throughout the year.
Nujoma and SWAPO retained control of the presidency and legislature in the 1994 and 1999 elections. In 2004, after a bitter succession
contest within the party, Nujoma’s longtime ally, Hifikepunye Pohamba, was chosen as the party’s presidential candidate and went on to
win elections. Divisions within SWAPO became a central concern for the new president. The Rally for Democracy and Progress (RDP)
—a break-away party headed by several former prominent members of SWAPO—emerged in 2007. Pohamba also faced challenges
from the hard-line SWAPO Party Youth League (SPYL) and to a lesser degree from Nujoma, who was especially critical of government
policies and accused senior party leaders of corruption in 2008.
Despite these challenges, Pohamba won with 75 percent of the vote in the November 2009 presidential elections, while the first runner-
up, RDP’s Hidipo Hamutenya, obtained 11 percent. Twelve candidates contested in the elections, the greatest number to date.The party
list for legislative seats reflected continuity in personnel rather than the infusion of “new blood” as had been called for by some. In
concurrent parliamentary elections, SWAPO won 54 seats in the 72-member legislature, while RDP took 8 seats.
The small white minority owns just under half of Namibia’s arable land, and redistribution of property has been slow despite legislation
passed in 2003 to speed up the process. Following the government’s declaration in 2004 that all landholders were susceptible to
expropriation, 30 farms have been targeted. However, as of 2009, the government had expropriated only five. Several farm owners have
used the courts to contest the expropriation of their land or the prices offered by the government.
Namibia’s economy has been among the strongest in the region, and the country has consistently been rated positively in terms of
competitiveness and ease of doing business. While the economy grew at a rate of 3.3 percent in 2008, it contracted 0.7 percent in 2009.
Namibia’s Compact with the Millennium Challenge Corporation came into force in September 2009, having been one of three lower-
middle-income countries to be granted eligibility by the U.S. government in 2005.
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Political Rights Score: 2
Civil Liberties Score: 2
Status: Free
Overview
Elections in November 2009 returned President Hifikepunye Pohamba and the South West Africa People’s Organizationto power.
Although improvements were registered in the legal framework and conduct of the electoral contests, the incumbency enjoyed some
advantages and localized violence marred the campaigning process. While a number of opposition groups questioned the integrity of the
elections process, observers declared the contests free and fair. A new communications law passed in July raised concerns about
privacy rights, and media harassment continued throughout the year.
Nujoma and SWAPO retained control of the presidency and legislature in the 1994 and 1999 elections. In 2004, after a bitter succession
contest within the party, Nujoma’s longtime ally, Hifikepunye Pohamba, was chosen as the party’s presidential candidate and went on to
win elections. Divisions within SWAPO became a central concern for the new president. The Rally for Democracy and Progress (RDP)
—a break-away party headed by several former prominent members of SWAPO—emerged in 2007. Pohamba also faced challenges
from the hard-line SWAPO Party Youth League (SPYL) and to a lesser degree from Nujoma, who was especially critical of government
policies and accused senior party leaders of corruption in 2008.
Despite these challenges, Pohamba won with 75 percent of the vote in the November 2009 presidential elections, while the first runner-
up, RDP’s Hidipo Hamutenya, obtained 11 percent. Twelve candidates contested in the elections, the greatest number to date.The party
list for legislative seats reflected continuity in personnel rather than the infusion of “new blood” as had been called for by some. In
concurrent parliamentary elections, SWAPO won 54 seats in the 72-member legislature, while RDP took 8 seats.
The small white minority owns just under half of Namibia’s arable land, and redistribution of property has been slow despite legislation
passed in 2003 to speed up the process. Following the government’s declaration in 2004 that all landholders were susceptible to
expropriation, 30 farms have been targeted. However, as of 2009, the government had expropriated only five. Several farm owners have
used the courts to contest the expropriation of their land or the prices offered by the government.
Namibia’s economy has been among the strongest in the region, and the country has consistently been rated positively in terms of
competitiveness and ease of doing business. While the economy grew at a rate of 3.3 percent in 2008, it contracted 0.7 percent in 2009.
