| PANAMA Republic of Panama Republica de Panama Joined United Nations: 13 November 1945 Human Rights as assured by their constitution Click here Updated 08/03/10 |
| CAPITAL |
| POPULATION |
| CHIEF OF STATE |
| SELECTION PROCESS |
Panama
3,410,676 (July 2010 est.)
Ricardo Martinelli Berrocal
President since 1 July 2009
President since 1 July 2009
President and Vice President elected on the same ticket by
popular vote for five-year terms (eligible for two more terms);
election last held 3 May 2009
Next scheduled election: 2014
popular vote for five-year terms (eligible for two more terms);
election last held 3 May 2009
Next scheduled election: 2014
HEAD OF GOVERNMENT
According to the Panamanian Constitution, the President is both
the Chief of State and Head of Government
the Chief of State and Head of Government
| DECLARATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS |
| ETHNIC GROUPS |
Mestizo (mixed Amerindian and white) 70%, Amerindian and mixed (West Indian) 14%, white 10%, Amerindian 6%
| RELIGIONS |
Roman Catholic 85%, Protestant 15%
| GOVERNMENT STRUCTURE |
Constitutional democracy with 9 provinces (provincias, singular - provincia) and 1 territory (comarca);. Legal system
is based on civil law system; judicial review of legislative acts in the Supreme Court of Justice; accepts compulsory
ICJ jurisdiction, with reservations
Executive: President and Vice President elected on the same ticket by popular vote for five-year terms (not eligible for
immediate reelection; president and vice president must sit out two additional terms (10 years) before becoming eligible for
reelection); election last held 3 May 2009 (next to be held in 2014)
Legislative: Unicameral National Assembly (formerly called Legislative Assembly) or Asamblea Nacional (71
seats; members are elected by popular vote to serve five-year terms)
elections: last held 3 May 2009 (next to be held May 2014)
Judicial: Supreme Court of Justice or Corte Suprema de Justicia (nine judges appointed for 10-year terms); five
superior courts; three courts of appeal
is based on civil law system; judicial review of legislative acts in the Supreme Court of Justice; accepts compulsory
ICJ jurisdiction, with reservations
Executive: President and Vice President elected on the same ticket by popular vote for five-year terms (not eligible for
immediate reelection; president and vice president must sit out two additional terms (10 years) before becoming eligible for
reelection); election last held 3 May 2009 (next to be held in 2014)
Legislative: Unicameral National Assembly (formerly called Legislative Assembly) or Asamblea Nacional (71
seats; members are elected by popular vote to serve five-year terms)
elections: last held 3 May 2009 (next to be held May 2014)
Judicial: Supreme Court of Justice or Corte Suprema de Justicia (nine judges appointed for 10-year terms); five
superior courts; three courts of appeal
| LANGUAGES |
Spanish (official), English 14%; note - many Panamanians bilingual
| BRIEF HISTORY |
Panama had a rich Pre-Colombian heritage of native populations whose presence stretched back over 12,000 years.
The earliest traces of these indigenous peoples include fluted projectile points. Central Panama was home to some of
the first pottery-making villages in the Americas, such as the Monagrillo culture dating to about 2500-1700 BC. These
evolved into significant populations that are best known through the spectacular burials of the Conte site (dating to c.
AD 500-900) and the beautiful polychrome pottery of the Coclé style. At the time of European conquest, the
indigenous population of the isthmus was said to be between one and two million people. In 1501, Rodrigo de Bastidas
from Seville, who had accompanied Columbus on his second voyage to the Americas, sailed westward from the
Atlantic side of present day Colombia in an attempt to militarily observe the coastline of the Caribbean basin. Though
the poor condition of his ships forced him to turn back and return to Santo Domingo to effect repairs, de Bastidas
would reach La Punta de Manzanillo on Panama's upper Caribbean coast before having to abandon his effort. He is
acknowledged to be the first European to have claimed that part of the isthmus, which includes the famous San Blas
region of the Kuna Indians. Prior to the arrival of Europeans, Panama was widely settled by Chibchan, Chocoan, and
Cueva peoples, among whom the largest group were the Cueva (whose specific language affiliation is poorly
documented). A year after de Bastidas's arrival to Panama and on his fourth trip to the Americas, Christopher
Columbus would sail south to the isthmus from the northern, present day Central American states of Honduras and
Costa Rica. Columbus produced hand drawn maps of Panama's coastline and unlike de Bastidas explored Panama's
western territories. He landed at a place that is today called Almirante and proceeded along the coast to a part of the
territory he would name Veragua meaning 'to see water'. He continued his coastal journey up to the Chagres River,
taking refuge in a natural bay he christened Portobelo (Beautiful Port). This site would become a key port for colonial
Spain in 1597 replacing Nombre de Dios which had burned and had proven to be vulnerable to attack. Columbus
ended his explorations at Del Retrete having spent just shy of two months in what would be Panama. Vasco Núñez de
Balboa, who had been aboard de Bastidas's ship in 1501, made a hard-fought and tortuous trek from the Atlantic to
the Pacific in 1513 and was able to verify what indigenous people had reported; that the isthmus had another coast and
that there was another ocean. Balboa would call it the South Sea though it was later renamed the Pacific. By the late
17th century, Cueva culture had all but disappeared. Mining techniques included the looting of Indian cemeteries for the
pre-Colombian gold treasures they contained. Gold and silver were brought by ship from South America, hauled
across the isthmus, and loaded aboard ships for Spain. The route starting at Panamá la Vieja became known as the
Camino Real, or Royal Road, although was more commonly known as Camino de Cruces (Road of the Crosses)
because of the frequency of gravesites along the way. Panama was the site of the ill-fated, Darién scheme, which set up
a Scottish trading colony in the region in 1698. This failed for a number of reasons, and the resulting economic
depression and financial loss incurred played a significant part in influencing the union of Scotland with England in 1707.
Panama was part of the Spanish Empire for 300 years (1538-1821) and Panamanian fortunes fluctuated with the
geopolitical importance of the isthmus to the Spanish crown. In 1821 the isthmus joined with present Venezuela,
Colombia and Ecuador to form 'Gran' or Greater Colombia; this territory more or less corresponded to the old colonial
administrative district called the Viceroyalty of New Granada. Panama became its Department of the Isthmus, under a
number of successive governors. In September of 1830, under the guidance of General José Domingo Espinar, the
local military commander who rebelled against the nation's central government in response to his being transferred to
another command, Panama separated from Greater Colombia and requested that general Simón Bolívar take direct
command of the isthmus department. It made this a condition to its reunification with the rest of the country. Bolívar
rejected Espinar's actions, and though he did not assume control of the isthmus he desired and called for Panama to
rejoin the central state. Because of the overall political tension, Greater Colombia's final days were approaching.
