| RWANDA Republic of Rwanda Republika y'u Rwanda Joined United Nations: 18 September 1962 Human Rights as assured by their constitution Click here Updated 07/02/10 |
| CAPITAL |
| POPULATION |
| CHIEF OF STATE |
| SELECTION PROCESS |
Kigali
11,055,976
note: estimates for this country explicitly take into account the effects of excess
mortality due to AIDS; this can result in lower life expectancy, higher infant
mortality and death rates, lower population and growth rates, and changes in the
distribution of population by age and sex than would otherwise be expected
(July 2010 est.)
note: estimates for this country explicitly take into account the effects of excess
mortality due to AIDS; this can result in lower life expectancy, higher infant
mortality and death rates, lower population and growth rates, and changes in the
distribution of population by age and sex than would otherwise be expected
(July 2010 est.)
Paul Kagame
President since 22 April 2000
President since 22 April 2000
President elected by popular vote for a seven-year term (eligible
for a second term); elections last held 25 August 2003
Next scheduled election: 09 August 2010
for a second term); elections last held 25 August 2003
Next scheduled election: 09 August 2010
HEAD OF GOVERNMENT
SELECTION PROCESS
Bernard Makuza
Prime Minister since 8 March 2000
Prime Minister since 8 March 2000
Prime Minister is appointed by the president
| DECLARATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS |
| ETHNIC GROUPS |
Hutu (Bantu) 84%, Tutsi (Hamitic) 15%, Twa (Pygmy) 1%
| RELIGIONS |
Roman Catholic 56.5%, Protestant 26%, Adventist 11.1%, Muslim 4.6%, indigenous beliefs 0.1%, none 1.7% (2001)
| GOVERNMENT STRUCTURE |
Republic with a presidential, multiparty system 5 provinces (in French - provinces, singular - province; in Kinyarwanda -
prefigintara for singular and plural); Legal system is based on German and Belgian civil law systems and customary law; judicial
review of legislative acts in the Supreme Court; has not accepted compulsory ICJ jurisdiction
Executive: President popularly elected for seven-year term eligible for a second term); Prime Minister appointed by the
President; elections last held 25 August 2003 (next to be held 09 August 2010)
Legislative: Bicameral Parliament consists of Senate (26 seats; 12 members elected local councils, 8 appointed by the
president, 4 by the Political Organizations Forum, 2 represent institutions of higher learning, to serve eight-year terms) and
Chamber of Deputies (80 seats; 53 members elected by popular vote, 24 women elected by local bodies, 3 selected by
youth and disability organizations, to serve five-year terms)
elections: Senate - last held NA, members appointed as part of the transitional government (next to be held in 2011);
Chamber of Deputies - last held 15 September 2008 (next to be held in September 2013)
Judicial: Supreme Court; High Courts of the Republic; Provincial Courts; District Courts; mediation committees
prefigintara for singular and plural); Legal system is based on German and Belgian civil law systems and customary law; judicial
review of legislative acts in the Supreme Court; has not accepted compulsory ICJ jurisdiction
Executive: President popularly elected for seven-year term eligible for a second term); Prime Minister appointed by the
President; elections last held 25 August 2003 (next to be held 09 August 2010)
Legislative: Bicameral Parliament consists of Senate (26 seats; 12 members elected local councils, 8 appointed by the
president, 4 by the Political Organizations Forum, 2 represent institutions of higher learning, to serve eight-year terms) and
Chamber of Deputies (80 seats; 53 members elected by popular vote, 24 women elected by local bodies, 3 selected by
youth and disability organizations, to serve five-year terms)
elections: Senate - last held NA, members appointed as part of the transitional government (next to be held in 2011);
Chamber of Deputies - last held 15 September 2008 (next to be held in September 2013)
Judicial: Supreme Court; High Courts of the Republic; Provincial Courts; District Courts; mediation committees
| LANGUAGES |
Kinyarwanda (official) universal Bantu vernacular, French (official), English (official), Kiswahili (Swahili) used in
commercial centers
commercial centers
| BRIEF HISTORY |
The earliest confirmed inhabitants of the region now known as Rwanda were the pygmy Twa, a group now accounting for
only about one percent (1%) of Rwanda's population and playing only a marginal role in Rwandan life. In a time before
memory, the Twa were supplanted by the immigration of the forbearers of today's Hutus. Historians debate the size and
importance of a third major migration of Tutsis. Traditionally the Tutsis have been portrayed as a separate "Hamitic"
people coming from east Africa (possibly the horn region of the modern Oromo group). However, current research is
inconclusive about this migration. Colonial scholars of the early twentieth century were quick to accept it because it
confirmed their racial theories. Today's scholarship focuses on the many cultural and genetic similarities between Hutus
and Tutsis. Many scholars today believe that the differences have been greatly exaggerated and are largely culturally
constructed. Many researchers point out that both groups speak the same language, have a history of intermarriage and
share many cultural characteristics. Traditionally, the differences between the two groups were occupational rather than
ethnic. Modern Rwanda is believed to have begun as a small state on the shores of Lake Muhazi around the town of
Buganza. Early Rwandan history is still vague, a combination of limited archeology and oral history. The principality is said
to have expanded under the rule of Cyirima who conquered the neighbouring areas of Bumbogo, Buriza, and Rukoma.
Evidence shows the growing power of the rulers of Buganza during this period. However the state was soon broken up
by an invasion by the Bunyoro. Oral history states that the nation revived, centered further west on the Nduga highlands.
This new state remained small and subservient to its neighbours until the late sixteenth century when under the rule of
Ruganzu Ndori it expanded in all directions and retook Buganza. The next four rulers of Rwanda continued this rapid
expansion. In the mid-eighteenth century the Rwandan state became far more centralized, and the history far more
precise. Expansion continued, reaching the shores of Lake Kivu. This expansion was less about military conquest and
more about a migrating population spreading Rwandan agricultural techniques, social organization, and the extension of a
Mwami's political control. Unlike much of Africa, the fate of Rwanda and the Great Lakes region was not decided by the
1884 Berlin Conference. Rather the region was divided in an 1890 conference in Brussels. This gave Rwanda and
Burundi to the German Empire as colonial spheres of interest in exchange, renouncing all claims on Uganda in exchange
for being given the island of Heligoland. The poor maps referenced in these agreements left Belgium with a claim on the
western half of the country, and after several border skirmishes the final borders of the colony were not established until
1900. These borders contained the kingdom of Rwanda as well as a group of smaller kingdoms on the shore of Lake
Victoria. In 1894 Rutarindwa inherited the kingdom from his father Rwabugiri IV, but many of the king's council were
unhappy. There was a rebellion and the family was killed. Yuhi Musinga inherited the throne through his mother and
uncles, but there was still dissent. War and division seemed to open the door for colonialism, and in 1897 German
colonialists arrived in Rwanda. The Rwandans were divided with a portion of the royal court being very wary and the
other seeing the Germans as a welcome alternative to the dominance of Buganda or the rapacious Belgians. Backing their
faction in the country a pliant government was soon in place. Rwanda put up far less resistance than Burundi to German
rule. While the agreements dividing the region had called for the region to remain neutral in the event of any European war,
this was disregarded after the outbreak of World War I. Small forces of Europeans, backed by large numbers of locals
fought for control of the region. The main offensive was by the Belgians who quickly forced the German forces out of the
region. A British offensive from Uganda aided them. The Belgian army was mostly made up of Congolese forces who
proceeded to loot and pillage the region. A great number of Rwandans, who were fighting alongside the Germans, were
killed in the long German retreat. At the end of the war the League of Nations mandated Rwanda and its southern
neighbor, Burundi, to Belgium as the territory of Ruanda-Urundi. The portion of the German territory, never a part of the
Kingdom of Rwanda, was stripped from the colony and attached to Tanganyika, which had been mandated to the British.
