| NICARAGUA Republic of Nicaragua Republica de Nicaragua Joined United Nations: 24 October 1945 Human Rights as assured by their constitution Click here Updated 11/24/10 |
| CAPITAL |
| POPULATION |
| CHIEF OF STATE |
| SELECTION PROCESS |
Managua
5,995,928 (July 2010 est.)
President and vice president elected on the same ticket by popular
vote for a five-year term (eligible for a second term so long as it is
not consecutive); election last held 5 November 2006
Next scheduled election: November 2011
vote for a five-year term (eligible for a second term so long as it is
not consecutive); election last held 5 November 2006
Next scheduled election: November 2011
HEAD OF GOVERNMENT
SELECTION PROCESS
According to the Nicaraguan Constitution, the President is both
the Chief of State and Head of Government
the Chief of State and Head of Government
| DECLARATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS |
| ETHNIC GROUPS |
Mestizo (mixed Amerindian and white) 69%, white 17%, black 9%, Amerindian 5%
| RELIGIONS |
Roman Catholic 58.5%, Evangelical 21.6%, Moravian 1.6%, Jehovah's Witness 0.9%, other 1.7%, none 15.7% (2005 census)
| GOVERNMENT STRUCTURE |
Republic with 15 departments (departamentos, singular - departamento) and 2 autonomous regions (regiones autonomistas, singular -
region autonoma); Legal system is a civil law system; Supreme Court may review administrative acts; accepts compulsory ICJ
jurisdiction
Executive: President and vice president elected on the same ticket by popular vote for a five-year term (eligible for a second term so long
as it is not consecutive); election last held 5 November 2006 (next to be held by November 2011)
Legislative: Unicameral National Assembly or Asamblea Nacional (92 seats; 90 members are elected by proportional
representation and party lists to serve five-year terms; 1 seat for the previous president, 1 seat for the runner-up in previous
presidential election)
elections: last held 5 November 2006 (next to be held by November 2011)
Judicial: Supreme Court or Corte Suprema (16 judges elected for five-year terms by the National Assembly)
region autonoma); Legal system is a civil law system; Supreme Court may review administrative acts; accepts compulsory ICJ
jurisdiction
Executive: President and vice president elected on the same ticket by popular vote for a five-year term (eligible for a second term so long
as it is not consecutive); election last held 5 November 2006 (next to be held by November 2011)
Legislative: Unicameral National Assembly or Asamblea Nacional (92 seats; 90 members are elected by proportional
representation and party lists to serve five-year terms; 1 seat for the previous president, 1 seat for the runner-up in previous
presidential election)
elections: last held 5 November 2006 (next to be held by November 2011)
Judicial: Supreme Court or Corte Suprema (16 judges elected for five-year terms by the National Assembly)
| LANGUAGES |
Spanish 97.5% (official), Miskito 1.7%, other 0.8% (1995 census)
note: English and indigenous languages on Atlantic coast
note: English and indigenous languages on Atlantic coast
| BRIEF HISTORY |
The country's name is derived from Nicarao, the name of the Nahuatl-speaking tribe which inhabited the shores of Lake Nicaragua
before the Spanish conquest of the Americas, and the Spanish word Agua, meaning water, due to the presence of the large Lake
Cocibolca (or Lake Nicaragua) and Lake Managua (or Lake Xolotlán), as well as lagoons and rivers in the region. It is known that
Nicaragua was inhabited by Paleo-Indians as far back as 6000 years. The ancient footprints of Acahualinca confirms it along with
other archaeological evidences, mainly ceramics and statues made of volcanic stone like the ones found on the island of Zapatera
and petroglyphs found in Ometepe island. Most of Nicaragua's Caribbean lowlands area was inhabited by tribes that migrated north
from what is now Colombia. The various dialects and languages in this area are related to Chibcha, spoken by groups in northern
Colombia. Eastern Nicaragua's population consisted of extended families or tribes. Occupying the territory between Lake
Nicaragua and the Pacific Coast, the Niquirano were governed by chief Nicarao, or Nicaragua, a rich ruler who lived in
Nicaraocali, now the city of Rivas. The Chorotegano lived in the central region of Nicaragua. When the Spanish arrived in western
Nicaragua in the early 1500s, they found three principal tribes, each with a different culture and language: the Niquirano, the
Chorotegano, and the Chontal. Each one of these diverse groups occupied much of Nicaragua's territory, with independent
chieftains who ruled according to each group's laws and customs. Their weapons consisted of swords, lances, and arrows made out
of wood. Monarchy was the form of government of most tribes; the supreme ruler was the chief, or cacique, who, surrounded by
his princes, formed the nobility. In 1523, the first Spaniards entered the region of what would become known as Nicaragua. Gil
González Dávila with a small force reached its western portion after a trek through Costa Rica, following a near disaster while
exploring the western coast of Central America. He proceeded to explore the fertile western valleys and was impressed with the
Indian civilization he found there. He and his small army gathered gold and baptized Indians along the way. Eventually, they so
imposed upon the Indians that they were attacked and nearly annihilated. González Dávila returned to his expedition's starting point
in Panama and reported on his find, naming the area Nicaragua. Córdoba apparently came with the intention of colonization. In
1524, he established permanent settlements in the region, including two of Nicaragua's principal towns: Granada on Lake Nicaragua
and León east of Lake Managua. The inevitable clash between the Spanish forces did not impede their devastation of the indigenous
population. The Indian civilization was destroyed. The series of battles came to be known as The War of the Captains. By 1529,
the conquest of Nicaragua was complete. The land was parceled out to the conquistadores. The area of most interest was the
western portion. It included a wide, fertile valley with huge, freshwater lakes, a series of volcanoes, and volcanic lagoons. Many
Indians were soon enslaved to develop and maintain "estates" there. In 1538, the Viceroyalty of New Spain was established,
encompassing all of Mexico and Central America, except Panama. By 1570, the southern part of New Spain was designated the
Captaincy General of Guatemala. The area of Nicaragua was divided into administrative "parties" with León as the capital. In 1610,
the volcano known as Momotombo erupted, destroying the capital. It was rebuilt northwest of its original site. The history of
Nicaragua remained relatively static for three hundred years following the conquest. There were minor civil wars and rebellions, but
they were quickly suppressed. The region was subject to frequent raids by Dutch, French and British pirates; the city of Granada
was invaded twice, in 1658 and 1660. Nicaragua became a part of the Mexican Empire and then gained its independence as a part
of the United Provinces of Central America in 1821 and as an independent republic in its own right in 1838. The Mosquito Coast
based on Bluefields on the Atlantic was claimed by the United Kingdom (and its predecessor states) as a protectorate from 1655 to
1850; this was delegated to Honduras in 1859 and transferred to Nicaragua in 1860, though remained autonomous until 1894. In