Bolívar's vision for territorial unity disintegrated finally when General Juan Eligio Alzuru undertook a military coup
against Espinar's authority. By early 1831 with order restored, Panama had reincorporated itself to what was left of
Greater Colombia, which had adopted the name of Republic of New Granada. In the 1840s, two decades after the
Monroe Doctrine declared U.S. intentions to be the dominant imperial power in the Western Hemisphere, North
American and French interests became excited about the prospects of constructing railroads and/or canals through
Central America to quicken trans-oceanic travel. In 1846, the United States and Colombia signed the Bidlack
Mallarino Treaty, granting the U.S. rights to build railroads through Panama, as well as the power to militarily intervene
against revolt to guarantee Colombian control of the isthmus. The world's first transcontinental railroad, the Panama
Railway, was completed in 1855 across the Isthmus from Aspinwall/Colón to Panama City.[1] From 1850 until 1903,
the United States used troops to suppress independence revolts and quell social disturbances several times, creating a
long-term animosity among the Panamanian people against the US military. From 1880 to 1889, the French
Compagnie Universelle du Canal Interocéanique under the direction of Ferdinand de Lesseps, who had successfully
built the Suez Canal, attempted to construct a sea-level canal in the same general area as the present Panama Canal.
The company faced insurmountable health problems such as yellow fever and malaria as well as engineering challenges
caused by frequent landslides, slippage of equipment and mud. U.S. President Theodore Roosevelt convinced U.S.
Congress to take on the abandoned works in 1902, while Colombia was in the midst of the Thousand Days War. By
the middle of 1903, though, the Colombian government in Bogotá had balked at the prospect of a U.S. controlled
canal under the terms that Roosevelt's administration was offering. The U.S. was unwilling to alter its terms and quickly
changed tactics, encouraging a handful of Conservative Panamanian landholding families to demand a Panama
independent from Colombia. The USS Nashville was dispatched to local waters around the city of Colón to deter any
resistance from Bogotà and so, on November 3, 1903, with United States' encouragement and French financial
support, Panama proclaimed its independence. From 1903 until 1968, Panama was a republic dominated by a
commercially-oriented oligarchy. During the 1950s, the Panamanian military began to challenge the oligarchy's political
hegemony. In October 1968, Dr. Arnulfo Arias Madrid, elected president for the third time and twice ousted by the
Panamanian military, was again ousted (for the third time) as president by the corrupt National Guard after only 10
days in office. A military junta government was established, and the commander of the National Guard, Brig. Gen.
Omar Torrijos, emerged as the principal power in Panamanian political life. On September 7, 1977, an agreement was
signed for the complete transfer of the Canal and the fourteen US army bases from the US to Panama by 1999 apart
from granting the US a perpetual right of military intervention. Torrijos died in a mysterious plane crash on August 1,
1981. The circumstances of his death generated charges and speculation that he was the victim of an assassination plot.
By this time, Gen. Manuel Noriega was firmly in control of both the PDF and the civilian government, and had created
the Dignity Battalions to help suppress opposition. Despite undercover collaboration with Ronald Reagan on his Contra
war in Nicaragua (including the infamous Iran-Contra Affair), which had planes flying arms as well as drugs, relations
between the United States and the Panama regime worsened in the 1980s. When Guillermo Endara won the
Presidential elections held in May 1989, the Noriega regime annulled the election, citing massive US interference. The
US began sending thousands of troops to bases in the canal zone. Panamanian authorities alleged that US troops left
their bases and illegally stopped and searched vehicles in Panama. During one such search a firefight broke out between
US Marines and Panamanian soldiers and a US Marine was killed. On December 20, 1989 the United States troops
commenced an invasion of Panama. Their primary objectives were achieved quickly, and troop withdrawal began on
December 27. The US was obligated to hand control of the Panama Canal over to Panama on January 1 due to a
treaty signed decades before. Endara was sworn in as President at a US military base on the day of the invasion.
General Manuel Noriega is now serving a 40-year sentence for drug trafficking but slated for release in September
2007 on good behavior. Panama's counternarcotics cooperation has historically been excellent (in fact, officials of the
DEA praised the role played by Manuel Noriega prior to his falling-out with the U.S.) The Panamanian Government
has expanded money-laundering legislation and concluded with the U.S. a Counternarcotics Maritime Agreement and a
Stolen Vehicles Agreement. In 2004, Martín Torrijos again ran for president but this time won handily. He was
replaced by Ricardo Martinelli who was elected with single Vice Presidential running mate Juan Carlos Varela on 3
May 2009.
Sources: Wikipedia: History of Panama
The earliest traces of these indigenous peoples include fluted projectile points. Central Panama was home to some of
the first pottery-making villages in the Americas, such as the Monagrillo culture dating to about 2500-1700 BC. These
evolved into significant populations that are best known through the spectacular burials of the Conte site (dating to c.
AD 500-900) and the beautiful polychrome pottery of the Coclé style. At the time of European conquest, the
indigenous population of the isthmus was said to be between one and two million people. In 1501, Rodrigo de Bastidas
from Seville, who had accompanied Columbus on his second voyage to the Americas, sailed westward from the
Atlantic side of present day Colombia in an attempt to militarily observe the coastline of the Caribbean basin. Though
the poor condition of his ships forced him to turn back and return to Santo Domingo to effect repairs, de Bastidas
would reach La Punta de Manzanillo on Panama's upper Caribbean coast before having to abandon his effort. He is
acknowledged to be the first European to have claimed that part of the isthmus, which includes the famous San Blas
region of the Kuna Indians. Prior to the arrival of Europeans, Panama was widely settled by Chibchan, Chocoan, and
Cueva peoples, among whom the largest group were the Cueva (whose specific language affiliation is poorly
documented). A year after de Bastidas's arrival to Panama and on his fourth trip to the Americas, Christopher
Columbus would sail south to the isthmus from the northern, present day Central American states of Honduras and
Costa Rica. Columbus produced hand drawn maps of Panama's coastline and unlike de Bastidas explored Panama's
western territories. He landed at a place that is today called Almirante and proceeded along the coast to a part of the
territory he would name Veragua meaning 'to see water'. He continued his coastal journey up to the Chagres River,
taking refuge in a natural bay he christened Portobelo (Beautiful Port). This site would become a key port for colonial
Spain in 1597 replacing Nombre de Dios which had burned and had proven to be vulnerable to attack. Columbus
ended his explorations at Del Retrete having spent just shy of two months in what would be Panama. Vasco Núñez de
Balboa, who had been aboard de Bastidas's ship in 1501, made a hard-fought and tortuous trek from the Atlantic to
the Pacific in 1513 and was able to verify what indigenous people had reported; that the isthmus had another coast and
that there was another ocean. Balboa would call it the South Sea though it was later renamed the Pacific. By the late
17th century, Cueva culture had all but disappeared. Mining techniques included the looting of Indian cemeteries for the
pre-Colombian gold treasures they contained. Gold and silver were brought by ship from South America, hauled
across the isthmus, and loaded aboard ships for Spain. The route starting at Panamá la Vieja became known as the
Camino Real, or Royal Road, although was more commonly known as Camino de Cruces (Road of the Crosses)
because of the frequency of gravesites along the way. Panama was the site of the ill-fated, Darién scheme, which set up
a Scottish trading colony in the region in 1698. This failed for a number of reasons, and the resulting economic
depression and financial loss incurred played a significant part in influencing the union of Scotland with England in 1707.