The Belgian government continued to rely on the Tutsi power structure for administering the country. It also consistently
favoured the Tutsis where education was concerned, leading to a situation where many Tutsis were literate, while the
majority of Hutus were not. Belgians educated the Tutsis in Catholic schools, which widened the ethnic rift between Hutu
and Tutsi. Belgian rule in the region was far more direct and harsh than the German. The Belgians insisted that the colony
turn a profit, and this meant forcing the population to grow large quantities of coffee. Due to the eugenics movement in
Europe and the United States, the colonial government became concerned with the differences between Hutu and Tutsi.
Scientists arrived to measure skull--and thus, they believed, brain--size. Tutsi's skulls were bigger, they were taller, and
their skin was lighter. As a result of this, Europeans came to believe that Tutsis had caucasian ancestry, and were thus
"superior" to Hutus. Following World War II, Ruanda-Urundi became a UN trust territory with Belgium as the
administrative authority. Reforms instituted by the Belgians in the 1950s encouraged the growth of democratic political
institutions but were resisted by the Tutsi traditionalists who saw in them a threat to Tutsi rule. Charles made many
changes - in 1954 he shared out the land between the Hutu and the Tutsi. The Tutsi were unhappy with this, which led to
Charles' assassination in 1959. On 25 September 1960, through United Nations intervention, a referendum was held to
establish whether Rwanda should become a republic or remain a kingdom. The result indicated an overwhelming support
for a republic. After elections, the first Rwandese Republic was declared, with Grégoire Kayibanda as prime minister.
Under President Kayibanda, a system of quotas was established. Thenceforth, the Tutsis would be allowed only ten
percent of school and university seats. The quotas also extended to the civil service. In these posts too, the Tutsis would
only be allotted a 10% take. At the time, employment was bad, and competition for the available seats only exacerbated
ethnic tensions. The Kayibanda government also continued the government policy of labeling people with ethnic identity
cards, a practice first begun by the Belgian colonial government, and using this practice to attack mixed marriages. This
was not, however, meant to generally target all Tutsi, but was directed against the educated classes. Another bout of
violence followed in 1964, and for years a system of inequality was instituted. A Hutu could freely murder a Tutsi and
would never be prosecuted. Tutsi were described as inyenzi or cockroaches. Hundreds of thousands fled as refugees into
neighbouring countries. While some in the west, most notably Bertrand Russell, acknowledged that this was the worst
event since the Holocaust and called for something to be done, these calls were ignored. The Rwandan government was
friendly to the west and the base of CIA operations in the successful effort to oust the left leaning Patrice Lumumba of the
Congo. On October 1, 1990, the RPF invaded Rwanda from their base in neighboring Uganda. The rebel force,
composed primarily of ethnic Tutsis, blamed the government for failing to democratize and resolve the problems of some
500,000 Tutsi refugees living in diaspora around the world. Habyarimana immediately instituted genocidal programs,
which would be directed against all Tutsis and against any Hutus seen as in league with Tutsi interests. Habyarimana
justified these acts by proclaiming it was the intent of the Tutsis to restore a Tutsi feudal system and to thus enslave the
Hutu race. The killing swiftly spread from Kigali to all corners of the country; between April 6 and the beginning of July, a
genocide of unprecedented swiftness officially left 937,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus dead at the hands of organized
bands of militia: Interahamwe. Even ordinary citizens were called on by local officials to kill their neighbors. The Tutsi
rebels defeated the Hutu regime and ended the genocide in July 1994, but approximately two million Hutu refugees -
some who participated in the genocide and fearing Tutsi retribution - fled to neighboring Burundi, Tanzania, Uganda, and
Zaire.
Sources; Wikipedia History of Rwanda
only about one percent (1%) of Rwanda's population and playing only a marginal role in Rwandan life. In a time before
memory, the Twa were supplanted by the immigration of the forbearers of today's Hutus. Historians debate the size and
importance of a third major migration of Tutsis. Traditionally the Tutsis have been portrayed as a separate "Hamitic"
people coming from east Africa (possibly the horn region of the modern Oromo group). However, current research is
inconclusive about this migration. Colonial scholars of the early twentieth century were quick to accept it because it
confirmed their racial theories. Today's scholarship focuses on the many cultural and genetic similarities between Hutus
and Tutsis. Many scholars today believe that the differences have been greatly exaggerated and are largely culturally
constructed. Many researchers point out that both groups speak the same language, have a history of intermarriage and
share many cultural characteristics. Traditionally, the differences between the two groups were occupational rather than
ethnic. Modern Rwanda is believed to have begun as a small state on the shores of Lake Muhazi around the town of
Buganza. Early Rwandan history is still vague, a combination of limited archeology and oral history. The principality is said
to have expanded under the rule of Cyirima who conquered the neighbouring areas of Bumbogo, Buriza, and Rukoma.
Evidence shows the growing power of the rulers of Buganza during this period. However the state was soon broken up
by an invasion by the Bunyoro. Oral history states that the nation revived, centered further west on the Nduga highlands.
This new state remained small and subservient to its neighbours until the late sixteenth century when under the rule of
Ruganzu Ndori it expanded in all directions and retook Buganza. The next four rulers of Rwanda continued this rapid
expansion. In the mid-eighteenth century the Rwandan state became far more centralized, and the history far more
precise. Expansion continued, reaching the shores of Lake Kivu. This expansion was less about military conquest and
more about a migrating population spreading Rwandan agricultural techniques, social organization, and the extension of a
Mwami's political control. Unlike much of Africa, the fate of Rwanda and the Great Lakes region was not decided by the
1884 Berlin Conference. Rather the region was divided in an 1890 conference in Brussels. This gave Rwanda and
Burundi to the German Empire as colonial spheres of interest in exchange, renouncing all claims on Uganda in exchange
for being given the island of Heligoland. The poor maps referenced in these agreements left Belgium with a claim on the
western half of the country, and after several border skirmishes the final borders of the colony were not established until
1900. These borders contained the kingdom of Rwanda as well as a group of smaller kingdoms on the shore of Lake
Victoria. In 1894 Rutarindwa inherited the kingdom from his father Rwabugiri IV, but many of the king's council were
unhappy. There was a rebellion and the family was killed. Yuhi Musinga inherited the throne through his mother and
uncles, but there was still dissent. War and division seemed to open the door for colonialism, and in 1897 German
colonialists arrived in Rwanda. The Rwandans were divided with a portion of the royal court being very wary and the
other seeing the Germans as a welcome alternative to the dominance of Buganda or the rapacious Belgians. Backing their
faction in the country a pliant government was soon in place. Rwanda put up far less resistance than Burundi to German
rule. While the agreements dividing the region had called for the region to remain neutral in the event of any European war,
this was disregarded after the outbreak of World War I. Small forces of Europeans, backed by large numbers of locals
fought for control of the region. The main offensive was by the Belgians who quickly forced the German forces out of the
region. A British offensive from Uganda aided them. The Belgian army was mostly made up of Congolese forces who
proceeded to loot and pillage the region. A great number of Rwandans, who were fighting alongside the Germans, were
killed in the long German retreat. At the end of the war the League of Nations mandated Rwanda and its southern
neighbor, Burundi, to Belgium as the territory of Ruanda-Urundi. The portion of the German territory, never a part of the
Kingdom of Rwanda, was stripped from the colony and attached to Tanganyika, which had been mandated to the British.