1909 the United States provided political support to conservative-led forces rebelling against President Zelaya. U.S. motives
included differences over the proposed Nicaragua Canal, Nicaragua's potential as a destabilizing influence in the region, and
Zelaya's attempts to regulate foreign access to Nicaraguan natural resources. On November 18, 1909, U.S. warships were sent to
the area after 500 revolutionaries (including two Americans) were executed by order of Zelaya. The U.S. justified the intervention
by claiming to protect U.S. lives and property. Zelaya resigned later that year. U.S. Marines occupied Nicaragua from 1912 to
1933, except for a nine month period beginning in 1925. From 1927 until 1933, Gen. Augusto César Sandino led a sustained
guerrilla war first against the Conservative regime and subsequently against the U.S. Marines, who withdrew upon the establishment
of a new Liberal government. The revolt finally forced the United States to compromise and leave the country. With U.S. support
Anastasio Somoza García outmaneuvered his political opponents, including Sandino who was executed by National Guard officers
in February 1934, and took over the presidency in 1936. The Somoza family would rule until 1979. A major turning point was the
December 1972 Managua earthquake that killed over 10,000 people and left 500,000 homeless. A great deal of international relief
was sent to the nation. However, newspaperman Pedro Joaquin Chamorro began to write sensational stories alleging that Somoza
and the National Guard were embezzling relief money. This not only enraged the Nicaraguan people but also began to alienate the
United States. Violent opposition to the government, especially to its widespread corruption, was then renewed with the Sandinistas
being revived, this time backed by Cuba and the Soviet Union. As Nicaragua's government collapsed and the National Guard
commanders escaped with Somoza, the U.S. first promised and then denied them exile in Miami. The rebels advanced on the
capital victoriously. On July 19, 1979 a new government was proclaimed under a provisional junta headed by Daniel Ortega (then
age 35) and including Violeta Chamorro, Pedro's widow. The Sandinistas were victorious in the national election of November 4,
1984. Although the election was certified as "free and fair" by international observers, there were many groups, including the
Nicaraguan political opposition and the Reagan administration, who claimed political restrictions placed on the opposition by the
government. In 1982, legislation (the Boland Amendment) was enacted in the U.S. to prohibit further direct aid to the Contras.
Reagan's officials attempted to illegally supply them out of the proceeds of arms sales to Iran and third party donations, triggering
the Iran-Contra Affair of 1986-87. Mutual exhaustion, Sandinista fears of Contra unity and military success, and mediation by other
regional governments led to the Sapoa ceasefire between Sandinistas and Contras (March 23, 1988) and subsequent agreements
(February, August 1989) for Contra reintegration into Nicaraguan society preparatory to general elections. During President
Chamorro's nearly 7 years in office, her government achieved major progress toward consolidating democratic institutions,
advancing national reconciliation, stabilizing the economy, privatizing state-owned enterprises, and reducing human rights violations.
Presidential and legislative elections were held on November 4, 2001--the country's fourth free and fair elections since 1990.
President Bolaños was inaugurated on January 10, 2002. During the campaign Bolaños promised to reinvigorate the economy,
create jobs, fight corruption and support the war against terrorism. In November 2006 the presidential election was won by Daniel
Ortega, bringing him back into power after 16 years of opposition. International observers, including the Carter Center, judged the
election to be free and fair. The country has partly rebuilt its economy during the 1990s, but was hit hard by Hurricane Mitch at the
end of October 1998, almost exactly a decade after the similarly destructive Hurricane Joan and again in 2007 it was hit by
Hurricane Felix a category 5 hurricane when it made landfall.
Source: Wikipedia: History of Nicaragua
before the Spanish conquest of the Americas, and the Spanish word Agua, meaning water, due to the presence of the large Lake
Cocibolca (or Lake Nicaragua) and Lake Managua (or Lake Xolotlán), as well as lagoons and rivers in the region. It is known that
Nicaragua was inhabited by Paleo-Indians as far back as 6000 years. The ancient footprints of Acahualinca confirms it along with
other archaeological evidences, mainly ceramics and statues made of volcanic stone like the ones found on the island of Zapatera
and petroglyphs found in Ometepe island. Most of Nicaragua's Caribbean lowlands area was inhabited by tribes that migrated north
from what is now Colombia. The various dialects and languages in this area are related to Chibcha, spoken by groups in northern
Colombia. Eastern Nicaragua's population consisted of extended families or tribes. Occupying the territory between Lake
Nicaragua and the Pacific Coast, the Niquirano were governed by chief Nicarao, or Nicaragua, a rich ruler who lived in
Nicaraocali, now the city of Rivas. The Chorotegano lived in the central region of Nicaragua. When the Spanish arrived in western
Nicaragua in the early 1500s, they found three principal tribes, each with a different culture and language: the Niquirano, the
Chorotegano, and the Chontal. Each one of these diverse groups occupied much of Nicaragua's territory, with independent
chieftains who ruled according to each group's laws and customs. Their weapons consisted of swords, lances, and arrows made out
of wood. Monarchy was the form of government of most tribes; the supreme ruler was the chief, or cacique, who, surrounded by
his princes, formed the nobility. In 1523, the first Spaniards entered the region of what would become known as Nicaragua. Gil
González Dávila with a small force reached its western portion after a trek through Costa Rica, following a near disaster while
exploring the western coast of Central America. He proceeded to explore the fertile western valleys and was impressed with the
Indian civilization he found there. He and his small army gathered gold and baptized Indians along the way. Eventually, they so
imposed upon the Indians that they were attacked and nearly annihilated. González Dávila returned to his expedition's starting point
in Panama and reported on his find, naming the area Nicaragua. Córdoba apparently came with the intention of colonization. In
1524, he established permanent settlements in the region, including two of Nicaragua's principal towns: Granada on Lake Nicaragua
and León east of Lake Managua. The inevitable clash between the Spanish forces did not impede their devastation of the indigenous
population. The Indian civilization was destroyed. The series of battles came to be known as The War of the Captains. By 1529,
the conquest of Nicaragua was complete. The land was parceled out to the conquistadores. The area of most interest was the
western portion. It included a wide, fertile valley with huge, freshwater lakes, a series of volcanoes, and volcanic lagoons. Many
Indians were soon enslaved to develop and maintain "estates" there. In 1538, the Viceroyalty of New Spain was established,
encompassing all of Mexico and Central America, except Panama. By 1570, the southern part of New Spain was designated the