Panama was part of the Spanish Empire for 300 years (1538-1821) and Panamanian fortunes fluctuated with the
geopolitical importance of the isthmus to the Spanish crown. In 1821 the isthmus joined with present Venezuela,
Colombia and Ecuador to form 'Gran' or Greater Colombia; this territory more or less corresponded to the old colonial
administrative district called the Viceroyalty of New Granada. Panama became its Department of the Isthmus, under a
number of successive governors. In September of 1830, under the guidance of General José Domingo Espinar, the
local military commander who rebelled against the nation's central government in response to his being transferred to
another command, Panama separated from Greater Colombia and requested that general Simón Bolívar take direct
command of the isthmus department. It made this a condition to its reunification with the rest of the country. Bolívar
rejected Espinar's actions, and though he did not assume control of the isthmus he desired and called for Panama to
rejoin the central state. Because of the overall political tension, Greater Colombia's final days were approaching.
Bolívar's vision for territorial unity disintegrated finally when General Juan Eligio Alzuru undertook a military coup
against Espinar's authority. By early 1831 with order restored, Panama had reincorporated itself to what was left of
Greater Colombia, which had adopted the name of Republic of New Granada. In the 1840s, two decades after the
Monroe Doctrine declared U.S. intentions to be the dominant imperial power in the Western Hemisphere, North
American and French interests became excited about the prospects of constructing railroads and/or canals through
Central America to quicken trans-oceanic travel. In 1846, the United States and Colombia signed the Bidlack
Mallarino Treaty, granting the U.S. rights to build railroads through Panama, as well as the power to militarily intervene
against revolt to guarantee Colombian control of the isthmus. The world's first transcontinental railroad, the Panama
Railway, was completed in 1855 across the Isthmus from Aspinwall/Colón to Panama City.[1] From 1850 until 1903,
the United States used troops to suppress independence revolts and quell social disturbances several times, creating a
long-term animosity among the Panamanian people against the US military. From 1880 to 1889, the French
Compagnie Universelle du Canal Interocéanique under the direction of Ferdinand de Lesseps, who had successfully
built the Suez Canal, attempted to construct a sea-level canal in the same general area as the present Panama Canal.
The company faced insurmountable health problems such as yellow fever and malaria as well as engineering challenges
caused by frequent landslides, slippage of equipment and mud. U.S. President Theodore Roosevelt convinced U.S.
Congress to take on the abandoned works in 1902, while Colombia was in the midst of the Thousand Days War. By
the middle of 1903, though, the Colombian government in Bogotá had balked at the prospect of a U.S. controlled
canal under the terms that Roosevelt's administration was offering. The U.S. was unwilling to alter its terms and quickly
changed tactics, encouraging a handful of Conservative Panamanian landholding families to demand a Panama
independent from Colombia. The USS Nashville was dispatched to local waters around the city of Colón to deter any
resistance from Bogotà and so, on November 3, 1903, with United States' encouragement and French financial
support, Panama proclaimed its independence. From 1903 until 1968, Panama was a republic dominated by a
commercially-oriented oligarchy. During the 1950s, the Panamanian military began to challenge the oligarchy's political
hegemony. In October 1968, Dr. Arnulfo Arias Madrid, elected president for the third time and twice ousted by the
Panamanian military, was again ousted (for the third time) as president by the corrupt National Guard after only 10
days in office. A military junta government was established, and the commander of the National Guard, Brig. Gen.
Omar Torrijos, emerged as the principal power in Panamanian political life. On September 7, 1977, an agreement was
signed for the complete transfer of the Canal and the fourteen US army bases from the US to Panama by 1999 apart
from granting the US a perpetual right of military intervention. Torrijos died in a mysterious plane crash on August 1,
1981. The circumstances of his death generated charges and speculation that he was the victim of an assassination plot.
By this time, Gen. Manuel Noriega was firmly in control of both the PDF and the civilian government, and had created
the Dignity Battalions to help suppress opposition. Despite undercover collaboration with Ronald Reagan on his Contra
war in Nicaragua (including the infamous Iran-Contra Affair), which had planes flying arms as well as drugs, relations
between the United States and the Panama regime worsened in the 1980s. When Guillermo Endara won the
Presidential elections held in May 1989, the Noriega regime annulled the election, citing massive US interference. The
US began sending thousands of troops to bases in the canal zone. Panamanian authorities alleged that US troops left
their bases and illegally stopped and searched vehicles in Panama. During one such search a firefight broke out between
US Marines and Panamanian soldiers and a US Marine was killed. On December 20, 1989 the United States troops
commenced an invasion of Panama. Their primary objectives were achieved quickly, and troop withdrawal began on
December 27. The US was obligated to hand control of the Panama Canal over to Panama on January 1 due to a
treaty signed decades before. Endara was sworn in as President at a US military base on the day of the invasion.
General Manuel Noriega is now serving a 40-year sentence for drug trafficking but slated for release in September
2007 on good behavior. Panama's counternarcotics cooperation has historically been excellent (in fact, officials of the
DEA praised the role played by Manuel Noriega prior to his falling-out with the U.S.) The Panamanian Government
has expanded money-laundering legislation and concluded with the U.S. a Counternarcotics Maritime Agreement and a
Stolen Vehicles Agreement. In 2004, Martín Torrijos again ran for president but this time won handily. He was
replaced by Ricardo Martinelli who was elected with single Vice Presidential running mate Juan Carlos Varela on 3
May 2009.