The Belgian government continued to rely on the Tutsi power structure for administering the country. It also consistently
favoured the Tutsis where education was concerned, leading to a situation where many Tutsis were literate, while the
majority of Hutus were not. Belgians educated the Tutsis in Catholic schools, which widened the ethnic rift between Hutu
and Tutsi. Belgian rule in the region was far more direct and harsh than the German. The Belgians insisted that the colony
turn a profit, and this meant forcing the population to grow large quantities of coffee. Due to the eugenics movement in
Europe and the United States, the colonial government became concerned with the differences between Hutu and Tutsi.
Scientists arrived to measure skull--and thus, they believed, brain--size. Tutsi's skulls were bigger, they were taller, and
their skin was lighter. As a result of this, Europeans came to believe that Tutsis had caucasian ancestry, and were thus
"superior" to Hutus. Following World War II, Ruanda-Urundi became a UN trust territory with Belgium as the
administrative authority. Reforms instituted by the Belgians in the 1950s encouraged the growth of democratic political
institutions but were resisted by the Tutsi traditionalists who saw in them a threat to Tutsi rule. Charles made many
changes - in 1954 he shared out the land between the Hutu and the Tutsi. The Tutsi were unhappy with this, which led to
Charles' assassination in 1959. On 25 September 1960, through United Nations intervention, a referendum was held to
establish whether Rwanda should become a republic or remain a kingdom. The result indicated an overwhelming support
for a republic. After elections, the first Rwandese Republic was declared, with Grégoire Kayibanda as prime minister.
Under President Kayibanda, a system of quotas was established. Thenceforth, the Tutsis would be allowed only ten
percent of school and university seats. The quotas also extended to the civil service. In these posts too, the Tutsis would
only be allotted a 10% take. At the time, employment was bad, and competition for the available seats only exacerbated
ethnic tensions. The Kayibanda government also continued the government policy of labeling people with ethnic identity
cards, a practice first begun by the Belgian colonial government, and using this practice to attack mixed marriages. This
was not, however, meant to generally target all Tutsi, but was directed against the educated classes. Another bout of
violence followed in 1964, and for years a system of inequality was instituted. A Hutu could freely murder a Tutsi and
would never be prosecuted. Tutsi were described as inyenzi or cockroaches. Hundreds of thousands fled as refugees into
neighbouring countries. While some in the west, most notably Bertrand Russell, acknowledged that this was the worst
event since the Holocaust and called for something to be done, these calls were ignored. The Rwandan government was
friendly to the west and the base of CIA operations in the successful effort to oust the left leaning Patrice Lumumba of the
Congo. On October 1, 1990, the RPF invaded Rwanda from their base in neighboring Uganda. The rebel force,
composed primarily of ethnic Tutsis, blamed the government for failing to democratize and resolve the problems of some
500,000 Tutsi refugees living in diaspora around the world. Habyarimana immediately instituted genocidal programs,
which would be directed against all Tutsis and against any Hutus seen as in league with Tutsi interests. Habyarimana
justified these acts by proclaiming it was the intent of the Tutsis to restore a Tutsi feudal system and to thus enslave the
Hutu race. The killing swiftly spread from Kigali to all corners of the country; between April 6 and the beginning of July, a
genocide of unprecedented swiftness officially left 937,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus dead at the hands of organized
bands of militia: Interahamwe. Even ordinary citizens were called on by local officials to kill their neighbors. The Tutsi
rebels defeated the Hutu regime and ended the genocide in July 1994, but approximately two million Hutu refugees -
some who participated in the genocide and fearing Tutsi retribution - fled to neighboring Burundi, Tanzania, Uganda, and
Zaire.
Sources; Wikipedia History of Rwanda
| ECONOMIC OVERVIEW |
Rwanda is a poor rural country with about 90% of the population engaged in (mainly subsistence) agriculture and some
mineral and agro-processing. In 2008, minerals overtook coffee and tea as Rwanda's primary foreign exchange earner.
The 1994 genocide decimated Rwanda's fragile economic base, severely impoverished the population, particularly
women, and temporarily stalled the country's ability to attract private and external investment. However, Rwanda has
made substantial progress in stabilizing and rehabilitating its economy to pre-1994 levels. GDP has rebounded and
inflation has been curbed. Nonetheless, a majority still live below the poverty line of 250 Rwandan francs per day (about
US$0.43). Despite Rwanda's fertile ecosystem, food production often does not keep pace with demand, requiring food
imports. Rwanda continues to receive substantial aid money and obtained IMF-World Bank Heavily Indebted Poor
Country (HIPC) initiative debt relief in 2005-06. Rwanda also received a Millennium Challenge Account Compact in
2008. Africa's most densely populated country is trying to overcome the limitations of its small, landlocked economy by
leveraging regional trade. Rwanda joined the East African Community and is aligning its budget, trade, and immigration
policies with its regional partners. The government has embraced an expansionary fiscal policy to reduce poverty by
improving education, infrastructure, and foreign and domestic investment and pursuing market-oriented reforms, although
energy shortages, instability in neighboring states, and lack of adequate transportation linkages to other countries continue
to handicap growth. The global downturn hurt export demand and tourism while poor rains this year have lowered growth
in agriculture.
Sources; CIA World Factbook (select Rwanda)
mineral and agro-processing. In 2008, minerals overtook coffee and tea as Rwanda's primary foreign exchange earner.
The 1994 genocide decimated Rwanda's fragile economic base, severely impoverished the population, particularly
women, and temporarily stalled the country's ability to attract private and external investment. However, Rwanda has
made substantial progress in stabilizing and rehabilitating its economy to pre-1994 levels. GDP has rebounded and
inflation has been curbed. Nonetheless, a majority still live below the poverty line of 250 Rwandan francs per day (about
US$0.43). Despite Rwanda's fertile ecosystem, food production often does not keep pace with demand, requiring food
imports. Rwanda continues to receive substantial aid money and obtained IMF-World Bank Heavily Indebted Poor
Country (HIPC) initiative debt relief in 2005-06. Rwanda also received a Millennium Challenge Account Compact in
2008. Africa's most densely populated country is trying to overcome the limitations of its small, landlocked economy by
leveraging regional trade. Rwanda joined the East African Community and is aligning its budget, trade, and immigration
policies with its regional partners. The government has embraced an expansionary fiscal policy to reduce poverty by
improving education, infrastructure, and foreign and domestic investment and pursuing market-oriented reforms, although
energy shortages, instability in neighboring states, and lack of adequate transportation linkages to other countries continue
to handicap growth. The global downturn hurt export demand and tourism while poor rains this year have lowered growth
in agriculture.