Captaincy General of Guatemala. The area of Nicaragua was divided into administrative "parties" with León as the capital. In 1610,
the volcano known as Momotombo erupted, destroying the capital. It was rebuilt northwest of its original site. The history of
Nicaragua remained relatively static for three hundred years following the conquest. There were minor civil wars and rebellions, but
they were quickly suppressed. The region was subject to frequent raids by Dutch, French and British pirates; the city of Granada
was invaded twice, in 1658 and 1660. Nicaragua became a part of the Mexican Empire and then gained its independence as a part
of the United Provinces of Central America in 1821 and as an independent republic in its own right in 1838. The Mosquito Coast
based on Bluefields on the Atlantic was claimed by the United Kingdom (and its predecessor states) as a protectorate from 1655 to
1850; this was delegated to Honduras in 1859 and transferred to Nicaragua in 1860, though remained autonomous until 1894. In
1909 the United States provided political support to conservative-led forces rebelling against President Zelaya. U.S. motives
included differences over the proposed Nicaragua Canal, Nicaragua's potential as a destabilizing influence in the region, and
Zelaya's attempts to regulate foreign access to Nicaraguan natural resources. On November 18, 1909, U.S. warships were sent to
the area after 500 revolutionaries (including two Americans) were executed by order of Zelaya. The U.S. justified the intervention
by claiming to protect U.S. lives and property. Zelaya resigned later that year. U.S. Marines occupied Nicaragua from 1912 to
1933, except for a nine month period beginning in 1925. From 1927 until 1933, Gen. Augusto César Sandino led a sustained
guerrilla war first against the Conservative regime and subsequently against the U.S. Marines, who withdrew upon the establishment
of a new Liberal government. The revolt finally forced the United States to compromise and leave the country. With U.S. support
Anastasio Somoza García outmaneuvered his political opponents, including Sandino who was executed by National Guard officers
in February 1934, and took over the presidency in 1936. The Somoza family would rule until 1979. A major turning point was the
December 1972 Managua earthquake that killed over 10,000 people and left 500,000 homeless. A great deal of international relief
was sent to the nation. However, newspaperman Pedro Joaquin Chamorro began to write sensational stories alleging that Somoza
and the National Guard were embezzling relief money. This not only enraged the Nicaraguan people but also began to alienate the
United States. Violent opposition to the government, especially to its widespread corruption, was then renewed with the Sandinistas
being revived, this time backed by Cuba and the Soviet Union. As Nicaragua's government collapsed and the National Guard
commanders escaped with Somoza, the U.S. first promised and then denied them exile in Miami. The rebels advanced on the
capital victoriously. On July 19, 1979 a new government was proclaimed under a provisional junta headed by Daniel Ortega (then
age 35) and including Violeta Chamorro, Pedro's widow. The Sandinistas were victorious in the national election of November 4,
1984. Although the election was certified as "free and fair" by international observers, there were many groups, including the
Nicaraguan political opposition and the Reagan administration, who claimed political restrictions placed on the opposition by the
government. In 1982, legislation (the Boland Amendment) was enacted in the U.S. to prohibit further direct aid to the Contras.
Reagan's officials attempted to illegally supply them out of the proceeds of arms sales to Iran and third party donations, triggering
the Iran-Contra Affair of 1986-87. Mutual exhaustion, Sandinista fears of Contra unity and military success, and mediation by other
regional governments led to the Sapoa ceasefire between Sandinistas and Contras (March 23, 1988) and subsequent agreements
(February, August 1989) for Contra reintegration into Nicaraguan society preparatory to general elections. During President
Chamorro's nearly 7 years in office, her government achieved major progress toward consolidating democratic institutions,
advancing national reconciliation, stabilizing the economy, privatizing state-owned enterprises, and reducing human rights violations.
Presidential and legislative elections were held on November 4, 2001--the country's fourth free and fair elections since 1990.
President Bolaños was inaugurated on January 10, 2002. During the campaign Bolaños promised to reinvigorate the economy,
create jobs, fight corruption and support the war against terrorism. In November 2006 the presidential election was won by Daniel
Ortega, bringing him back into power after 16 years of opposition. International observers, including the Carter Center, judged the
election to be free and fair. The country has partly rebuilt its economy during the 1990s, but was hit hard by Hurricane Mitch at the
end of October 1998, almost exactly a decade after the similarly destructive Hurricane Joan and again in 2007 it was hit by
Hurricane Felix a category 5 hurricane when it made landfall.
Source: Wikipedia: History of Nicaragua
| ECONOMIC OVERVIEW |
Nicaragua, the poorest country in Central America, has widespread underemployment and poverty. GDP fell by almost 3% in
2009, due to decreased export demand in the US and Central American markets, lower commodity prices for key agricultural
exports, and low remittance growth - remittances are equivalent to almost 15% of GDP. The US-Central America Free Trade
Agreement (CAFTA) has been in effect since April 2006 and has expanded export opportunities for many agricultural and
manufactured goods. Textiles and apparel account for nearly 60% of Nicaragua's exports, but increases in the minimum wage
during the ORTEGA administration will likely erode its comparative advantage in this industry. Nicaragua relies on international
economic assistance to meet internal- and external-debt financing obligations. Foreign donors have curtailed this funding, however,
in response to November 2008 electoral fraud. In early 2004, Nicaragua secured some $4.5 billion in foreign debt reduction under
the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) initiative, and in October 2007, the IMF approved a new poverty reduction and
growth facility (PRGF) program.
Source: CIA World Factbook (select Nicaragua)
2009, due to decreased export demand in the US and Central American markets, lower commodity prices for key agricultural
exports, and low remittance growth - remittances are equivalent to almost 15% of GDP. The US-Central America Free Trade
Agreement (CAFTA) has been in effect since April 2006 and has expanded export opportunities for many agricultural and
manufactured goods. Textiles and apparel account for nearly 60% of Nicaragua's exports, but increases in the minimum wage
during the ORTEGA administration will likely erode its comparative advantage in this industry. Nicaragua relies on international
economic assistance to meet internal- and external-debt financing obligations. Foreign donors have curtailed this funding, however,
in response to November 2008 electoral fraud. In early 2004, Nicaragua secured some $4.5 billion in foreign debt reduction under
the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) initiative, and in October 2007, the IMF approved a new poverty reduction and
growth facility (PRGF) program.