Namibia’s Compact with the Millennium Challenge Corporation came into force in September 2009, having been one of three lower-
middle-income countries to be granted eligibility by the U.S. government in 2005.
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Deadly Movements: Transportation Controls in the Arms Trade Treaty
01 July 2010
3/PREVENTING IRRESPONSIBLE INTERNATIONAL ARMS TRANSFERS
THE ‘SHIP OF SHAME’
On 10 April 2008 a Chinese-flagged cargo ship, the MV An Yue Jiang, arrived in Durban, South Africa. Owned and operated by Chinese
Ocean Shipping Company (COSCO), the An Yue Jiang’s cargo included six shipping containers filled with 3080 cases of arms, including
3 million rounds of rifle ammunition as well as rocket-propelled grenades, mortar bombs and mortar launchers, all exported by Poly
Technologies Inc of Beijing.15 According to shipping documents and subsequent statements by the Zimbabwean government, the arms
were destined to the Zimbabwe Defence Force.
At that time, shortly after disputed elections held on 29 March 2008, senior personnel in the Zimbabwean army were responsible for
widespread human rights violations against opposition supporters, including beatings, enforced disappearances, assaults, unlawful killings
and torture by soldiers, “war veterans” and supporters of the ruling party (ZANU-PF) against people accused of having voted for the
then opposition parties. Abuses were continuing with impunity: though some victims reported these crimes to the police, no arrests of
perpetrators were reported.16
Although, according to court documents, the shipment received a transit licence from the South African government to be moved on to
Zimbabwe, trade unions in South Africa nonetheless appealed to transport workers not to offload the cargo if the ship docked at any
African port and church leaders backed by lawyers in South Africa obtained a court order to stop the shipment through South Africa
ports. When the An Yue Jiang sailed away from South African ports with the arms cargo, transport workers in ports in Mozambique,
Namibia and Angola, mobilised by national trade unions and assisted by the International Transport Workers’ Federation (ITF) and
lawyers in those countries, similarly refused to offload the military cargo. Although some cargo was offloaded in Luanda, the ship
reportedly returned its military cargo to China
Click here to read more »
01 July 2010
3/PREVENTING IRRESPONSIBLE INTERNATIONAL ARMS TRANSFERS
THE ‘SHIP OF SHAME’
On 10 April 2008 a Chinese-flagged cargo ship, the MV An Yue Jiang, arrived in Durban, South Africa. Owned and operated by Chinese
Ocean Shipping Company (COSCO), the An Yue Jiang’s cargo included six shipping containers filled with 3080 cases of arms, including
3 million rounds of rifle ammunition as well as rocket-propelled grenades, mortar bombs and mortar launchers, all exported by Poly
Technologies Inc of Beijing.15 According to shipping documents and subsequent statements by the Zimbabwean government, the arms
were destined to the Zimbabwe Defence Force.
At that time, shortly after disputed elections held on 29 March 2008, senior personnel in the Zimbabwean army were responsible for
widespread human rights violations against opposition supporters, including beatings, enforced disappearances, assaults, unlawful killings
and torture by soldiers, “war veterans” and supporters of the ruling party (ZANU-PF) against people accused of having voted for the
then opposition parties. Abuses were continuing with impunity: though some victims reported these crimes to the police, no arrests of
perpetrators were reported.16
Although, according to court documents, the shipment received a transit licence from the South African government to be moved on to
Zimbabwe, trade unions in South Africa nonetheless appealed to transport workers not to offload the cargo if the ship docked at any
African port and church leaders backed by lawyers in South Africa obtained a court order to stop the shipment through South Africa
ports. When the An Yue Jiang sailed away from South African ports with the arms cargo, transport workers in ports in Mozambique,
Namibia and Angola, mobilised by national trade unions and assisted by the International Transport Workers’ Federation (ITF) and
lawyers in those countries, similarly refused to offload the military cargo. Although some cargo was offloaded in Luanda, the ship
reportedly returned its military cargo to China
Click here to read more »
The Kimberley Process and Zim: Last-chance Saloon?
by Jon Elliott, Africa advocacy director
June 22, 2009
Namibia hosts the Kimberley Process Intersessional Meeting in Windhoek starting tomorrow. Namibia's Deputy Mines Minister,
Bernhard Esau, who chairs the Kimberley Process Certification Scheme (KPCS), has a problem on his hands: protecting the integrity
and credibility of the Process and the international diamond industry.