Sources; CIA World Factbook (select Rwanda)
| POLITICAL CLIMATE |
Political organizing was banned until 2003. The first post-war presidential and legislative elections were held in August and
September 2003, respectively.
The biggest problems facing the government are reintegration of more than 2 million refugees returning from as long ago as
1959; the end of the insurgency and counter-insurgency among ex-military and Interahamwe militia and the Rwandan
Patriotic Army, which is concentrated in the north and south west; and the shift away from crisis to medium- and
long-term development planning. The prison population will continue to be an urgent problem for the foreseeable future,
having swelled to more than 100,000 in the 3 years after the war. Trying this many suspects of genocide will tax Rwanda's
resources sorely.
The current government prohibits any form of discrimination by gender, ethnicity, race or religion. The government has
also passed laws prohibiting emphasis on Hutu or Tutsi identity in most types of political activity.
Sources; Wikipedia Politics of Rwanda
September 2003, respectively.
The biggest problems facing the government are reintegration of more than 2 million refugees returning from as long ago as
1959; the end of the insurgency and counter-insurgency among ex-military and Interahamwe militia and the Rwandan
Patriotic Army, which is concentrated in the north and south west; and the shift away from crisis to medium- and
long-term development planning. The prison population will continue to be an urgent problem for the foreseeable future,
having swelled to more than 100,000 in the 3 years after the war. Trying this many suspects of genocide will tax Rwanda's
resources sorely.
The current government prohibits any form of discrimination by gender, ethnicity, race or religion. The government has
also passed laws prohibiting emphasis on Hutu or Tutsi identity in most types of political activity.
Sources; Wikipedia Politics of Rwanda
| INTERNATIONAL DISPUTES |
Fighting among ethnic groups - loosely associated political rebels, armed gangs, and various government forces in Great
Lakes region transcending the boundaries of Burundi, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Rwanda, and Uganda - abated
substantially from a decade ago due largely to UN peacekeeping, international mediation, and efforts by local
governments to create civil societies; nonetheless, 57,000 Rwandan refugees still reside in 21 African states, including
Zambia, Gabon, and 20,000 who fled to Burundi in 2005 and 2006 to escape drought and recriminations from traditional
courts investigating the 1994 massacres; the 2005 DROC and Rwanda border verification mechanism to stem rebel
actions on both sides of the border remains in place
Lakes region transcending the boundaries of Burundi, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Rwanda, and Uganda - abated
substantially from a decade ago due largely to UN peacekeeping, international mediation, and efforts by local
governments to create civil societies; nonetheless, 57,000 Rwandan refugees still reside in 21 African states, including
Zambia, Gabon, and 20,000 who fled to Burundi in 2005 and 2006 to escape drought and recriminations from traditional
courts investigating the 1994 massacres; the 2005 DROC and Rwanda border verification mechanism to stem rebel
actions on both sides of the border remains in place
| REFUGEES AND INTERNALLY DISPLACED PERSONS (IDP) |
Refugees (country of origin): 46,272 (Democratic Republic of the Congo); 4,400 (Burundi) (2007)
| ILLICIT DRUGS |
None reported.
| HUMAN RIGHTS STATEMENTS, ANALYSIS AND CRITIQUES |
2009 Human Rights Report: Rwanda
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
March 11, 2010
Rwanda, with a population of 10 million, is a constitutional republic dominated by a strong presidency. In 2003 voters elected President
Paul Kagame to a seven-year term in largely peaceful but seriously marred elections. Chamber of Deputies elections took place in
September 2008 and were peaceful and orderly, despite irregularities. The Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF) dominated the government and
legislature. Civilian authorities generally maintained effective control of the security forces.
In January the governments of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Rwanda accelerated efforts to achieve a rapprochement,
which they had initiated in late 2008. In January and February the two governments carried out a joint operation called Umoja Wetu
(Swahili for "Our Unity") in the eastern DRC against the Hutu rebel group known as the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of
Rwanda (FDLR). The FDLR was responsible for numerous atrocities against Congolese civilians in eastern DRC, and its leaders were
implicated in the 1994 Rwandan genocide. The Umoja Wetu operation disrupted the FDLR and precipitated the return of Rwandan FDLR
combatants and noncombatants. Rwandan forces also arrested General Laurent Nkunda, the leader of the Congolese rebel National
Congress in Defense of the People (CNDP). According to a December report by the international nongovernmental organization (NGO)
Human Rights Watch (HRW), the joint DRC-Rwandan operation resulted in civilian deaths.
Click here to read more »
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
March 11, 2010
Rwanda, with a population of 10 million, is a constitutional republic dominated by a strong presidency. In 2003 voters elected President
Paul Kagame to a seven-year term in largely peaceful but seriously marred elections. Chamber of Deputies elections took place in
September 2008 and were peaceful and orderly, despite irregularities. The Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF) dominated the government and
legislature. Civilian authorities generally maintained effective control of the security forces.
- Citizens' right to change their government was effectively restricted.
- Violence against genocide survivors and witnesses by unknown assailants resulted in deaths.
- There were reports of abuse of suspects by security forces and local defense members, and prison and detention center
conditions remained generally harsh. - Security forces arbitrarily arrested and detained persons.
- Prolonged pretrial detention was a problem.
- There were restraints on judicial independence and limits on freedoms of speech, press, association, and religion.
- The government forcibly returned refugees.
- Official corruption and restrictions on civil society remained a problem.
- Societal violence and discrimination against women, trafficking in persons, and discrimination against Twa and the lesbian, gay,
bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) community occurred. - There were restrictions on labor rights, and child labor occurred.
In January the governments of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Rwanda accelerated efforts to achieve a rapprochement,
which they had initiated in late 2008. In January and February the two governments carried out a joint operation called Umoja Wetu
(Swahili for "Our Unity") in the eastern DRC against the Hutu rebel group known as the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of
Rwanda (FDLR). The FDLR was responsible for numerous atrocities against Congolese civilians in eastern DRC, and its leaders were
implicated in the 1994 Rwandan genocide. The Umoja Wetu operation disrupted the FDLR and precipitated the return of Rwandan FDLR
combatants and noncombatants. Rwandan forces also arrested General Laurent Nkunda, the leader of the Congolese rebel National
Congress in Defense of the People (CNDP). According to a December report by the international nongovernmental organization (NGO)
Human Rights Watch (HRW), the joint DRC-Rwandan operation resulted in civilian deaths.
Click here to read more »
31 March 2009
Human Rights Committee
Ninety-fifth session
New York, 15 March-3 April 2009
Consideration of reports submitted by States parties under article 40 of the Covenant
Concluding observations of the Human Rights Committee
Rwanda
A. Introduction
2. The Committee welcomes the submission of the third periodic report of Rwanda and the opportunity thus afforded for it to resume its
dialogue with the State party, while regretting that the report was submitted more than 15 years late. The Committee invites the State
party to respect the schedule it has established for the submission of reports. It is grateful for the information provided by the State party
on its legislation, including in its written replies to the list of issues.
3.The Committee notes that the State party is still in a period of reconstruction following the genocide and accompanying tragic events
of 1994 and, while acknowledging the progress achieved, expresses its concern about the instability of the current situation in regard to
reconciliation within Rwandan society.