Source: CIA World Factbook (select Nicaragua)
| POLITICAL CLIMATE |
In 1995, the executive and legislative branches negotiated a reform of the 1987 Sandinista constitution which gave extensive new
powers and independence to the National Assembly, including permitting the Assembly to override a presidential veto with a simple
majority vote and eliminating the president's ability to pocket veto a bill. Both the president and the members of the unicameral
National Assembly are elected to concurrent five-year terms.
The National Assembly (Asamblea Nacional) consists of 90 deputies elected from party lists drawn at the department and national
level, plus the outgoing president and the runner-up in the presidential race, for a total of 92. In the 2001 elections, the PLC and its
allies won 52 seats, the FSLN won 37 seats, and the Conservative Party 1 seat. In addition, ex-president Arnoldo Alemán
assumed a seat, as did runner-up Daniel Ortega. During the 2002 legislative term, Alemán would have served as President of the
National Assembly, however, he and other members of his family were charged with corruption in December 2002, and on 7
December 2003 he was sentenced to a 20-year prison term for a string of crimes including money laundering, embezzlement and
corruption.
Freedom of speech is a right guaranteed by the Nicaraguan constitution and vigorously exercised by its people. Diverse viewpoints
are freely and openly discussed in the media and in academia. There is no state censorship in Nicaragua. Other constitutional
freedoms include peaceful assembly and association, freedom of religion, and freedom of movement within the country, as well as
foreign travel, emigration, and repatriation. The government also permits domestic and international human rights monitors to
operate freely in Nicaragua. The constitution prohibits discrimination based on birth, nationality, political belief, race, gender,
language, religion, opinion, national origin, economic or social condition. However, homosexuality is un-criminalized. All public and
private sector workers, except the military and the police, are entitled to form and join unions of their own choosing, and they
exercise this right extensively. Nearly half of Nicaragua's work force, including agricultural workers, is unionized. Workers have the
right to strike. Collective bargaining is becoming more common in the private sector.
Source: Wikipedia: Politics of Nicaragua
powers and independence to the National Assembly, including permitting the Assembly to override a presidential veto with a simple
majority vote and eliminating the president's ability to pocket veto a bill. Both the president and the members of the unicameral
National Assembly are elected to concurrent five-year terms.
The National Assembly (Asamblea Nacional) consists of 90 deputies elected from party lists drawn at the department and national
level, plus the outgoing president and the runner-up in the presidential race, for a total of 92. In the 2001 elections, the PLC and its
allies won 52 seats, the FSLN won 37 seats, and the Conservative Party 1 seat. In addition, ex-president Arnoldo Alemán
assumed a seat, as did runner-up Daniel Ortega. During the 2002 legislative term, Alemán would have served as President of the
National Assembly, however, he and other members of his family were charged with corruption in December 2002, and on 7
December 2003 he was sentenced to a 20-year prison term for a string of crimes including money laundering, embezzlement and
corruption.
Freedom of speech is a right guaranteed by the Nicaraguan constitution and vigorously exercised by its people. Diverse viewpoints
are freely and openly discussed in the media and in academia. There is no state censorship in Nicaragua. Other constitutional
freedoms include peaceful assembly and association, freedom of religion, and freedom of movement within the country, as well as
foreign travel, emigration, and repatriation. The government also permits domestic and international human rights monitors to
operate freely in Nicaragua. The constitution prohibits discrimination based on birth, nationality, political belief, race, gender,
language, religion, opinion, national origin, economic or social condition. However, homosexuality is un-criminalized. All public and
private sector workers, except the military and the police, are entitled to form and join unions of their own choosing, and they
exercise this right extensively. Nearly half of Nicaragua's work force, including agricultural workers, is unionized. Workers have the
right to strike. Collective bargaining is becoming more common in the private sector.
Source: Wikipedia: Politics of Nicaragua
| INTERNATIONAL DISPUTES |
Memorials and counter-memorials were filed by the parties in Nicaragua's 1999 and 2001 proceedings against Honduras and
Colombia at the ICJ over the maritime boundary and territorial claims in the western Caribbean Sea, final public hearings are
scheduled for 2007; the 1992 ICJ ruling for El Salvador and Honduras advised a tripartite resolution to establish a maritime
boundary in the Gulf of Fonseca, which considers Honduran access to the Pacific; legal dispute over navigational rights of San Juan
River on border with Costa Rica
Colombia at the ICJ over the maritime boundary and territorial claims in the western Caribbean Sea, final public hearings are
scheduled for 2007; the 1992 ICJ ruling for El Salvador and Honduras advised a tripartite resolution to establish a maritime
boundary in the Gulf of Fonseca, which considers Honduran access to the Pacific; legal dispute over navigational rights of San Juan
River on border with Costa Rica
| REFUGEES AND INTERNALLY DISPLACED PERSONS (IDPS) |
None reported.
| ILLICIT DRUGS |
Transshipment point for cocaine destined for the US and transshipment point for arms-for-drugs dealing.
| HUMAN RIGHTS STATEMENTS, ANALYSIS AND CRITIQUES |
2009 Human Rights Report: Nicaragua
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
March 11, 2010
Nicaragua is a constitutional democracy with a population of approximately 5.9 million. In January 2007 Daniel Ortega Saavedra of the
Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) was sworn in as president for his second term, following the 2006 election that international
observers characterized as generally free and fair. While civilian authorities generally maintained effective control of the security forces,
there were some instances in which elements of these forces acted independently.
The most significant human rights abuses during the year included:
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
March 11, 2010
Nicaragua is a constitutional democracy with a population of approximately 5.9 million. In January 2007 Daniel Ortega Saavedra of the
Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) was sworn in as president for his second term, following the 2006 election that international
observers characterized as generally free and fair. While civilian authorities generally maintained effective control of the security forces,
there were some instances in which elements of these forces acted independently.
The most significant human rights abuses during the year included:
- unlawful killings by security forces;
- harsh and overcrowded prison conditions;
- police abuse;
- lengthy pretrial detention;
- lack of respect for the rule of law and widespread corruption and politicization of the judiciary, the Supreme Electoral Council
(CSE), and other government organs; - erosion of freedom of speech and press, including government intimidation and harassment of journalists;
- widespread irregularities, fraud, and abuses during the January municipal elections in the North Atlantic Autonomous Region
(RAAN) and government interference with the operation of political parties for regional elections; - government harassment and intimidation of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs);
- increasing violence against women;
- discrimination against ethnic minorities and indigenous communities;
- violation of trade union rights.