Human Rights Watch will release a report this week containing overwhelming evidence that Zimbabwe is undermining the Kimberley
Process, in which it is a formal participant. Zimbabwe's Marange diamond fields, near the Mozambican border, were discovered in 2006.
Zimbabwe police and then elite units of the Zimbabwe defence forces assumed control of these fields in November 2006 and October
2008, respectively. Using extreme violence and intimidation, the military killed more than 200 local miners in just three weeks in late 2008
and has perpetrated numerous other abuses including forced labour, torture, and arbitrary arrest. The violations continue today.
The sheer brutality and scale of the violence in Marange justify the treatment of Marange stones as, or equivalent to, "conflict diamonds".
Up to now, the term has referred exclusively to diamonds mined in areas controlled by rebel armies. But it is not credible for the
Kimberley Process to keep saying that abuses committed by rebel armies are qualitatively or quantitatively different from the same kind
of abuses committed by states or their security forces. Just ask the victims.
Diamond consumers will also see no distinction when they hear about the Zimbabwean army using children as forced labour in Marange.
Or read the words of a man who saw soldiers shoot and kill his nephew and six others near the diamond fields. Or learn about the man
who was forced, together with others, to dig a mass grave for 72 dead local miners whom soldiers had shot and killed in Marange in
October 2008.
Why is all this happening? Human Rights Watch's research suggests that senior members of Zimbabwe's ZANU-PF and their military
allies benefit extensively from the significant revenues generated by Marange's diamonds. They are using fear and violence to protect
their interests, outside the framework of the country's power-sharing government. The revenue from Marange, believed to be the
world's largest concentration of diamonds, should be helping Zimbabwe recover from years of ZANU-PF economic mismanagement.
But ordinary Zimbabweans - including local people in Marange - do not benefit. Under transparent commercial management, Marange
diamonds could generate US$200m per month in revenue for essential services like health delivery and education.
Click here to read more »
by Jon Elliott, Africa advocacy director
June 22, 2009
Namibia hosts the Kimberley Process Intersessional Meeting in Windhoek starting tomorrow. Namibia's Deputy Mines Minister,
Bernhard Esau, who chairs the Kimberley Process Certification Scheme (KPCS), has a problem on his hands: protecting the integrity
and credibility of the Process and the international diamond industry.
Human Rights Watch will release a report this week containing overwhelming evidence that Zimbabwe is undermining the Kimberley
Process, in which it is a formal participant. Zimbabwe's Marange diamond fields, near the Mozambican border, were discovered in 2006.
Zimbabwe police and then elite units of the Zimbabwe defence forces assumed control of these fields in November 2006 and October
2008, respectively. Using extreme violence and intimidation, the military killed more than 200 local miners in just three weeks in late 2008
and has perpetrated numerous other abuses including forced labour, torture, and arbitrary arrest. The violations continue today.
The sheer brutality and scale of the violence in Marange justify the treatment of Marange stones as, or equivalent to, "conflict diamonds".
Up to now, the term has referred exclusively to diamonds mined in areas controlled by rebel armies. But it is not credible for the
Kimberley Process to keep saying that abuses committed by rebel armies are qualitatively or quantitatively different from the same kind
of abuses committed by states or their security forces. Just ask the victims.
Diamond consumers will also see no distinction when they hear about the Zimbabwean army using children as forced labour in Marange.
Or read the words of a man who saw soldiers shoot and kill his nephew and six others near the diamond fields. Or learn about the man
who was forced, together with others, to dig a mass grave for 72 dead local miners whom soldiers had shot and killed in Marange in
October 2008.