B. Positive aspects
4. The Committee notes the efforts made by the State party to advance reconciliation within the society and establish the rule of law in
Rwanda, particularly its adoption of a new Constitution in 2003
5. The Committee welcomes the abolition of the death penalty in the State party and its ratification of the Second Optional Protocol to
the Covenant.
C. Principal subjects of concern and recommendations
7. The Committee regrets that the report of the State party and its written replies to the list of issues transmitted to it do not contain
detailed factual information or statistics that would enable it to assess how far the rights set out in the Covenant are respected in the
State party. The Committee considers such data to be essential for monitoring implementation of the Covenant.
The State party should provide fuller information, including through relevant statistics, regarding the implementation of its laws and
administrative provisions in the various fields covered by the Covenant.
Click here to read more »
Human Rights Committee
Ninety-fifth session
New York, 15 March-3 April 2009
Consideration of reports submitted by States parties under article 40 of the Covenant
Concluding observations of the Human Rights Committee
Rwanda
A. Introduction
2. The Committee welcomes the submission of the third periodic report of Rwanda and the opportunity thus afforded for it to resume its
dialogue with the State party, while regretting that the report was submitted more than 15 years late. The Committee invites the State
party to respect the schedule it has established for the submission of reports. It is grateful for the information provided by the State party
on its legislation, including in its written replies to the list of issues.
3.The Committee notes that the State party is still in a period of reconstruction following the genocide and accompanying tragic events
of 1994 and, while acknowledging the progress achieved, expresses its concern about the instability of the current situation in regard to
reconciliation within Rwandan society.
B. Positive aspects
4. The Committee notes the efforts made by the State party to advance reconciliation within the society and establish the rule of law in
Rwanda, particularly its adoption of a new Constitution in 2003
5. The Committee welcomes the abolition of the death penalty in the State party and its ratification of the Second Optional Protocol to
the Covenant.
C. Principal subjects of concern and recommendations
7. The Committee regrets that the report of the State party and its written replies to the list of issues transmitted to it do not contain
detailed factual information or statistics that would enable it to assess how far the rights set out in the Covenant are respected in the
State party. The Committee considers such data to be essential for monitoring implementation of the Covenant.
The State party should provide fuller information, including through relevant statistics, regarding the implementation of its laws and
administrative provisions in the various fields covered by the Covenant.
Click here to read more »
Freedom In The World 2010 Report
Political Rights Score: 6
Civil Liberties Score: 5
Status: Not Free
Overview
The process of judging perpetrators of the 1994 genocide neared completion in 2009 as the traditional gacaca courts officially concluded
their work. The government arrested the leader of a rebel group from the neighboring Democratic Republic of Congo in January, despite
claims that it continued to support the group. Meanwhile, as Rwanda moved toward a presidential election in 2010, the ruling Rwandan
Patriotic Front seemed to step up its already tight control over civic and political life, particularly limiting press freedom.
A ban on political party offices at the local level was lifted in June 2007, and several parties began organizing efforts. However, party
activity remained tightly constrained. The RPF-led coalition won handily in the September 2008 parliamentary elections, taking 42 out of 53
elected seats in the lower house. Monitoring by a European Union observer team indicated that the actual RPF share of the vote was higher
than reported, suggesting an attempt to make the elections appear more democratic.
In 2009, the grassroots gacaca courts officially completed their work of adjudicating genocide cases, though plans for a continuation of the
gacaca system were under way. Separately, by year’s end the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) had arrested a total of 81
individuals and completed cases against 48 since its inception in 1994. Cases against 26 individuals were ongoing. Genocide trials for
Rwandans also took place in Belgium, Canada, and Finland. Meanwhile, charges against RPF officials have been leveled in both Spain and
France for war crimes allegedly committed during the genocide. Rose Kabuye, a key Kagame ally who had been arrested in Germany in
2008 and extradited to France, remained there awaiting trial in 2009.
The Rwandan government improved its cooperation with the DRC during the year, conducting joint military operations in the eastern DRC
against Rwandan Hutu rebels. In January, Rwanda arrested Laurent Nkunda, the leader of a Congolese Tutsi rebel group, the National
Congress for the Defense of the People (CNDP). Nevertheless, the CNDP continued to carry out military operations and occupy territory
in the eastern DRC, and observers accused the RPF of maintaining its alleged support for the group.
With considerable international aid, Rwanda has improved earnings from coffee exports and increased grain and potato production, helping
to sustain an economic growth rate of nearly 8 percent. Economic development, however, has been unevenly distributed.
Rwanda is not an electoral democracy. International observers have noted that the 2003 presidential and 2003 and 2008 parliamentary
elections, while administratively acceptable, presented Rwandans with only a limited degree of political choice. The 2003 constitution grants
broad powers to the president, who can serve up to two seven-year terms and has the authority to appoint the prime minister and dissolve
the bicameral Parliament.
Click here to read more »
Political Rights Score: 6
Civil Liberties Score: 5
Status: Not Free
Overview
The process of judging perpetrators of the 1994 genocide neared completion in 2009 as the traditional gacaca courts officially concluded
their work. The government arrested the leader of a rebel group from the neighboring Democratic Republic of Congo in January, despite
claims that it continued to support the group. Meanwhile, as Rwanda moved toward a presidential election in 2010, the ruling Rwandan
Patriotic Front seemed to step up its already tight control over civic and political life, particularly limiting press freedom.
A ban on political party offices at the local level was lifted in June 2007, and several parties began organizing efforts. However, party
activity remained tightly constrained. The RPF-led coalition won handily in the September 2008 parliamentary elections, taking 42 out of 53
elected seats in the lower house. Monitoring by a European Union observer team indicated that the actual RPF share of the vote was higher
than reported, suggesting an attempt to make the elections appear more democratic.
In 2009, the grassroots gacaca courts officially completed their work of adjudicating genocide cases, though plans for a continuation of the
gacaca system were under way. Separately, by year’s end the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) had arrested a total of 81
individuals and completed cases against 48 since its inception in 1994. Cases against 26 individuals were ongoing. Genocide trials for
Rwandans also took place in Belgium, Canada, and Finland. Meanwhile, charges against RPF officials have been leveled in both Spain and
France for war crimes allegedly committed during the genocide. Rose Kabuye, a key Kagame ally who had been arrested in Germany in
2008 and extradited to France, remained there awaiting trial in 2009.
The Rwandan government improved its cooperation with the DRC during the year, conducting joint military operations in the eastern DRC
against Rwandan Hutu rebels. In January, Rwanda arrested Laurent Nkunda, the leader of a Congolese Tutsi rebel group, the National
Congress for the Defense of the People (CNDP). Nevertheless, the CNDP continued to carry out military operations and occupy territory
in the eastern DRC, and observers accused the RPF of maintaining its alleged support for the group.
With considerable international aid, Rwanda has improved earnings from coffee exports and increased grain and potato production, helping
to sustain an economic growth rate of nearly 8 percent. Economic development, however, has been unevenly distributed.
Rwanda is not an electoral democracy. International observers have noted that the 2003 presidential and 2003 and 2008 parliamentary
elections, while administratively acceptable, presented Rwandans with only a limited degree of political choice. The 2003 constitution grants
broad powers to the president, who can serve up to two seven-year terms and has the authority to appoint the prime minister and dissolve
the bicameral Parliament.