1 October 2010
Committee on the Rights of the Child
Fifty-fifth session
1 September – 13 October 2010
Consideration of reports submitted by states parties under article 44 of the convention
Concluding Observations: Nicaragua
A. Introduction
2. The Committee welcomes the submission of the fourth periodic report as well as the written replies to its list of issues
(CRC/C/NIC/Q/4/Add.1). The Committee appreciates the presence of a high level delegation and the open and positive dialogue it
conducted, which allowed a better understanding of the situation of children in the State party.
3. The Committee reminds the State party that these concluding observations should be read in conjunction with its concluding
observations adopted on 1 October 2010 on the State party’s initial reports to the Optional Protocols on the sale of children, child
prostitution and child pornography and on the involvement of children in armed conflict, contained in CRC/C/OPSC/NIC/CO/1 and
CRC/C/OPAC/NIC/CO/1.
B. Follow-up measures undertaken and progress achieved by the State party
4. The Committee welcomes a number of positive developments in the reporting period, including the adoption of legislative
measures taken with a view to implementing the Convention, such as:
(a) The Framework Law on the Right to Food (2009);
(b) The Special Law for the Promotion of Housing Construction and Access to Social Housing (2009);
C. Main areas of concern and recommendations
1. General Measures of Implementation(arts. 4, 42 and 44, paragraph 6 of the Convention)
The Committee’s previous recommendations
6. The Committee notes with concern that various concerns and recommendations made upon the consideration of the State party’s
third periodic report (CRC/C/15/Add.265, 21 September 2005) have not been given sufficient follow-up. The Committee notes that those
concerns and recommendations are reiterated in the present document.
7. The Committee urges the State party to take all necessary measures to address those recommendations contained in the
concluding observations on the third periodic report that have not been sufficiently implemented, including those related to
implementation of legislation, National Plan of Action and coordination, data collection, the age for marriage, birth registration, corporal
punishment, abuse and neglect and teenage pregnancies, and to provide adequate follow-up to the recommendations contained in the
present concluding observations on the fourth periodic report.
Click here to read more »
Committee on the Rights of the Child
Fifty-fifth session
1 September – 13 October 2010
Consideration of reports submitted by states parties under article 44 of the convention
Concluding Observations: Nicaragua
A. Introduction
2. The Committee welcomes the submission of the fourth periodic report as well as the written replies to its list of issues
(CRC/C/NIC/Q/4/Add.1). The Committee appreciates the presence of a high level delegation and the open and positive dialogue it
conducted, which allowed a better understanding of the situation of children in the State party.
3. The Committee reminds the State party that these concluding observations should be read in conjunction with its concluding
observations adopted on 1 October 2010 on the State party’s initial reports to the Optional Protocols on the sale of children, child
prostitution and child pornography and on the involvement of children in armed conflict, contained in CRC/C/OPSC/NIC/CO/1 and
CRC/C/OPAC/NIC/CO/1.
B. Follow-up measures undertaken and progress achieved by the State party
4. The Committee welcomes a number of positive developments in the reporting period, including the adoption of legislative
measures taken with a view to implementing the Convention, such as:
(a) The Framework Law on the Right to Food (2009);
(b) The Special Law for the Promotion of Housing Construction and Access to Social Housing (2009);
C. Main areas of concern and recommendations
1. General Measures of Implementation(arts. 4, 42 and 44, paragraph 6 of the Convention)
The Committee’s previous recommendations
6. The Committee notes with concern that various concerns and recommendations made upon the consideration of the State party’s
third periodic report (CRC/C/15/Add.265, 21 September 2005) have not been given sufficient follow-up. The Committee notes that those
concerns and recommendations are reiterated in the present document.
7. The Committee urges the State party to take all necessary measures to address those recommendations contained in the
concluding observations on the third periodic report that have not been sufficiently implemented, including those related to
implementation of legislation, National Plan of Action and coordination, data collection, the age for marriage, birth registration, corporal
punishment, abuse and neglect and teenage pregnancies, and to provide adequate follow-up to the recommendations contained in the
present concluding observations on the fourth periodic report.
Click here to read more »
Freedom In The World 2010 Report
Political Rights Score: 4
Civil Liberties Score: 4
Status: Partly Free
Ratings Change
Nicaragua’s civil liberties rating declined from 3 to 4 due to President Daniel Ortega’s continued use of violent intimidation
and politicized courts to overcome obstacles to his plans for reelection.
Overview
President Daniel Ortega of the ruling Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) pressed forward with his plans for reelection in 2009,
securing a contentious Supreme Court ruling in October that struck down the constitutional ban on consecutive terms. Meanwhile, the
international community condemned the results of the November 2008 municipal elections, which were marred by allegations of vote-
rigging in favor of the FSLN, and foreign donors announced the suspension of more than $150 million in aid. Journalists, government
critics, and civil society activists continued to face systematic harassment and intimidation during the year.
After the November balloting, the CSE announced that the FSLN had won 105 of 146 municipalities, including Managua. However,
numerous independent observers documented fraud in at least 40 municipalities. In Managua, the CSE failed to report results from 660
polling places, and while observers asserted that Montealegre should have been declared mayor, the office went to Sandinista
sympathizer Alexis Arguello. (In July 2009, Arguello was found dead in his home after an apparent suicide.)
Civil society groups led nationwide protests against electoral fraud in February 2009, but demonstrators were violently attacked by
progovernment groups in Jinotega, Chinandega, and Leon, causing dozens of injuries. Opposition groups claimed that the police were
complicit in the attacks, and in Chinandega two local officials and a progovernment union leader were charged with inciting violence.
The international community condemned the municipal election results, leading to the suspension of more than $150 million in U.S. and
European Union (EU) aid in 2009.
In July, Ortega publicly commented that Nicaragua should eliminate presidential term limits, stoking fears that he would resist giving up
power at the end of his term in 2011. His proposal met with opposition in the National Assembly, where he lacked the support necessary
to pass a constitutional amendment on the issue, but in October he secured a ruling from the FSLN-controlled Supreme Court that
struck down the ban on consecutive terms. In December, the National Assembly approved a resolution to oppose the Supreme Court’s
decision, leaving the electoral commission to decide which body of government to obey. The president of the electoral commission
supported the Supreme Court’s ruling, but is scheduled to leave his post in 2010. Thus, the future of the commission’s decision
remained in question at the year’s end.