Why is all this happening? Human Rights Watch's research suggests that senior members of Zimbabwe's ZANU-PF and their military
allies benefit extensively from the significant revenues generated by Marange's diamonds. They are using fear and violence to protect
their interests, outside the framework of the country's power-sharing government. The revenue from Marange, believed to be the
world's largest concentration of diamonds, should be helping Zimbabwe recover from years of ZANU-PF economic mismanagement.
But ordinary Zimbabweans - including local people in Marange - do not benefit. Under transparent commercial management, Marange
diamonds could generate US$200m per month in revenue for essential services like health delivery and education.
Click here to read more »
The quest for doing away with Bantu Education in Namibia: a personal journey
May 5, 2010; OPM
Presentation by PM Nahas Angula at the award ceremony of the President's medal of excellence, Teachers College, Columbia
University, New York, USA, April 24, 2010
TOWARDS A UNIFIED EDUCATION SYSTEM
After a long and bitter struggle, Namibia emerged as a free and independent nation on 21 st March 1990. At independence, I had a
privilege to be appointed the first Minister of Education, Culture and Sport. My undergraduate studies in Education at the University of
Zambia (1969-1972); my graduate studies at the Teachers College, Columbia University (1976-1978); my experience as a founder of
Namibia Schools in exile; and my work at the United Nations as an international civil servant, prepared me well for the challenge ahead.
At independence, there were eleven education authorities in the country. They catered for racial and ethnic groups needs. The hated
Bantu Education system catered for the education and training needs of the black majority. I went into exile in 1965 to escape this hated
Bantu Education system. Now it was my time to undo it.
My Deputy Minister and I decided that 1990 should be the year of careful planning and policy development. I issued a broad policy
statement entitled: The National Integrated Education System for Emergent Namibia, at the beginning of that year. This policy statement
outlined the new national education goals, the proposed structure of the new national education system; the broad content of education at
every level of the education system; the proposed teaching methods and the organization of the new national education system; the
proposed school annual calendar; and the procedures for the implementation of the reform and transformation process. The goal was to
prepare the new nation of the intended changes in Education.
When three friends and I left the Oshigambo High School in northern Namibia in 1965 and went into exile, I never expected or suspected
that one day I shall make a difference in the lives of others through education. What motivated our departure from our country and
separation from our families was the abhorrent Bantu Education system. Today, I am honoured to have made a tangible contribution to
the demise of that system. I am indebted to the people of the United States of America, who through the African-American Institute
(AAI) funded my education during the exile years.
Mine was a life journey full of trials and tribulations, tragedies and fortunes; adventures and misadventures. I am grateful, however, that
in the end it has been a rewarding journey.
I thank the Teachers College for recognizing my humble contribution to the field of education. I owe it to the College professors for
sharing their knowledge with me. This Award is not only a recognition of my efforts. It is a celebration of the victory of the Namibian
people over apartheid colonization. The Award has come at the right time when the Namibian people have just celebrated 20 years of
freedom, peace and stability.
Click here to read more »
May 5, 2010; OPM
Presentation by PM Nahas Angula at the award ceremony of the President's medal of excellence, Teachers College, Columbia
University, New York, USA, April 24, 2010
TOWARDS A UNIFIED EDUCATION SYSTEM
After a long and bitter struggle, Namibia emerged as a free and independent nation on 21 st March 1990. At independence, I had a
privilege to be appointed the first Minister of Education, Culture and Sport. My undergraduate studies in Education at the University of
Zambia (1969-1972); my graduate studies at the Teachers College, Columbia University (1976-1978); my experience as a founder of
Namibia Schools in exile; and my work at the United Nations as an international civil servant, prepared me well for the challenge ahead.
At independence, there were eleven education authorities in the country. They catered for racial and ethnic groups needs. The hated
Bantu Education system catered for the education and training needs of the black majority. I went into exile in 1965 to escape this hated
Bantu Education system. Now it was my time to undo it.