Click here to read more »
Rwanda: Investigate murder of Rwandan journalist, Jean Leonard Rugambage
25 June 2010
URGENT ACTION
Rwandan journalist Jean Leonard Rugambage was killed on 24 June. Authorities must establish an independent commission of enquiry into the
killing and ensure other journalists can work in safety.
Jean Leonard Rugambage, the Deputy Editor of Rwandan newspaper, Umuvugizi, was shot dead outside his home in the Rwandan capital,
Kigali on 24 June 2010. Jean Leonard Rugambage is the first Rwandan journalist murdered in recent years.
Jean Leonard Rugambage returned home around 10pm on 24 June 2010. He was shot dead as he reached the gate of his home in the Kigali
suburb, Nyamirambo. His exiled Managing Editor-in-Chief, Jean-Bosco Gasasira, has stated that witnesses who heard the gunshots saw the
unknown assailant drive away in a car. Police arrived at the scene soon afterwards, but Jean Leonard Rugambage was already dead.
The Rwanda Police have confirmed that Jean Leonard Rugambage body remained at Kigali’s Police Hospital and would not be released for
burial until a later date. Police investigations have been opened.
Jean Leonard Rugambage had been investigating the shooting of the exiled former Chief-of-Staff of the Rwandan Army, Kayumba
Nyamwasa, which took place in Johannesburg, South Africa, on 19 June 2010. Umuvugizi had published an on-line article on 24 June 2010,
the day of Jean Leonard Rugambage’s murder, alleging that Rwandan intelligence officials were linked to the shooting. In the days before his
murder, Jean Leonard Rugambage had told colleagues that he felt that the surveillance on him had intensified.
Additional Information
Jean Leonard Rugambage’s newspaper, Umuvugizi, was suspended in April 2010 until after Rwanda’s presidential elections scheduled for
August 2010. The Rwandan High Media Council, a regulatory body aligned with the government, suspended Umuvugizi for six months
alleging they had incited opposition to the government and divided the army. Umuseso, another private newspaper, was also banned for six
months. The High Media Council later started court proceedings to initiate a permanent ban against both papers. After the suspension,
Umuvugizi continued to publish on their website, launched in May, though their website was not accessible from within Rwanda.
Jean-Leonard Rugambage became the Acting Editor of Umuvugizi after the Managing Editor, Jean-Bosco Gasasira, fled Rwanda in April 2010
after threats following Umuvugizi’s suspension. Jean-Bosco Gasasira had been brutally assaulted in February 2007 by unidentified men with
iron bars. Prior to the attack, Jean-Bosco Gasasira, had also published several articles critical of the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), the ruling
political party.
Over recent years, Rwandan journalists working for non-state media have frequently been threatened and physically assaulted. Criminal
sanctions have also been used against them to stifle freedom of expression. There have been no known cases of Rwandan journalists
murdered in Rwanda in recent years, but several journalists have fled Rwanda for their safety.
Click here to read more »
25 June 2010
URGENT ACTION
Rwandan journalist Jean Leonard Rugambage was killed on 24 June. Authorities must establish an independent commission of enquiry into the
killing and ensure other journalists can work in safety.
Jean Leonard Rugambage, the Deputy Editor of Rwandan newspaper, Umuvugizi, was shot dead outside his home in the Rwandan capital,
Kigali on 24 June 2010. Jean Leonard Rugambage is the first Rwandan journalist murdered in recent years.
Jean Leonard Rugambage returned home around 10pm on 24 June 2010. He was shot dead as he reached the gate of his home in the Kigali
suburb, Nyamirambo. His exiled Managing Editor-in-Chief, Jean-Bosco Gasasira, has stated that witnesses who heard the gunshots saw the
unknown assailant drive away in a car. Police arrived at the scene soon afterwards, but Jean Leonard Rugambage was already dead.
The Rwanda Police have confirmed that Jean Leonard Rugambage body remained at Kigali’s Police Hospital and would not be released for
burial until a later date. Police investigations have been opened.
Jean Leonard Rugambage had been investigating the shooting of the exiled former Chief-of-Staff of the Rwandan Army, Kayumba
Nyamwasa, which took place in Johannesburg, South Africa, on 19 June 2010. Umuvugizi had published an on-line article on 24 June 2010,
the day of Jean Leonard Rugambage’s murder, alleging that Rwandan intelligence officials were linked to the shooting. In the days before his
murder, Jean Leonard Rugambage had told colleagues that he felt that the surveillance on him had intensified.
Additional Information
Jean Leonard Rugambage’s newspaper, Umuvugizi, was suspended in April 2010 until after Rwanda’s presidential elections scheduled for
August 2010. The Rwandan High Media Council, a regulatory body aligned with the government, suspended Umuvugizi for six months
alleging they had incited opposition to the government and divided the army. Umuseso, another private newspaper, was also banned for six
months. The High Media Council later started court proceedings to initiate a permanent ban against both papers. After the suspension,
Umuvugizi continued to publish on their website, launched in May, though their website was not accessible from within Rwanda.
Jean-Leonard Rugambage became the Acting Editor of Umuvugizi after the Managing Editor, Jean-Bosco Gasasira, fled Rwanda in April 2010
after threats following Umuvugizi’s suspension. Jean-Bosco Gasasira had been brutally assaulted in February 2007 by unidentified men with
iron bars. Prior to the attack, Jean-Bosco Gasasira, had also published several articles critical of the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), the ruling
political party.
Over recent years, Rwandan journalists working for non-state media have frequently been threatened and physically assaulted. Criminal
sanctions have also been used against them to stifle freedom of expression. There have been no known cases of Rwandan journalists
murdered in Rwanda in recent years, but several journalists have fled Rwanda for their safety.
Click here to read more »
Rwanda: Stop Attacks on Journalists, Opponents
Government Actions Undermine Democracy as Presidential Election Draws Near
June 26, 2010
(New York) - Insecurity and political repression are increasing in advance of Rwanda's August 2010 presidential elections, Human Rights
Watch warned today. In the last two days, an independent journalist has been killed, the leader of an opposition party has been detained by
the police, and other opposition party members have been arrested.
"The security situation is rapidly deteriorating," said Rona Peligal, Africa director at Human Rights Watch. "With only 45 days left before
the election, the government is lashing out to silence its opponents and critics."
The Rwandan government should investigate all incidents of violence and ensure that opposition activists and journalists are able to carry
out their legitimate activities in safety, Human Rights Watch said.
The Killing of Jean-Léonard Rugambage
Jean-Léonard Rugambage, a journalist for the newspaper Umuvugizi, was shot dead shortly after 10 p.m. on June 24 outside his home in
Nyamirambo, in the capital, Kigali. His colleagues and other sources in Rwanda told Human Rights Watch that the assailant appeared to be
waiting for the journalist as he returned home.
As Rugambage drove up to his gate, a man approached his car and fired several shots at close range, hitting him in the head and chest.
Rugambage died on the spot. The assailant then drove off. Police arrived on the scene and took Rugambage's body to the police hospital in
Kacyiru for autopsy. The police stated on June 25 that they were investigating his death.