Nicaragua is an electoral democracy. The constitution provides for a directly elected president and a 92-member, unicameral National
Assembly. Two seats in the legislature are reserved for the previous president and the runner-up in the last presidential election. Both
presidential and legislative elections are held every five years. The governing FSLN party and its ally, the PLC, currently dominate state
institutions and together hold a two-thirds majority in the legislature.
Click here to read more »
Political Rights Score: 4
Civil Liberties Score: 4
Status: Partly Free
Ratings Change
Nicaragua’s civil liberties rating declined from 3 to 4 due to President Daniel Ortega’s continued use of violent intimidation
and politicized courts to overcome obstacles to his plans for reelection.
Overview
President Daniel Ortega of the ruling Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) pressed forward with his plans for reelection in 2009,
securing a contentious Supreme Court ruling in October that struck down the constitutional ban on consecutive terms. Meanwhile, the
international community condemned the results of the November 2008 municipal elections, which were marred by allegations of vote-
rigging in favor of the FSLN, and foreign donors announced the suspension of more than $150 million in aid. Journalists, government
critics, and civil society activists continued to face systematic harassment and intimidation during the year.
After the November balloting, the CSE announced that the FSLN had won 105 of 146 municipalities, including Managua. However,
numerous independent observers documented fraud in at least 40 municipalities. In Managua, the CSE failed to report results from 660
polling places, and while observers asserted that Montealegre should have been declared mayor, the office went to Sandinista
sympathizer Alexis Arguello. (In July 2009, Arguello was found dead in his home after an apparent suicide.)
Civil society groups led nationwide protests against electoral fraud in February 2009, but demonstrators were violently attacked by
progovernment groups in Jinotega, Chinandega, and Leon, causing dozens of injuries. Opposition groups claimed that the police were
complicit in the attacks, and in Chinandega two local officials and a progovernment union leader were charged with inciting violence.
The international community condemned the municipal election results, leading to the suspension of more than $150 million in U.S. and
European Union (EU) aid in 2009.
In July, Ortega publicly commented that Nicaragua should eliminate presidential term limits, stoking fears that he would resist giving up
power at the end of his term in 2011. His proposal met with opposition in the National Assembly, where he lacked the support necessary
to pass a constitutional amendment on the issue, but in October he secured a ruling from the FSLN-controlled Supreme Court that
struck down the ban on consecutive terms. In December, the National Assembly approved a resolution to oppose the Supreme Court’s
decision, leaving the electoral commission to decide which body of government to obey. The president of the electoral commission
supported the Supreme Court’s ruling, but is scheduled to leave his post in 2010. Thus, the future of the commission’s decision
remained in question at the year’s end.
Nicaragua is an electoral democracy. The constitution provides for a directly elected president and a 92-member, unicameral National
Assembly. Two seats in the legislature are reserved for the previous president and the runner-up in the last presidential election. Both
presidential and legislative elections are held every five years. The governing FSLN party and its ally, the PLC, currently dominate state
institutions and together hold a two-thirds majority in the legislature.
Click here to read more »
28 September 2010
End the total abortion ban in Nicaragua
All forms of abortion have been criminalized in Nicaragua since July 2008.
Women and girls who seek an abortion, even those pregnant as a result of rape or those whose lives or health are in danger if the
pregnancy continues, now face long prison sentences.
The law also leaves women and girls who have suffered a spontaneous miscarriage vulnerable to prosecution, since they may be
wrongly suspected of having induced an abortion.
Health professionals who provide abortion services to save women’s and girls’ lives and health face the same punishment – even though
the Nicaraguan Ministry of Health's recommended best practice for the management of specific complications during pregnancy is
termination.
By banning access to abortion services to victims of sexual violence, the law condemns all pregnant rape victims, even those who are
still children themselves, to carry such pregnancies to term regardless of their wishes or the risks to their physical or mental wellbeing.
For many child rape victims the abuser is a member of their own family, meaning that the current law obliges girls in many cases to give
birth to their own brother or sister.
The impact of such draconian bans falls most severely on women and girls from less affluent backgrounds. Women with few economic
resources and fewer safe options may feel compelled to act outside the law and seek a “back street” abortion, endangering their health
and risking imprisonment. Laws like the total abortion ban in Nicaragua lead to an increase in the number of such unsafe and illegal
abortions.
The criminalization of abortion and the denial of access to safe and legal abortion services in cases where continuing with pregnancy
endangers a woman’s or girl’s life or health, or where the pregnancy is the result of rape, is a grave human rights violation.
Click here to read more »
End the total abortion ban in Nicaragua
All forms of abortion have been criminalized in Nicaragua since July 2008.
Women and girls who seek an abortion, even those pregnant as a result of rape or those whose lives or health are in danger if the
pregnancy continues, now face long prison sentences.
The law also leaves women and girls who have suffered a spontaneous miscarriage vulnerable to prosecution, since they may be
wrongly suspected of having induced an abortion.
Health professionals who provide abortion services to save women’s and girls’ lives and health face the same punishment – even though
the Nicaraguan Ministry of Health's recommended best practice for the management of specific complications during pregnancy is
termination.
By banning access to abortion services to victims of sexual violence, the law condemns all pregnant rape victims, even those who are
still children themselves, to carry such pregnancies to term regardless of their wishes or the risks to their physical or mental wellbeing.
For many child rape victims the abuser is a member of their own family, meaning that the current law obliges girls in many cases to give
birth to their own brother or sister.
The impact of such draconian bans falls most severely on women and girls from less affluent backgrounds. Women with few economic
resources and fewer safe options may feel compelled to act outside the law and seek a “back street” abortion, endangering their health
and risking imprisonment. Laws like the total abortion ban in Nicaragua lead to an increase in the number of such unsafe and illegal
abortions.
The criminalization of abortion and the denial of access to safe and legal abortion services in cases where continuing with pregnancy
endangers a woman’s or girl’s life or health, or where the pregnancy is the result of rape, is a grave human rights violation.
Click here to read more »
May 27, 2010
Unaccountable: Addressing Reproductive Health Care Gaps
Summary
When a woman dies in childbirth, amid the shock is the haunting question of why? What went wrong? Sadly, in countries with the
highest burden of maternal mortality and poor records on reproductive health care—countries such as India, Afghanistan, or Nigeria—
these questions are rarely answered.
Answering the question of “what went wrong?” is important not only in addressing the inevitable grief of those left behind. It is critical
to strengthening health systems and ensuring improvements in reproductive health services more generally. Investigating what went
wrong is the first step toward accountability.
Establishing Standards and Monitoring Health Systems
Many governments do not have sufficient standards and guidelines for core reproductive health services. Missing or unclear standards
hamper efforts to monitor quality of care and whether it is reaching all who need it. Accountability is impossible without clear standards.