My Deputy Minister and I decided that 1990 should be the year of careful planning and policy development. I issued a broad policy
statement entitled: The National Integrated Education System for Emergent Namibia, at the beginning of that year. This policy statement
outlined the new national education goals, the proposed structure of the new national education system; the broad content of education at
every level of the education system; the proposed teaching methods and the organization of the new national education system; the
proposed school annual calendar; and the procedures for the implementation of the reform and transformation process. The goal was to
prepare the new nation of the intended changes in Education.
When three friends and I left the Oshigambo High School in northern Namibia in 1965 and went into exile, I never expected or suspected
that one day I shall make a difference in the lives of others through education. What motivated our departure from our country and
separation from our families was the abhorrent Bantu Education system. Today, I am honoured to have made a tangible contribution to
the demise of that system. I am indebted to the people of the United States of America, who through the African-American Institute
(AAI) funded my education during the exile years.
Mine was a life journey full of trials and tribulations, tragedies and fortunes; adventures and misadventures. I am grateful, however, that
in the end it has been a rewarding journey.
I thank the Teachers College for recognizing my humble contribution to the field of education. I owe it to the College professors for
sharing their knowledge with me. This Award is not only a recognition of my efforts. It is a celebration of the victory of the Namibian
people over apartheid colonization. The Award has come at the right time when the Namibian people have just celebrated 20 years of
freedom, peace and stability.
Click here to read more »
Press Releases: PRESS STATEMENT ON THE EVENTS OF 26 AUGUST 2010 AT LUDERITZ
Published: Sep 01, 2010
The Federal Indigenous Nama Rights Council (FINRiC ) is deeply saddened by the happenings as they unfolded on the 26 August 2010
in Luderitz. As the NAMA People of Namibia, we were made to believe that the bones of our ancestors would be buried on this day. To
our utter shock, this day was enveloped in confusion. Those of us who attended the event were left with a host of questions –was it a
day for the customary commemoration of the fallen heroes, or a day for the campaign for the Swapo party or as we were made to
believe, the day of the burial of the bones of those brutally massacred by the enemy of the native people?
But upon surveying those present at the occasion one could not help but to pose the question “burial of the bones of whom”? The
speculations were that these bones could be of the Hereros of Sperrgebiet, or migrant labourers of the north or even Plan fighters that
disappeared? This begs the question –why did these bones have to be buried at Luderitz Buch? In any of the above mentioned instances,
it would not make sense to have these remains buried in the Great Namaqua Land. Surely, that is “un-Namibian, un-African”? Some
other questions we had are:
• why were scientific tests not done to determine the origin of these bones in stead of speculating about such an important matter?
• Why was the burial held secretively at 6 o’clock in the morning?
• What proof is there that indeed these bones were buried?
• Why was the civil society, particularly the NAMAS excluded from this burial?
• Why was the NAMA traditional leadership inactive at this ceremony?
• Why were those that spearheaded the issue of the bones on the part of the NAMA People absent from this ceremony?
• Why were the people that were transported from Keetmanshoop to Luderitz particularly the Wambo people at the direct and purposeful
refusal and exclusion of the NAMA people at the boarding points though the NAMA People specifically registered for the event as per the
directives?
Whatever this day was –the demand from FINRiC is that Germany and the government of the Republic of Namibia returns the remains
of the NAMAS (and only the NAMAS) to the NAMA People so that we honor our beloved brave and eternal ancestors according to our
rich, unique and peculiar culture, tradition, norms and values.
It is an undeniable historical fact that the NAMAS warred prominently against all foreign forces and that their blood waters the freedom
of this land. Sadly, through the events of 26 August 2010 at Luderitz, it has once again been proven that the present Namibian
government is a threat to the continued existence of the indigenous NAMA (Khoi-Khoi) people of the Great Namaqua Land.