Umuvugizi, an independent newspaper that has often been critical of the government, had published an article online on the morning
Rugambage was killed, alleging that the Rwandan government was behind the attempted murder of a former Rwandan general, Faustin
Kayumba Nyamwasa, in South Africa on June 19, and implicating senior officials. General Kayumba, once a close ally of President Paul
Kagame and a former chief-of-staff of the Rwandan army, has become an increasingly outspoken critic of the government since fleeing to
South Africa in February 2010. Umuvugizi's editor said that Rugambage had been investigating the murder attempt on Kayumba and had
reported being under increased surveillance in the days leading up to his death.
"We are shocked and saddened by the death of this courageous journalist," Peligal said. "Freedom of expression is already severely
restricted in Rwanda, but the death of Rugambage is a further chilling blow to investigative journalism and, more broadly, to freedom of
expression in the country."
Click here to read more »
Government Actions Undermine Democracy as Presidential Election Draws Near
June 26, 2010
(New York) - Insecurity and political repression are increasing in advance of Rwanda's August 2010 presidential elections, Human Rights
Watch warned today. In the last two days, an independent journalist has been killed, the leader of an opposition party has been detained by
the police, and other opposition party members have been arrested.
"The security situation is rapidly deteriorating," said Rona Peligal, Africa director at Human Rights Watch. "With only 45 days left before
the election, the government is lashing out to silence its opponents and critics."
The Rwandan government should investigate all incidents of violence and ensure that opposition activists and journalists are able to carry
out their legitimate activities in safety, Human Rights Watch said.
The Killing of Jean-Léonard Rugambage
Jean-Léonard Rugambage, a journalist for the newspaper Umuvugizi, was shot dead shortly after 10 p.m. on June 24 outside his home in
Nyamirambo, in the capital, Kigali. His colleagues and other sources in Rwanda told Human Rights Watch that the assailant appeared to be
waiting for the journalist as he returned home.
As Rugambage drove up to his gate, a man approached his car and fired several shots at close range, hitting him in the head and chest.
Rugambage died on the spot. The assailant then drove off. Police arrived on the scene and took Rugambage's body to the police hospital in
Kacyiru for autopsy. The police stated on June 25 that they were investigating his death.
Umuvugizi, an independent newspaper that has often been critical of the government, had published an article online on the morning
Rugambage was killed, alleging that the Rwandan government was behind the attempted murder of a former Rwandan general, Faustin
Kayumba Nyamwasa, in South Africa on June 19, and implicating senior officials. General Kayumba, once a close ally of President Paul
Kagame and a former chief-of-staff of the Rwandan army, has become an increasingly outspoken critic of the government since fleeing to
South Africa in February 2010. Umuvugizi's editor said that Rugambage had been investigating the murder attempt on Kayumba and had
reported being under increased surveillance in the days leading up to his death.
"We are shocked and saddened by the death of this courageous journalist," Peligal said. "Freedom of expression is already severely
restricted in Rwanda, but the death of Rugambage is a further chilling blow to investigative journalism and, more broadly, to freedom of
expression in the country."
Click here to read more »
STATEMENT BY H.E. PAUL KAGAME, President of the Republic of Rwanda
At the 64th Session of the General Assembly of the United Nations
24 September 2009
Distinguished Ladies and Gentlemen;
This Session of the United Nations General Assembly offers further opportunity to reflect on how best to reconcile what at times, .
mistakenly appears to be irreconcilable —socioeconomic development and a healthy environment.
Leaders, experts and citizens world over ask: "How can we grow our economies and spread prosperity to more of the world's citizens, and
not degrade our oceans, rivers, and the air we breathe?"
But these are also times of extraordinary scientific, technological and business innovations that can help address these challenges — if we
have the courage to put into proper perspective and indeed harmonise our national, regional, and global priorities.
History is replete with illustrations of how nations, immersed in crises, changed the underlying assumptions by which they acted, and
created new institutions and tools to solve problems, and emerged from the process as stronger societies.
While these innovations are always different, the challenges to surmount them are always the same: forging a shared vision; increasing
social capital required to enhance predictable, trustful relations between peoples; receptivity to doing things in new ways; and adopting
explicit moral purpose to achieve common goals.
On the matter of peace and security: the world faces a number of regional threats.
The Great Lakes Region has its share of peace and security problems, but we continue to make significant progress in fundamentally
addressing this question. The leaders of this region recognize that most crucially, homegrown solutions, beginning with a joint regional
effort, can bring about sustainable peace. It is in this context that we, together with our colleagues and neighbors in the Democratic
Republic of Congo, are dealing with the root cause of instability in our area —the negative forces that have been a menace since 1994.
Click here to read more
At the 64th Session of the General Assembly of the United Nations
24 September 2009
Distinguished Ladies and Gentlemen;
This Session of the United Nations General Assembly offers further opportunity to reflect on how best to reconcile what at times, .
mistakenly appears to be irreconcilable —socioeconomic development and a healthy environment.
Leaders, experts and citizens world over ask: "How can we grow our economies and spread prosperity to more of the world's citizens, and
not degrade our oceans, rivers, and the air we breathe?"
But these are also times of extraordinary scientific, technological and business innovations that can help address these challenges — if we
have the courage to put into proper perspective and indeed harmonise our national, regional, and global priorities.
History is replete with illustrations of how nations, immersed in crises, changed the underlying assumptions by which they acted, and
created new institutions and tools to solve problems, and emerged from the process as stronger societies.
While these innovations are always different, the challenges to surmount them are always the same: forging a shared vision; increasing
social capital required to enhance predictable, trustful relations between peoples; receptivity to doing things in new ways; and adopting
explicit moral purpose to achieve common goals.
On the matter of peace and security: the world faces a number of regional threats.
The Great Lakes Region has its share of peace and security problems, but we continue to make significant progress in fundamentally
addressing this question. The leaders of this region recognize that most crucially, homegrown solutions, beginning with a joint regional
effort, can bring about sustainable peace. It is in this context that we, together with our colleagues and neighbors in the Democratic
Republic of Congo, are dealing with the root cause of instability in our area —the negative forces that have been a menace since 1994.
Click here to read more
TRANSLATED FROM FRENCH BY GOOGLE TRANSLATE
Gacaca Category 3: What God can save him?
Huye, April 19, 2010
He is the son of Benjamin Uwimana Murangwa M.musoni J. Bosco and Mary Rose (all died in exile in the forests of the Democratic
Republic of Congo) in the village Kabeza, cell Cyarwa sector Tumba, Huye District, Southern Province. He was born in 1981.
The litigation involves the auction of his family home by the Executive Secretary Tumba sector, in order to repay the property of John
Ndayiragije, damaged during the genocide of Tutsi in 1994 by his late father in flagrant violation of s. .7 instructions No 14/2007 of
30/03/2007 Executive Secretary of the National Service of Gacaca Jurisdictions, relating to payments for goods damaged during the 1994
genocide, which LIPRODHOR has reserved a copy through his diary Umukindo No. 39. At the end of the auction from 15.01.2010, the
victim was through the letter of 01.29.2010 No. 700/14.09 of Head, received an ultimatum to make the house and its plot purchaser not
later than 02/12/2010.