Health system monitoring helps governments better understand progress and failures, and can form the basis for effective public health
strategies. Effective monitoring must include tracking health budgets and spending to avoid corruption. It must also include collecting
and analyzing data, including through registration of births and deaths.
Standards and Guidelines
The existence of health standards and guidelines can drastically improve the realization of the right to health and are important for
monitoring the adequacy of health services. In Mexico, for example, a handful of states have administrative guidelines on access to legal
abortions. In those states, the guidelines have reassured public health and justice officials, enabling them to facilitate access to legal
abortion without fearing sanctions. Unfortunately, the majority of Mexico’s states have no such guidelines. There, confusion reigns. As
a result, many officials are afraid to take action to facilitate access to legal abortion, and deny that they have any mandate to do so.
The existence of guidelines is not enough, of course, to guarantee implementation. After Nicaragua enacted a total ban on abortion,
which carries prison sentences for women who seek and doctors who perform abortions under any circumstances, the government
developed guidelines to mitigate some harmful effects of the ban, such as deterring live-saving emergency obstetric care. Human Rights
Watch found that the government was not monitoring implementation nor sanctioning medical personnel who failed to comply with the
guidelines.
Click here to read more »
Unaccountable: Addressing Reproductive Health Care Gaps
Summary
When a woman dies in childbirth, amid the shock is the haunting question of why? What went wrong? Sadly, in countries with the
highest burden of maternal mortality and poor records on reproductive health care—countries such as India, Afghanistan, or Nigeria—
these questions are rarely answered.
Answering the question of “what went wrong?” is important not only in addressing the inevitable grief of those left behind. It is critical
to strengthening health systems and ensuring improvements in reproductive health services more generally. Investigating what went
wrong is the first step toward accountability.
Establishing Standards and Monitoring Health Systems
Many governments do not have sufficient standards and guidelines for core reproductive health services. Missing or unclear standards
hamper efforts to monitor quality of care and whether it is reaching all who need it. Accountability is impossible without clear standards.
Health system monitoring helps governments better understand progress and failures, and can form the basis for effective public health
strategies. Effective monitoring must include tracking health budgets and spending to avoid corruption. It must also include collecting
and analyzing data, including through registration of births and deaths.
Standards and Guidelines
The existence of health standards and guidelines can drastically improve the realization of the right to health and are important for
monitoring the adequacy of health services. In Mexico, for example, a handful of states have administrative guidelines on access to legal
abortions. In those states, the guidelines have reassured public health and justice officials, enabling them to facilitate access to legal
abortion without fearing sanctions. Unfortunately, the majority of Mexico’s states have no such guidelines. There, confusion reigns. As
a result, many officials are afraid to take action to facilitate access to legal abortion, and deny that they have any mandate to do so.
The existence of guidelines is not enough, of course, to guarantee implementation. After Nicaragua enacted a total ban on abortion,
which carries prison sentences for women who seek and doctors who perform abortions under any circumstances, the government
developed guidelines to mitigate some harmful effects of the ban, such as deterring live-saving emergency obstetric care. Human Rights
Watch found that the government was not monitoring implementation nor sanctioning medical personnel who failed to comply with the
guidelines.
Click here to read more »
Republic of Nicaragua
Н.Е. SAMUEL SANTOS LOPEZ
MINISTER ОР FOREIGN AFFAIRS
GENERAL DEBAТЕ
65ТН SESSION ОР ТНЕ GENERAL ASSEMBLY
New York, September 27 2010
Мг. President:
Niсaragua, which has first hand knowledge of the pain and injustice of war, is against waг. We do not accept the fаilше of геазоп, wе
do not accept waг as the оЫigаtогу language among peoples. Nicaragua rejects wаг as the Solution to сопflicts between States. We
reject wаг as mеапs fог арргоргiаtiоп оvег the рlапеt' s паtшаl геsouгсеs and the imроsitiоn оf hеgemопу of а few over a majority of
the world's nations.
.
No war will Ьгiпg а partial ог momentary solution, much less will a war bring about а definitive solution. The invasion of Iraq Ьу
fогеigп tгоорs under false pretexts has not offered that couпtгу реасе ог stability. Оп the сопtгarу, the country has Ьееn destroyed and
stability has not been guaranteed fог the region. Тhe war in Afghanistan has Ьесmе а dead-end for its occupiers, while it has resulted in
negative conditions for its neighbors.
Niсагagua continues to have а firm commitment to the cause of gепегаl and complete disагmаmепt.
Nicaragua, considers that to guarantee strict compliance with the arms сопtгоl and disarmament accords and in order that we attain total
disarmament, especially nuclear disarmament, there must Ье а climate of ftшdаmепtаl trust and solidarity as the only option for
геа1 and lasting worldреасе.
Click here to read more »
Н.Е. SAMUEL SANTOS LOPEZ
MINISTER ОР FOREIGN AFFAIRS
GENERAL DEBAТЕ
65ТН SESSION ОР ТНЕ GENERAL ASSEMBLY
New York, September 27 2010
Мг. President:
Niсaragua, which has first hand knowledge of the pain and injustice of war, is against waг. We do not accept the fаilше of геазоп, wе
do not accept waг as the оЫigаtогу language among peoples. Nicaragua rejects wаг as the Solution to сопflicts between States. We
reject wаг as mеапs fог арргоргiаtiоп оvег the рlапеt' s паtшаl геsouгсеs and the imроsitiоn оf hеgemопу of а few over a majority of
the world's nations.
.
No war will Ьгiпg а partial ог momentary solution, much less will a war bring about а definitive solution. The invasion of Iraq Ьу
fогеigп tгоорs under false pretexts has not offered that couпtгу реасе ог stability. Оп the сопtгarу, the country has Ьееn destroyed and
stability has not been guaranteed fог the region. Тhe war in Afghanistan has Ьесmе а dead-end for its occupiers, while it has resulted in
negative conditions for its neighbors.
Niсагagua continues to have а firm commitment to the cause of gепегаl and complete disагmаmепt.
Nicaragua, considers that to guarantee strict compliance with the arms сопtгоl and disarmament accords and in order that we attain total
disarmament, especially nuclear disarmament, there must Ье а climate of ftшdаmепtаl trust and solidarity as the only option for
геа1 and lasting worldреасе.
Click here to read more »
TRANSLATED FROM SPANISH BY GOOGLE TRANSLATE
Managua, November 4, 2010
National | 11:20 a.m.