Therefore, FINRiC is disgusted at the burial of the bones of the NAMA People in the disrespectful demeanour as carried out by the
government of the Republic of Namibia. FINRiC therefore rejects, ejects and regurgitates such burial. This is the solus position of the
indigenous NAMA (Khoi-Khoi) People to unambiguously state that we take umbrage to the events as they unfolded at Luderitz on 26
August 2010.
Click here to read more »
Published: Sep 01, 2010
The Federal Indigenous Nama Rights Council (FINRiC ) is deeply saddened by the happenings as they unfolded on the 26 August 2010
in Luderitz. As the NAMA People of Namibia, we were made to believe that the bones of our ancestors would be buried on this day. To
our utter shock, this day was enveloped in confusion. Those of us who attended the event were left with a host of questions –was it a
day for the customary commemoration of the fallen heroes, or a day for the campaign for the Swapo party or as we were made to
believe, the day of the burial of the bones of those brutally massacred by the enemy of the native people?
But upon surveying those present at the occasion one could not help but to pose the question “burial of the bones of whom”? The
speculations were that these bones could be of the Hereros of Sperrgebiet, or migrant labourers of the north or even Plan fighters that
disappeared? This begs the question –why did these bones have to be buried at Luderitz Buch? In any of the above mentioned instances,
it would not make sense to have these remains buried in the Great Namaqua Land. Surely, that is “un-Namibian, un-African”? Some
other questions we had are:
• why were scientific tests not done to determine the origin of these bones in stead of speculating about such an important matter?
• Why was the burial held secretively at 6 o’clock in the morning?
• What proof is there that indeed these bones were buried?
• Why was the civil society, particularly the NAMAS excluded from this burial?
• Why was the NAMA traditional leadership inactive at this ceremony?
• Why were those that spearheaded the issue of the bones on the part of the NAMA People absent from this ceremony?
• Why were the people that were transported from Keetmanshoop to Luderitz particularly the Wambo people at the direct and purposeful
refusal and exclusion of the NAMA people at the boarding points though the NAMA People specifically registered for the event as per the
directives?
Whatever this day was –the demand from FINRiC is that Germany and the government of the Republic of Namibia returns the remains
of the NAMAS (and only the NAMAS) to the NAMA People so that we honor our beloved brave and eternal ancestors according to our
rich, unique and peculiar culture, tradition, norms and values.
It is an undeniable historical fact that the NAMAS warred prominently against all foreign forces and that their blood waters the freedom
of this land. Sadly, through the events of 26 August 2010 at Luderitz, it has once again been proven that the present Namibian
government is a threat to the continued existence of the indigenous NAMA (Khoi-Khoi) people of the Great Namaqua Land.
Therefore, FINRiC is disgusted at the burial of the bones of the NAMA People in the disrespectful demeanour as carried out by the
government of the Republic of Namibia. FINRiC therefore rejects, ejects and regurgitates such burial. This is the solus position of the
indigenous NAMA (Khoi-Khoi) People to unambiguously state that we take umbrage to the events as they unfolded at Luderitz on 26
August 2010.
Click here to read more »
STATEMENT BY THE OMBUDSMAN AT THE OCCASION OF THE 20TH ANNIVERSARY CELEBRATION OF
OMBUDSMANSHIP IN NAMIBIA
DATE: 22 JULY 2010
In celebrating 20 years of Ombudsmanship in Namibia, allow me, Ladies and Gentlemen to take you shortly down memory lane.
The concept of Ombudsman was introduced in South West Africa in 1986 with the promulgation of the Ombudsman for South West
Africa Act no 26 of 1986. The Office of the Ombudsman came into being with the appointment of the late Justice C J Mouton as
Ombudsman in May 1987. With the resignation of the Ombudsman for South West Africa in March 1990, followed by the departure in
May 1990 of the Head: Secretariat, the Office of the Ombudsman, but for the commendable efforts displayed by the only remaining
member of the staff Ms Esme Heenen (Jansen), clerical assistant, was unmanned for a few months. It was only with the appointment of
Adv Pio Teek (as he was then) in July 1990 and the secondment of the late Marius Maree in July 1990 that the Office could be re-
opened. Over the past 20 years, there were two Acting Ombudsmen, one Deputy Ombudsman and three Ombudsmen at the helm of the
Office. In celebrating 20 years of Ombudsmanship, I wish to pay tribute to my predecessors former and current staff members who
have work so hard to build a professional and responsive institution, dedicated to assisting those who are in need of our service.