Sources: Wikipedia: History of Panama
| ECONOMIC OVERVIEW |
Panama's dollarized economy rests primarily on a well-developed services sector that accounts for three-quarters of
GDP. Services include operating the Panama Canal, banking, the Colon Free Zone, insurance, container ports, flagship
registry, and tourism. Economic growth will be bolstered by the Panama Canal expansion project that began in 2007
and is scheduled to be completed by 2014 at a cost of $5.3 billion - about 25% of current GDP. The expansion
project will more than double the Canal's capacity, enabling it to accommodate ships that are now too large to
transverse the transoceanic crossway, and should help to reduce the high unemployment rate. The United States and
China are the top users of the Canal, and while a lower volume of cargo is expected to transit the Canal with the global
economic slowdown, higher transit fees will result in a net increase in revenues. Strong economic performance has not
translated into broadly shared prosperity as Panama has the second worst income distribution in Latin America. About
30% of the population lives in poverty, however, during TORRIJOS's term poverty was reduced from 40% to 30%
and unemployment dropped from 12% to 6%. In 2009, the world recession reduced the amount of revenues Panama
earned through global shipping that transits the Canal. Not a CAFTA signatory, Panama in December 2006
independently negotiated a free trade agreement with the US, which, when implemented, will help promote the
country's economic growth.
Source: CIA World Factbook (Select Panama)
GDP. Services include operating the Panama Canal, banking, the Colon Free Zone, insurance, container ports, flagship
registry, and tourism. Economic growth will be bolstered by the Panama Canal expansion project that began in 2007
and is scheduled to be completed by 2014 at a cost of $5.3 billion - about 25% of current GDP. The expansion
project will more than double the Canal's capacity, enabling it to accommodate ships that are now too large to
transverse the transoceanic crossway, and should help to reduce the high unemployment rate. The United States and
China are the top users of the Canal, and while a lower volume of cargo is expected to transit the Canal with the global
economic slowdown, higher transit fees will result in a net increase in revenues. Strong economic performance has not
translated into broadly shared prosperity as Panama has the second worst income distribution in Latin America. About
30% of the population lives in poverty, however, during TORRIJOS's term poverty was reduced from 40% to 30%
and unemployment dropped from 12% to 6%. In 2009, the world recession reduced the amount of revenues Panama
earned through global shipping that transits the Canal. Not a CAFTA signatory, Panama in December 2006
independently negotiated a free trade agreement with the US, which, when implemented, will help promote the
country's economic growth.
Source: CIA World Factbook (Select Panama)
| POLITICAL CLIMATE |
Politics of Panama takes place in a framework of a presidential representative democratic republic, whereby the
President of Panama is both head of state and head of government, and of a multi-party system. Executive power is
exercised by the government. Legislative power is vested in both the government and the National Assembly. The
Judiciary is independent of the executive and the legislature. The branches are according to Panama's Political
Constitution of 1972, reformed by the Actos Reformatorios of 1978, and by the Acto Constitucional in 1983. , united
in cooperation and limited through the classic system of checks and balances. Three independent organizations with
clearly defined responsibilities are found in the Political Constitution. Thus, the Comptroller General of the Republic has
the responsibility to manage public funds. There also exists the Electoral Tribunal, which has the responsibility to
guarantee liberty, transparency, and the efficacy of the popular vote; and, finally, the Ministry of the Public exists to
oversee interests of State and of the municipalities.
The executive branch includes a president and two vice presidents. The president and the vice-presidents are elected
on one ballot for a single non-renewable five year term by the people. With the 2009 elections, only one vice-president
was included on the presidential ticket.
Sources: Wikipedia: Politics of Panama
President of Panama is both head of state and head of government, and of a multi-party system. Executive power is
exercised by the government. Legislative power is vested in both the government and the National Assembly. The
Judiciary is independent of the executive and the legislature. The branches are according to Panama's Political
Constitution of 1972, reformed by the Actos Reformatorios of 1978, and by the Acto Constitucional in 1983. , united
in cooperation and limited through the classic system of checks and balances. Three independent organizations with
clearly defined responsibilities are found in the Political Constitution. Thus, the Comptroller General of the Republic has
the responsibility to manage public funds. There also exists the Electoral Tribunal, which has the responsibility to
guarantee liberty, transparency, and the efficacy of the popular vote; and, finally, the Ministry of the Public exists to
oversee interests of State and of the municipalities.
The executive branch includes a president and two vice presidents. The president and the vice-presidents are elected
on one ballot for a single non-renewable five year term by the people. With the 2009 elections, only one vice-president
was included on the presidential ticket.
Sources: Wikipedia: Politics of Panama
| INTERNATIONAL DISPUTES |
Freedom In The World 2010 Report
Political Rights Score: 1
Civil Liberties Score: 2
Status: Free
Overview
Ricardo Martinelli of the Democratic Change party took office as president in July 2009 after defeating Balbina Herrera, the
candidate of the incumbent Democratic Revolutionary Party, by the widest margin in a presidential election since Panama’s
transition to democracy. Martinelli faced challenges related to Panama’s slowed economic growth, record crime rates, and
increasing exposure to drug trafficking.
In Panama’s May 2009 presidential and parliamentary elections, Ricardo Martinelli of the center-right, business-oriented
Democratic Change (CD) party easily won the presidency with 60 percent of the vote, the largest margin of victory obtained by
any president since the end of military rule. Balbina Herrera of the PRD, who had served as housing minister under the outgoing
administration, placed second with 37.6 percent, and former president Endara garnered 2 percent. In the parliamentary contest, the
PRD won 26 of the 71 seats, followed by the Panamenista Party with 21 seats, the CD with 15, and smaller parties and
independents each taking less than five seats. Voter turnout was relatively high at 74 percent.
As of the end of 2009, the U.S. Congress had yet to ratify a bilateral free-trade pact signed with Panama in 2007. Meanwhile,
Panama pushed ahead with its $5.25 billion canal expansion project, set to be completed in 2014. Supporters of the project said it
would boost Panama’s economy, but opponents argued that the funds would be better spent on antipoverty programs, education,
and health care. The canal is the country’s largest source of income, but both it and the Colon Free Zone, a commerce and export-
processing hub, felt the effects of the global economic slowdown in 2009. Workers in the free zone staged a strike in August to
protest proposed increases in taxes and fees that they feared would do more damage to trade.
Panama is an electoral democracy. The 2009 national elections were considered free and fair by international observers. The
president and deputies to the 71-seat unicameral National Assembly are elected by popular vote for five-year terms. Presidents may
not seek consecutive terms. The constitution guarantees freedom for political parties and organizations.
In early 1999, Panama’s largest political parties agreed to ban anonymous campaign contributions in an effort to stem the
infiltration of drug money into the political process. Nevertheless, corruption remains widespread, and 2006 electoral reforms have
been criticized as inadequate for improving transparency on campaign financing. President Martin Torrijos launched an
anticorruption commission after taking power in 2004, and implemented a transparency law that had been suspended by his
predecessor. However, he later worked to limit the law’s scope, preventing the release of minutes from cabinet meetings and asset
disclosures by public officials. In 2008, Torrijos came under scrutiny after it was revealed that his company had accepted $1
million in dubious consulting fees from the government of the Dominican Republic between 2001 and 2004. Panama was ranked 84
out of 180 countries surveyed on Transparency International’s 2009 Corruption Perceptions Index.