At the plea officer LIPRODHOR dated 03/16/2010, the Executive Secretary of the sector Tumba emphasized respect for the auction
house of the victim of 15.01.10, as a performance Judgement of the Gacaca court Agasengasenge cell, cell Rango B, Sector Tumba, Huye
District, Southern Province, delivered on 12/03/2008. The injured and orphaned during the genocide which was only 13 years old, had not
signed the minutes of the auction house the only family that the trial court in Butare, in the trial 19.442/53/200206 RC / 01/2002 of
06.01.2002 had given him custody. It was the house where he lived with his wife and child after pardon for money received from the sale
of the parcel from his mother. According to the decisions of the Gacaca court his father had to pay the sum of two million nine hundred
twenty six thousand Rwandan francs (2.926.000frw). The house was sold by a 4.000.000fr Nziraguhunga Emmanuel, a pharmacist in the
town of Butare.
Recall that the victim wanted to pay for his father slowly, but it was denied that opportunity, why he would not leave home without
knowing where to go. Paradoxically, the statement of the auction had never even been publicly displayed. The victim remains in the home
by threats, even despite his appeal to the commander of the military division of the South who had tried to phone the author in condemning
these evil acts, especially since the victim no longer has to shelter with family.
LIPRODHOR advised him to contact the Governor of the province, after his conversation with the victim of 29/03/2010, has instructed
the Mayor of Huye District to resolve this dispute in collaboration with the HE sector Tumba. After the second ultimatum to return home
09/04/2010 not later than 17/04/2010, otherwise the use of force is necessary, the victim's house was surrounded by six armed with three
guns LDF in the morning of Sunday, 18.04.2010. But the victim responded with silence in the face hubbub on the door at 6 o'clock in the
morning. He wondered how well God can save him. Note that other victims to know Mukamusoni Olive and Mary Mediatrix Urunana have
suffered the same fate before the bailiff John Nsengiyumva professional who has auctioned off their family homes.
Click here to read more »
Gacaca Category 3: What God can save him?
Huye, April 19, 2010
He is the son of Benjamin Uwimana Murangwa M.musoni J. Bosco and Mary Rose (all died in exile in the forests of the Democratic
Republic of Congo) in the village Kabeza, cell Cyarwa sector Tumba, Huye District, Southern Province. He was born in 1981.
The litigation involves the auction of his family home by the Executive Secretary Tumba sector, in order to repay the property of John
Ndayiragije, damaged during the genocide of Tutsi in 1994 by his late father in flagrant violation of s. .7 instructions No 14/2007 of
30/03/2007 Executive Secretary of the National Service of Gacaca Jurisdictions, relating to payments for goods damaged during the 1994
genocide, which LIPRODHOR has reserved a copy through his diary Umukindo No. 39. At the end of the auction from 15.01.2010, the
victim was through the letter of 01.29.2010 No. 700/14.09 of Head, received an ultimatum to make the house and its plot purchaser not
later than 02/12/2010.
At the plea officer LIPRODHOR dated 03/16/2010, the Executive Secretary of the sector Tumba emphasized respect for the auction
house of the victim of 15.01.10, as a performance Judgement of the Gacaca court Agasengasenge cell, cell Rango B, Sector Tumba, Huye
District, Southern Province, delivered on 12/03/2008. The injured and orphaned during the genocide which was only 13 years old, had not
signed the minutes of the auction house the only family that the trial court in Butare, in the trial 19.442/53/200206 RC / 01/2002 of
06.01.2002 had given him custody. It was the house where he lived with his wife and child after pardon for money received from the sale
of the parcel from his mother. According to the decisions of the Gacaca court his father had to pay the sum of two million nine hundred
twenty six thousand Rwandan francs (2.926.000frw). The house was sold by a 4.000.000fr Nziraguhunga Emmanuel, a pharmacist in the
town of Butare.
Recall that the victim wanted to pay for his father slowly, but it was denied that opportunity, why he would not leave home without
knowing where to go. Paradoxically, the statement of the auction had never even been publicly displayed. The victim remains in the home
by threats, even despite his appeal to the commander of the military division of the South who had tried to phone the author in condemning
these evil acts, especially since the victim no longer has to shelter with family.
LIPRODHOR advised him to contact the Governor of the province, after his conversation with the victim of 29/03/2010, has instructed
the Mayor of Huye District to resolve this dispute in collaboration with the HE sector Tumba. After the second ultimatum to return home
09/04/2010 not later than 17/04/2010, otherwise the use of force is necessary, the victim's house was surrounded by six armed with three
guns LDF in the morning of Sunday, 18.04.2010. But the victim responded with silence in the face hubbub on the door at 6 o'clock in the
morning. He wondered how well God can save him. Note that other victims to know Mukamusoni Olive and Mary Mediatrix Urunana have
suffered the same fate before the bailiff John Nsengiyumva professional who has auctioned off their family homes.
Click here to read more »
The staff of the Office of the Ombudsman attended a conference on the theme of the 16th commemoration of the Genocide
perpetrated against the Tutsi
On: 2010-04-28 10:26:15
As it is customary each year 07 to 13th of April commemorates the Rwanda Genocide perpetrated against Tutsi Genocide than ne million
Tutsi dead in 1994. It is in this respect that the staff of the Office of the Ombudsman attended on Friday 09th April 2010 Conference on
the theme of this year commemorating the Genocide of Tutsi while cooperating in the fight against trauma.
During that day Mr. Ildephonse KALINGANIRE noted that the celebration is more than necessary because it allows for introspection on
what really happened and how to fight the evils of Genocide. He emphasized that trauma which is at the center of the theme chosen this
year. He explained that in everyday life, there are good and bad things and different way to treating them according to the circumstances of
the moment. People were traumatized after antecedent situations experienced. He explained that recent studies have shown that 30% of
Rwandans are traumatized. Mr KALINGANIRE said that the fight against Genocide and ideology various laws have been implemented
including the sites of the Genocide Act, the corruption, the political parties, the National Commission for the Fight against Genocide and
soon the denial of the Genocide.
The presentation was followed by a series of questions from the staff which were related to Genocide and ideology. The presenter asked
weather everyone is worried of disputes among themselves because they are rolling back the country and instead commit themselves to its
development.
Click here to read more »
perpetrated against the Tutsi
On: 2010-04-28 10:26:15
As it is customary each year 07 to 13th of April commemorates the Rwanda Genocide perpetrated against Tutsi Genocide than ne million
Tutsi dead in 1994. It is in this respect that the staff of the Office of the Ombudsman attended on Friday 09th April 2010 Conference on
the theme of this year commemorating the Genocide of Tutsi while cooperating in the fight against trauma.
During that day Mr. Ildephonse KALINGANIRE noted that the celebration is more than necessary because it allows for introspection on
what really happened and how to fight the evils of Genocide. He emphasized that trauma which is at the center of the theme chosen this
year. He explained that in everyday life, there are good and bad things and different way to treating them according to the circumstances of
the moment. People were traumatized after antecedent situations experienced. He explained that recent studies have shown that 30% of
Rwandans are traumatized. Mr KALINGANIRE said that the fight against Genocide and ideology various laws have been implemented
including the sites of the Genocide Act, the corruption, the political parties, the National Commission for the Fight against Genocide and
soon the denial of the Genocide.
The presentation was followed by a series of questions from the staff which were related to Genocide and ideology. The presenter asked
weather everyone is worried of disputes among themselves because they are rolling back the country and instead commit themselves to its
development.
Click here to read more »
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| TRAFFICKING IN PERSONS |
None reported.