Ortel Jarquín former assistant attorney returns to PDDH
The former assistant prosecutor Human Rights, Adolfo Jarquin Ortel was presented this morning at his former office at the headquarters
of the Ombudsman for the Defence of Human Rights (PDDH) to resume the position he left last December when his term expired .
Ortel Jarquin said it was a personal decision and not the Liberal Constitutionalist Party (PLC), a political organization which is a member.
Two weeks ago the former official said that if he returned to his former position would be by a decision of the PLC.
He added that they returned to his position in the PDDH motivated by the call for elections conducted by the Supreme Electoral Council
(CSE) and even use the conflict in Nicaragua to Costa Rica for the dredging of the river San Juan, to justify his return.
The former assistant prosecutor Human Rights joins the list of former officials of various institutions which insist on staying in office,
protected by an illegal decree of the President, Daniel Ortega, which benefits those who are conquered his period for which they were
elected by the National Assembly.
Click here to read more »
Managua, November 4, 2010
National | 11:20 a.m.
Ortel Jarquín former assistant attorney returns to PDDH
The former assistant prosecutor Human Rights, Adolfo Jarquin Ortel was presented this morning at his former office at the headquarters
of the Ombudsman for the Defence of Human Rights (PDDH) to resume the position he left last December when his term expired .
Ortel Jarquin said it was a personal decision and not the Liberal Constitutionalist Party (PLC), a political organization which is a member.
Two weeks ago the former official said that if he returned to his former position would be by a decision of the PLC.
He added that they returned to his position in the PDDH motivated by the call for elections conducted by the Supreme Electoral Council
(CSE) and even use the conflict in Nicaragua to Costa Rica for the dredging of the river San Juan, to justify his return.
The former assistant prosecutor Human Rights joins the list of former officials of various institutions which insist on staying in office,
protected by an illegal decree of the President, Daniel Ortega, which benefits those who are conquered his period for which they were
elected by the National Assembly.
Click here to read more »
TRANSLATED FROM SPANISH BY GOOGLE TRANSLATE
CENIDH presents report "Steadfast in Protest" of the Centre for Human Rights Defenders
2010-11-16
This Nov. 15, the Nicaraguan Center for Human Rights CENIDH presented "The Perseverance of Testimony" 2010 Annual Report of the
Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders, a joint program of the International Federation of Human Rights-FIDH and
the World Organisation Against Torture-WTO, the event included representatives from international civil society organizations, national
and journalists.
The report was presented by the President of CENIDH, Dr. Vilma Núñez de Escorcia who said this study is carried out worldwide and
are 12 years and monitored by the joint program of FIDH and OMCT and through this instrument has identified that in the past three
years, reports of increased persecution of defenders in the country.
This program of the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders was created in 1997 and aims to establish a systematic
response to the international community to the repression of which are victim advocates.
In this case, the 2010 report, while Nicaragua collects physical aggression CENIDH officials and stealing a camera, physical assault
suffered by Leonor Martinez, Vilma Nuñez in his house, denouncing Marcos Carmona Permanent Commission on Human Rights with a
list of ten leaders of organizations that suffer an attack, harassment of NGOs, the attack on Mario Sanchez of the Civil Coordinator, the
protests of youth organizations, reporters such is the case Acuña Maria Santos Padilla and cameraman, while covering an eviction case,
these cases are documented by the CENIDH and sent to the Centre as a member organization of the FIDH and OMCT are those who
publish and verify the information that organizations like CENIDH .
Participants in this activity expressed concern that the majority of cases of alleged assault advocates in our country and displayed on the
study go unpunished, and the assault on news teams and media facilities, as cases are investigated and prosecuted by the authorities.
The President of CENIDH, said that the Centre what it does is monitor and report cases to the international level and also make efforts
such as urgent actions, public letters sent to them by the authorities and these reports are marking a level ranquin deterioration in the
country on human rights.
Dr. Núñez said he was happy that the publication of this new edition of the Centre coincided with the release of Nobel Peace Prize in
2001, Burma was one of the defenders of human rights has almost always appeared in each of these reports.
Click here to read more>>
CENIDH presents report "Steadfast in Protest" of the Centre for Human Rights Defenders
2010-11-16
This Nov. 15, the Nicaraguan Center for Human Rights CENIDH presented "The Perseverance of Testimony" 2010 Annual Report of the
Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders, a joint program of the International Federation of Human Rights-FIDH and
the World Organisation Against Torture-WTO, the event included representatives from international civil society organizations, national
and journalists.
The report was presented by the President of CENIDH, Dr. Vilma Núñez de Escorcia who said this study is carried out worldwide and
are 12 years and monitored by the joint program of FIDH and OMCT and through this instrument has identified that in the past three
years, reports of increased persecution of defenders in the country.
This program of the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders was created in 1997 and aims to establish a systematic
response to the international community to the repression of which are victim advocates.
In this case, the 2010 report, while Nicaragua collects physical aggression CENIDH officials and stealing a camera, physical assault
suffered by Leonor Martinez, Vilma Nuñez in his house, denouncing Marcos Carmona Permanent Commission on Human Rights with a
list of ten leaders of organizations that suffer an attack, harassment of NGOs, the attack on Mario Sanchez of the Civil Coordinator, the
protests of youth organizations, reporters such is the case Acuña Maria Santos Padilla and cameraman, while covering an eviction case,
these cases are documented by the CENIDH and sent to the Centre as a member organization of the FIDH and OMCT are those who
publish and verify the information that organizations like CENIDH .
Participants in this activity expressed concern that the majority of cases of alleged assault advocates in our country and displayed on the
study go unpunished, and the assault on news teams and media facilities, as cases are investigated and prosecuted by the authorities.
The President of CENIDH, said that the Centre what it does is monitor and report cases to the international level and also make efforts
such as urgent actions, public letters sent to them by the authorities and these reports are marking a level ranquin deterioration in the
country on human rights.
Dr. Núñez said he was happy that the publication of this new edition of the Centre coincided with the release of Nobel Peace Prize in
2001, Burma was one of the defenders of human rights has almost always appeared in each of these reports.
Click here to read more>>
| Click map for larger view |
| Click flag for Country Report |
Daniel Ortega Saavedra
President since 10 January 2007
President since 10 January 2007
Jaime Morales Carazo
Vice President since 10 January 2007
Vice President since 10 January 2007
| TRAFFICKING IN PERSONS |
None reported.
Daniel Ortega Saavedra
President since 10 January 2007
President since 10 January 2007