Click here to read more »
Political Rights Score: 1
Civil Liberties Score: 2
Status: Free
Overview
Ricardo Martinelli of the Democratic Change party took office as president in July 2009 after defeating Balbina Herrera, the
candidate of the incumbent Democratic Revolutionary Party, by the widest margin in a presidential election since Panama’s
transition to democracy. Martinelli faced challenges related to Panama’s slowed economic growth, record crime rates, and
increasing exposure to drug trafficking.
In Panama’s May 2009 presidential and parliamentary elections, Ricardo Martinelli of the center-right, business-oriented
Democratic Change (CD) party easily won the presidency with 60 percent of the vote, the largest margin of victory obtained by
any president since the end of military rule. Balbina Herrera of the PRD, who had served as housing minister under the outgoing
administration, placed second with 37.6 percent, and former president Endara garnered 2 percent. In the parliamentary contest, the
PRD won 26 of the 71 seats, followed by the Panamenista Party with 21 seats, the CD with 15, and smaller parties and
independents each taking less than five seats. Voter turnout was relatively high at 74 percent.
As of the end of 2009, the U.S. Congress had yet to ratify a bilateral free-trade pact signed with Panama in 2007. Meanwhile,
Panama pushed ahead with its $5.25 billion canal expansion project, set to be completed in 2014. Supporters of the project said it
would boost Panama’s economy, but opponents argued that the funds would be better spent on antipoverty programs, education,
and health care. The canal is the country’s largest source of income, but both it and the Colon Free Zone, a commerce and export-
processing hub, felt the effects of the global economic slowdown in 2009. Workers in the free zone staged a strike in August to
protest proposed increases in taxes and fees that they feared would do more damage to trade.
Panama is an electoral democracy. The 2009 national elections were considered free and fair by international observers. The
president and deputies to the 71-seat unicameral National Assembly are elected by popular vote for five-year terms. Presidents may
not seek consecutive terms. The constitution guarantees freedom for political parties and organizations.
In early 1999, Panama’s largest political parties agreed to ban anonymous campaign contributions in an effort to stem the
infiltration of drug money into the political process. Nevertheless, corruption remains widespread, and 2006 electoral reforms have
been criticized as inadequate for improving transparency on campaign financing. President Martin Torrijos launched an
anticorruption commission after taking power in 2004, and implemented a transparency law that had been suspended by his
predecessor. However, he later worked to limit the law’s scope, preventing the release of minutes from cabinet meetings and asset
disclosures by public officials. In 2008, Torrijos came under scrutiny after it was revealed that his company had accepted $1
million in dubious consulting fees from the government of the Dominican Republic between 2001 and 2004. Panama was ranked 84
out of 180 countries surveyed on Transparency International’s 2009 Corruption Perceptions Index.
Click here to read more »
Organized illegal narcotics operations in Colombia operate within the remote border region with Panama
| REFUGEES AND INTERNALLY DISPLACED PERSONS (IDP) |
None reported.
| ILLICIT DRUGS |
Panama: Probe Police Role in Clash With Strikers
Special Commission on Bocas del Toro No Substitute for Criminal Prosecution
July 29, 2010
(Washington, DC) - The Government of Panama should ensure that a thorough and impartial investigation is conducted into
possible abuses during violent confrontations between police and strikers from July 8 to 11, 2010, in Bocas del Toro province,
Human Rights Watch said today. At least two people died and hundreds were injured.
In a report released on July 16, Panama's human rights ombudsman cited credible evidence that the police used excessive force
against protesters. Local media reported that more than 100 protesters were injured and that at least 2, and perhaps as many as 10,
died.
On July 21, President Ricardo Martinelli established an eight-member special commission to investigate. Yet government officials
issued a "preliminary report" and made public statements the same day blaming the protesters for the clashes.
"Rather than trying to shift the blame, Panamanian authorities should ensure that those responsible for the abuses are brought to
justice," said José Miguel Vivanco, Americas director at Human Rights Watch. "The special commission could help clarify what
happened, but it is no substitute for criminal prosecutions."
On July 2, the Banana and Associated Industries Workers' Union called a national strike to protest a new law that would restrict
trade union activities. On July 8, violence erupted in the Changuinola district of Bocas del Toro after police confronted protesters
who were blocking roads. One protester died and others were injured in the resulting clashes, with more deaths and injuries on
subsequent days. The violence ended on July 11, when representatives of the government, the union, and the Catholic Church
signed an agreement to temporarily suspend controversial aspects of the new law.
The ombudsman's report found that the police had failed to follow protocols for crowd control and that the severity of the injuries
constituted "a clear and excessive abuse of force." The report said that dozens of people were blinded in one or both eyes as a
consequence of birdshot pellets fired by the police. The ombudsman also reported that some protesters were arrested in violation of
their right to freedom of assembly.
Click here to read more »
Special Commission on Bocas del Toro No Substitute for Criminal Prosecution
July 29, 2010
(Washington, DC) - The Government of Panama should ensure that a thorough and impartial investigation is conducted into
possible abuses during violent confrontations between police and strikers from July 8 to 11, 2010, in Bocas del Toro province,
Human Rights Watch said today. At least two people died and hundreds were injured.
In a report released on July 16, Panama's human rights ombudsman cited credible evidence that the police used excessive force
against protesters. Local media reported that more than 100 protesters were injured and that at least 2, and perhaps as many as 10,
died.
On July 21, President Ricardo Martinelli established an eight-member special commission to investigate. Yet government officials
issued a "preliminary report" and made public statements the same day blaming the protesters for the clashes.
"Rather than trying to shift the blame, Panamanian authorities should ensure that those responsible for the abuses are brought to
justice," said José Miguel Vivanco, Americas director at Human Rights Watch. "The special commission could help clarify what
happened, but it is no substitute for criminal prosecutions."
On July 2, the Banana and Associated Industries Workers' Union called a national strike to protest a new law that would restrict
trade union activities. On July 8, violence erupted in the Changuinola district of Bocas del Toro after police confronted protesters
who were blocking roads. One protester died and others were injured in the resulting clashes, with more deaths and injuries on
subsequent days. The violence ended on July 11, when representatives of the government, the union, and the Catholic Church
signed an agreement to temporarily suspend controversial aspects of the new law.
The ombudsman's report found that the police had failed to follow protocols for crowd control and that the severity of the injuries
constituted "a clear and excessive abuse of force." The report said that dozens of people were blinded in one or both eyes as a
consequence of birdshot pellets fired by the police. The ombudsman also reported that some protesters were arrested in violation of
their right to freedom of assembly.