The role of the Ombudsman is not to condemn anybody or to demonstrate the ineffectiveness of administration. Nor is it to act as an
advocate for an aggrieved individual. It is the role of the Ombudsman to act as mediator in a dispute, to actively pursuit basic,
fundamental truth and fairness based on his own personal framework of integrity, reasonableness and reliability, without any
subservience or fear to act against any party, if necessary.
The task of the Ombudsman will not be fully accomplished until and unless we have extended our services to the majority of our citizens
in the communal and farming areas throughout Namibia, because the Office of the Ombudsman was created to serve the entire nation
and not a particular segment of our population. The ideal situation is to establish regional offices in some of the main centers throughout
the Republic, in an endeavour to decentralize.
In the light of the widespread wanton destruction of national assets, abuse/misuse of government properties, and allegations of
corruption of officials, I recommend to Government to establish a permanent Anti-Corruption Commission whose task it shall be to
investigate and combat these malpractices effectively and decisively.
It is obvious, therefore, that at independence the effect of neglect by South Africa should be felt. Blacks were not given positions of
responsibility and as already mentioned educational or academic background on their part was lacking…….
Click here to read more>>
OMBUDSMANSHIP IN NAMIBIA
DATE: 22 JULY 2010
In celebrating 20 years of Ombudsmanship in Namibia, allow me, Ladies and Gentlemen to take you shortly down memory lane.
The concept of Ombudsman was introduced in South West Africa in 1986 with the promulgation of the Ombudsman for South West
Africa Act no 26 of 1986. The Office of the Ombudsman came into being with the appointment of the late Justice C J Mouton as
Ombudsman in May 1987. With the resignation of the Ombudsman for South West Africa in March 1990, followed by the departure in
May 1990 of the Head: Secretariat, the Office of the Ombudsman, but for the commendable efforts displayed by the only remaining
member of the staff Ms Esme Heenen (Jansen), clerical assistant, was unmanned for a few months. It was only with the appointment of
Adv Pio Teek (as he was then) in July 1990 and the secondment of the late Marius Maree in July 1990 that the Office could be re-
opened. Over the past 20 years, there were two Acting Ombudsmen, one Deputy Ombudsman and three Ombudsmen at the helm of the
Office. In celebrating 20 years of Ombudsmanship, I wish to pay tribute to my predecessors former and current staff members who
have work so hard to build a professional and responsive institution, dedicated to assisting those who are in need of our service.
The role of the Ombudsman is not to condemn anybody or to demonstrate the ineffectiveness of administration. Nor is it to act as an
advocate for an aggrieved individual. It is the role of the Ombudsman to act as mediator in a dispute, to actively pursuit basic,
fundamental truth and fairness based on his own personal framework of integrity, reasonableness and reliability, without any
subservience or fear to act against any party, if necessary.
The task of the Ombudsman will not be fully accomplished until and unless we have extended our services to the majority of our citizens
in the communal and farming areas throughout Namibia, because the Office of the Ombudsman was created to serve the entire nation
and not a particular segment of our population. The ideal situation is to establish regional offices in some of the main centers throughout
the Republic, in an endeavour to decentralize.
In the light of the widespread wanton destruction of national assets, abuse/misuse of government properties, and allegations of
corruption of officials, I recommend to Government to establish a permanent Anti-Corruption Commission whose task it shall be to
investigate and combat these malpractices effectively and decisively.
It is obvious, therefore, that at independence the effect of neglect by South Africa should be felt. Blacks were not given positions of
responsibility and as already mentioned educational or academic background on their part was lacking…….
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Hifikepunye Pohamba
President since 21 March 2005
President since 21 March 2005
| TRAFFICKING IN PERSONS |
None reported.