Click here to read more »
Major cocaine transshipment point and primary money-laundering center for narcotics revenue; money-laundering
activity is especially heavy in the Colon Free Zone; offshore financial center; negligible signs of coca cultivation;
monitoring of financial transactions is improving; official corruption remains a major problem
activity is especially heavy in the Colon Free Zone; offshore financial center; negligible signs of coca cultivation;
monitoring of financial transactions is improving; official corruption remains a major problem
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Monday, July 5th, 2010 at 9:00 am
First Lady opens Annual Conference on Human Rights, Public Policy and Disability
In the presence of Vice President of Ecuador, Lenin Moreno Garcés, first lady of Panama, Linares Marta Martinelli, reiterated the
government's commitment for full inclusion by a national disability policy evident through programs and projects implemented with
resources allocated to National Disability Secretariat and other institutions.
Mrs. Martinelli on Monday inaugurated the first annual conference "Human Rights, Public Policy and Disability: Change: from
exclusion to inclusion", which was attended by representatives of regional organizations related to disability issues, including which
desatacan: Ecuador, El Salvador, Nicaragua, Mexico, Peru and Panama.
The First Lady said Panama, Latin American countries and the world face one of the biggest challenges as a society is essential: the
recognition of equal rights for people with disabilities.
He stressed that adopting the principles of a convention, are not sufficient to make a difference, referring to the initiative of Panama
have been the first country that, by law, adopted as law in the Republic the International Convention on the Rights of Persons with
Disabilities United Nations.
As part of actions aimed at improving the living conditions of persons with disabilities, listed programs such as: Fami-business,
technical aids, financial subsidies, scientific research, the adequacy of accessibility, the creation of accessible parks, shopping
rehabilitation and inclusive education.
For his part, Manuel Campos, director of the National Disability Secretariat, highlighted the government will change to deliver better
days that 11% of the country's disabled population, commitment is validated with the participation of the First Lady in this such
events.
The National Disability Secretariat within the framework of the celebration of its third anniversary, has developed this week, by
which seeks to make a diagnosis with national and international human rights protection mechanisms to promote and disseminate a
full observance of these rights to dignity and equal opportunities.
Click here to read more »
Monday, July 5th, 2010 at 9:00 am
First Lady opens Annual Conference on Human Rights, Public Policy and Disability
In the presence of Vice President of Ecuador, Lenin Moreno Garcés, first lady of Panama, Linares Marta Martinelli, reiterated the
government's commitment for full inclusion by a national disability policy evident through programs and projects implemented with
resources allocated to National Disability Secretariat and other institutions.
Mrs. Martinelli on Monday inaugurated the first annual conference "Human Rights, Public Policy and Disability: Change: from
exclusion to inclusion", which was attended by representatives of regional organizations related to disability issues, including which
desatacan: Ecuador, El Salvador, Nicaragua, Mexico, Peru and Panama.
The First Lady said Panama, Latin American countries and the world face one of the biggest challenges as a society is essential: the
recognition of equal rights for people with disabilities.
He stressed that adopting the principles of a convention, are not sufficient to make a difference, referring to the initiative of Panama
have been the first country that, by law, adopted as law in the Republic the International Convention on the Rights of Persons with
Disabilities United Nations.
As part of actions aimed at improving the living conditions of persons with disabilities, listed programs such as: Fami-business,
technical aids, financial subsidies, scientific research, the adequacy of accessibility, the creation of accessible parks, shopping
rehabilitation and inclusive education.
For his part, Manuel Campos, director of the National Disability Secretariat, highlighted the government will change to deliver better
days that 11% of the country's disabled population, commitment is validated with the participation of the First Lady in this such
events.
The National Disability Secretariat within the framework of the celebration of its third anniversary, has developed this week, by
which seeks to make a diagnosis with national and international human rights protection mechanisms to promote and disseminate a
full observance of these rights to dignity and equal opportunities.
Click here to read more »
| HUMAN RIGHTS STATEMENTS, ANALYSIS AND CRITIQUES |
2009 Human Rights Report: Panama
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
March 11, 2010
Panama is a multiparty constitutional democracy with a population of approximately 3.45 million. On May 3, voters chose Ricardo
A. Martinelli Berrocal as president in national elections considered generally free and fair by international and domestic observers.
Civilian authorities generally maintained effective control of the security forces.
The government generally respected the human rights of its citizens, although problems persisted, including:
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
March 11, 2010
Panama is a multiparty constitutional democracy with a population of approximately 3.45 million. On May 3, voters chose Ricardo
A. Martinelli Berrocal as president in national elections considered generally free and fair by international and domestic observers.
Civilian authorities generally maintained effective control of the security forces.
The government generally respected the human rights of its citizens, although problems persisted, including:
- harsh prison conditions and abuse by prison guards;
- prolonged pretrial detention;
- corruption, ineffectiveness, and political manipulation of the judicial system;
- political pressure on the media;
- discrimination and violence against women;
- trafficking in persons;
- discrimination against indigenous communities;
- child labor.
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The missing and murdered Dictatorship
Picketing prosecutors, Thursday 29 July. Grand National March, Thursday, August 5, 4:00 pm Leaving the University of
Panama.
Panama, July 26, 2010.
MISSING AND MURDERED BY THE DICTATORSHIP
An urgent search and justice
We, relatives of victims of the military dictatorship of Omar Torrijos, Manuel Antonio Noriega, and others, along with
non-governmental human rights, we reiterate the Government, the Public Ministry and the general public our unwavering struggle
to know the truth what they did to our family, to find his remains, by appropriate research and the application of justice to all
concerned, material and intellectual, military and civilian, of crimes against humanity that obscured Panamanian history between
1968 and 1989. No cease and cease this requirement to the national authorities.
In this connection, we have reiterated our request to the director of the Institute of Legal Medicine and Forensic Sciences,
IMELCF, Dr. Humberto Mas, actually lead to tests for determining the identity of the remains that remain from the time of the
completion of the Commission Truth in the facilities of this institution. Similarly, we have asked the Deputy Attorney General to use
his good offices to expedite the criminal process are pending on a number of cases of disappearances, as we have raised the need
for a special prosecutor on the Missing and Murdered Dictatorship concisely addressing all cases identified by the report of the
Truth Commission and others to appear, both in its review and in its opening and monitoring.
We have proposed to the Foreign Ministry to create a Bureau of Understanding between the State and the families of the victims in
order to resolve all issues and problems concerning the subject matter of the missing. With the former Commission on Human
Rights of the National Assembly, now attached to the commission of government, we have made various efforts to ensure that the
June 9 to be declared a National Day of the Disappeared and murdered during the dictatorship.
We must say that having done all these steps in previous months the families of the victims have not received to date no response
to our urgent and specific requests.
The Panamanian State is in serious debt to those men and women who suffered arbitrary detention, which were held in grim torture
centers, and then were killed and many disappeared. The Committee does not consider that the Panamanian State, in the figure of
President Ricardo Martinelli, has apologized to the families and that it is not a media event and propaganda in the memory of
someone who deserves it, like all the other missing, due respect and true justice, born of Truth and placement of all offenders for
crimes committed during the military dictatorship. We do not want words, we want justice!
Mothers, fathers, grandparents of those who were brutally separated from their families and missing, dying with the deep pain of
not being able to know, at least, the painful truth of her children and grandchildren have received his remains to give them a
Christian burial.
Click here to read more »
The missing and murdered Dictatorship
Picketing prosecutors, Thursday 29 July. Grand National March, Thursday, August 5, 4:00 pm Leaving the University of
Panama.
Panama, July 26, 2010.
MISSING AND MURDERED BY THE DICTATORSHIP
An urgent search and justice
We, relatives of victims of the military dictatorship of Omar Torrijos, Manuel Antonio Noriega, and others, along with
non-governmental human rights, we reiterate the Government, the Public Ministry and the general public our unwavering struggle
to know the truth what they did to our family, to find his remains, by appropriate research and the application of justice to all
concerned, material and intellectual, military and civilian, of crimes against humanity that obscured Panamanian history between
1968 and 1989. No cease and cease this requirement to the national authorities.
In this connection, we have reiterated our request to the director of the Institute of Legal Medicine and Forensic Sciences,
IMELCF, Dr. Humberto Mas, actually lead to tests for determining the identity of the remains that remain from the time of the
completion of the Commission Truth in the facilities of this institution. Similarly, we have asked the Deputy Attorney General to use
his good offices to expedite the criminal process are pending on a number of cases of disappearances, as we have raised the need
for a special prosecutor on the Missing and Murdered Dictatorship concisely addressing all cases identified by the report of the
Truth Commission and others to appear, both in its review and in its opening and monitoring.
We have proposed to the Foreign Ministry to create a Bureau of Understanding between the State and the families of the victims in
order to resolve all issues and problems concerning the subject matter of the missing. With the former Commission on Human
Rights of the National Assembly, now attached to the commission of government, we have made various efforts to ensure that the
June 9 to be declared a National Day of the Disappeared and murdered during the dictatorship.
We must say that having done all these steps in previous months the families of the victims have not received to date no response
to our urgent and specific requests.
The Panamanian State is in serious debt to those men and women who suffered arbitrary detention, which were held in grim torture
centers, and then were killed and many disappeared. The Committee does not consider that the Panamanian State, in the figure of
President Ricardo Martinelli, has apologized to the families and that it is not a media event and propaganda in the memory of
someone who deserves it, like all the other missing, due respect and true justice, born of Truth and placement of all offenders for
crimes committed during the military dictatorship. We do not want words, we want justice!
Mothers, fathers, grandparents of those who were brutally separated from their families and missing, dying with the deep pain of
not being able to know, at least, the painful truth of her children and grandchildren have received his remains to give them a
Christian burial.
Click here to read more »
5 February 2010
Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women
Forty-fifth session
18 January – 5 February 2010
Concluding observations of the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women
Panama
A. Introduction
2. The Committee expresses its appreciation to the State party for its combined fourth, fifth, sixth and seventh periodic report,
which followed the Committee’s previous guidelines for the preparation of reports but it regrets that the report did not refer to the
previous concluding observations or the Committee’s general recommendations. It also regrets the absence of sufficient statistical
data disaggregated by sex on the situation of women, in particular Afro-descendant and indigenous women, in all areas covered by
the Convention. The Committee appreciated the frankness of the report in assessing challenges to the implementation of the
Convention It regrets, however, that the absence of regular reports during the period under consideration made it more difficult to
monitor progress towards the achievement of gender equality.
B. Positive aspects
5. The Committee welcomes the ratification by the State party of the Optional Protocol to the Convention in 2001.
6. The Committee also welcomes the adoption of Law No. 4 of 29 January 1999, establishing Equal Opportunities for Women,
which is based, inter alia, on the principles of prohibition of discrimination on the grounds of sex and gender, equality before the
law and the condemnation of any kind of violence against women.
C. Principal subjects of concern and recommendations
10. While recalling the obligation of the State party to implement all the provisions of the Convention systematically and
continuously, the Committee views the concerns and recommendations identified in the present observations as requiring the
priority attention of the State party. Consequently, the Committee calls upon the State party to focus on those areas in its
implementation activities and to report on action taken and results achieved in its next periodic report. It also calls upon the State
party to submit the present concluding observations to all relevant ministries, other Government structures at all levels and to
Parliament and the judiciary, in order to ensure their effective implementation.
Click here to read more »
Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women
Forty-fifth session
18 January – 5 February 2010
Concluding observations of the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women
Panama
A. Introduction
2. The Committee expresses its appreciation to the State party for its combined fourth, fifth, sixth and seventh periodic report,
which followed the Committee’s previous guidelines for the preparation of reports but it regrets that the report did not refer to the
previous concluding observations or the Committee’s general recommendations. It also regrets the absence of sufficient statistical
data disaggregated by sex on the situation of women, in particular Afro-descendant and indigenous women, in all areas covered by
the Convention. The Committee appreciated the frankness of the report in assessing challenges to the implementation of the
Convention It regrets, however, that the absence of regular reports during the period under consideration made it more difficult to
monitor progress towards the achievement of gender equality.
B. Positive aspects
5. The Committee welcomes the ratification by the State party of the Optional Protocol to the Convention in 2001.
6. The Committee also welcomes the adoption of Law No. 4 of 29 January 1999, establishing Equal Opportunities for Women,
which is based, inter alia, on the principles of prohibition of discrimination on the grounds of sex and gender, equality before the
law and the condemnation of any kind of violence against women.
C. Principal subjects of concern and recommendations
10. While recalling the obligation of the State party to implement all the provisions of the Convention systematically and
continuously, the Committee views the concerns and recommendations identified in the present observations as requiring the
priority attention of the State party. Consequently, the Committee calls upon the State party to focus on those areas in its
implementation activities and to report on action taken and results achieved in its next periodic report. It also calls upon the State
party to submit the present concluding observations to all relevant ministries, other Government structures at all levels and to
Parliament and the judiciary, in order to ensure their effective implementation.
Click here to read more »
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Deputy High Commissioner in meeting United Nations Ombudsman ... analyzed PANORAMA NATIONAL AND
INTERNATIONAL HUMAN RIGHTS
2 | August 3, 2010
The Ombudsman, Ricardo Julio Vargas held working meeting with the Deputy High Commissioner United Nations Human Rights
Kyung-wha Kang, where they made an assessment of the current state of human rights in the country and as at the national level.
In this meeting, which was attended by officials from the Office of the Ombudsman and representatives of the Regional Office of
the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, the Ombudsman referred to the main challenges has been the institution,
especially in programs and actions for the protection of the rights of vulnerable groups, including those of people with different
abilities, from those living with HIV / AIDS, African descent, prisoners, children and peoples.
For the Ombudsman, is crucial, as has been the focus of its mandate, to strengthen the knowledge, learning and dissemination of
human rights that will ensure its validity and effectiveness, thereby avoiding situations of violations of fundamental guarantees and
promoting a culture of peace contribute to strengthening the rule of law and institutions.
For his part, Commissioner Kyung-wha Kang, in addition to congratulate the work that meets the Ombudsman highlighted the
difficult and complex task of the National Human Rights Institutions in the promotion and dissemination of human rights in the
world.
With regard to the regrettable events that occurred recently in the province of Bocas del Toro, Vargas gave the Commission the
details on the results disclosed in the preliminary report rendered by the Ombudsman, after his visit to the site of events and other
steps taken to hospital, centers of detention and interviews with national authorities, as well as affected by these circumstances,
which showed the excessive use of police force and its request to immediately delete use of pellets in the management of public
demonstrations and thorough investigation of these facts.
Click here to read more »
Deputy High Commissioner in meeting United Nations Ombudsman ... analyzed PANORAMA NATIONAL AND
INTERNATIONAL HUMAN RIGHTS
2 | August 3, 2010
The Ombudsman, Ricardo Julio Vargas held working meeting with the Deputy High Commissioner United Nations Human Rights
Kyung-wha Kang, where they made an assessment of the current state of human rights in the country and as at the national level.
In this meeting, which was attended by officials from the Office of the Ombudsman and representatives of the Regional Office of
the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, the Ombudsman referred to the main challenges has been the institution,
especially in programs and actions for the protection of the rights of vulnerable groups, including those of people with different
abilities, from those living with HIV / AIDS, African descent, prisoners, children and peoples.
For the Ombudsman, is crucial, as has been the focus of its mandate, to strengthen the knowledge, learning and dissemination of
human rights that will ensure its validity and effectiveness, thereby avoiding situations of violations of fundamental guarantees and
promoting a culture of peace contribute to strengthening the rule of law and institutions.
For his part, Commissioner Kyung-wha Kang, in addition to congratulate the work that meets the Ombudsman highlighted the
difficult and complex task of the National Human Rights Institutions in the promotion and dissemination of human rights in the
world.
With regard to the regrettable events that occurred recently in the province of Bocas del Toro, Vargas gave the Commission the
details on the results disclosed in the preliminary report rendered by the Ombudsman, after his visit to the site of events and other
steps taken to hospital, centers of detention and interviews with national authorities, as well as affected by these circumstances,
which showed the excessive use of police force and its request to immediately delete use of pellets in the management of public
demonstrations and thorough investigation of these facts.
Click here to read more »
Summit of the Americas fails to address human rights
20 April 2009
The fifth Summit of the Americas has failed to recognize that human rights must be placed at the centre of efforts to confront the
many fundamental challenges facing the region.
Governments from every country in the Americas, except for Cuba, took part in the four-yearly meeting held in Port of Spain,
Trinidad and Tobago, between 17 and 19 April.
The 34 heads of state and government discussed the Summit's three principal themes: human prosperity, energy security and
environmental sustainability.
The Declaration of Commitment of Port of Spain was adopted by consensus at the close of the Summit on 19 April. Based on the
three themes, the Declaration fails to lay out a clear human rights framework for progress in these areas.
A number of governments, including Venezuela, Bolivia, Nicaragua and Honduras, indicated that they were not prepared to formally
sign the Declaration. Leaders agreed to instead adopt it by consensus and have Trinidadian Prime Minister Manning sign on behalf
of all leaders.
The governments that had registered objections did not feel that the Declaration deals adequately with the current global economic
crisis. They also wanted to see strong references to the issue of Cuba's reintegration into Organization of American States (OAS)
and the lifting of the US embargo against Cuba.
Amnesty International delegates at the Summit urged the governments of the region to make a firm commitment to ensuring that all
measures taken in response to the current global economic crisis fully conform to their human rights obligations. But the
recognition in the Declaration of the responsibility governments have to address the crisis does not acknowledge human rights at all.
"At a time of global economic turmoil and with a new spirit of compromise in the air between the government of US President
Barrack Obama and other governments in the Americas this Summit offered an unparalleled opportunity to lay out a strong human
rights vision for the Americas," said Alex Neve, Secretary General of Amnesty International Canada, who was part of the Amnesty
International delegation at the Summit. "Instead, human rights have once again been pushed to the back."
Click here to read more »
20 April 2009
The fifth Summit of the Americas has failed to recognize that human rights must be placed at the centre of efforts to confront the
many fundamental challenges facing the region.
Governments from every country in the Americas, except for Cuba, took part in the four-yearly meeting held in Port of Spain,
Trinidad and Tobago, between 17 and 19 April.
The 34 heads of state and government discussed the Summit's three principal themes: human prosperity, energy security and
environmental sustainability.
The Declaration of Commitment of Port of Spain was adopted by consensus at the close of the Summit on 19 April. Based on the
three themes, the Declaration fails to lay out a clear human rights framework for progress in these areas.
A number of governments, including Venezuela, Bolivia, Nicaragua and Honduras, indicated that they were not prepared to formally
sign the Declaration. Leaders agreed to instead adopt it by consensus and have Trinidadian Prime Minister Manning sign on behalf
of all leaders.
The governments that had registered objections did not feel that the Declaration deals adequately with the current global economic
crisis. They also wanted to see strong references to the issue of Cuba's reintegration into Organization of American States (OAS)
and the lifting of the US embargo against Cuba.
Amnesty International delegates at the Summit urged the governments of the region to make a firm commitment to ensuring that all
measures taken in response to the current global economic crisis fully conform to their human rights obligations. But the
recognition in the Declaration of the responsibility governments have to address the crisis does not acknowledge human rights at all.
"At a time of global economic turmoil and with a new spirit of compromise in the air between the government of US President
Barrack Obama and other governments in the Americas this Summit offered an unparalleled opportunity to lay out a strong human
rights vision for the Americas," said Alex Neve, Secretary General of Amnesty International Canada, who was part of the Amnesty
International delegation at the Summit. "Instead, human rights have once again been pushed to the back."
Click here to read more »
Juan Carlos Varela
Vice President since 1 July 2009
Vice President since 1 July 2009
Click on map for larger view
Click on flag for Country Report
| TRAFFICKING IN PERSONS |
None reported.
