| SOMALIA Somalia Jamhuuriyada Demuqraadiga Soomaaliyeed Joined United Nations: 20 September 1960 Human Rights as assured by their constitution Click here Updated 01/31/11 |
| CAPITAL |
| POPULATION |
| CHIEF OF STATE |
| SELECTION PROCESS |
Mogadishu
10,112,453
note: this estimate was derived from an official census taken in 1975 by the Somali
Government; population counting in Somalia is complicated by the large number of
nomads and by refugee movements in response to famine and clan warfare (July 2010 est.)
note: this estimate was derived from an official census taken in 1975 by the Somali
Government; population counting in Somalia is complicated by the large number of
nomads and by refugee movements in response to famine and clan warfare (July 2010 est.)
Mohamed Abdullahi
Mohamed Farmajo
Prime Minister since 01 November 2010
Mohamed Farmajo
Prime Minister since 01 November 2010
Elected by the Transitional Federal Assembly, on 31 January 2009
Next scheduled election: October 2011
Next scheduled election: October 2011
HEAD OF GOVERNMENT
SELECTION PROCESS
Prime minister selected by the President and confirmed by the
Transitional National Assembly on 13 February 2009.
Transitional National Assembly on 13 February 2009.
| DECLARATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS |
| ETHNIC GROUPS |
Somali 85%, Bantu and other non-Somali 15% (including Arabs 30,000)
| RELIGIONS |
Sunni Muslim
| GOVERNMENT STRUCTURE |
No permanent national government; transitional, parliamentary federal government with 18 regions (plural - NA, singular - gobolka); There
is no national legal system but instead a mixture of English common law, Italian law, Islamic Shari'a, and Somali customary law;
accepts compulsory ICJ jurisdiction with reservations
Executive: note - a transitional governing entity with a five-year mandate, known as the Transitional Federal Institutions (TFIs), was
established in October 2004; the TFIs relocated to Somalia in June 2004; in 2009, the TFI's were given a two-year extension to October
2011
Legislative: Unicameral National Assembly
note: unicameral Transitional Federal Assembly (TFA) (275 seats; 244 members appointed by the four major clans (61 for each
clan), 31 seats allocated to smaller clans and subclans)
Judicial: Following the breakdown of the central government, most regions have reverted to local forms of conflict resolution, either
secular, traditional Somali customary law, or Shari'a (Islamic) law with a provision for appeal of all sentences
is no national legal system but instead a mixture of English common law, Italian law, Islamic Shari'a, and Somali customary law;
accepts compulsory ICJ jurisdiction with reservations
Executive: note - a transitional governing entity with a five-year mandate, known as the Transitional Federal Institutions (TFIs), was
established in October 2004; the TFIs relocated to Somalia in June 2004; in 2009, the TFI's were given a two-year extension to October
2011
Legislative: Unicameral National Assembly
note: unicameral Transitional Federal Assembly (TFA) (275 seats; 244 members appointed by the four major clans (61 for each
clan), 31 seats allocated to smaller clans and subclans)
Judicial: Following the breakdown of the central government, most regions have reverted to local forms of conflict resolution, either
secular, traditional Somali customary law, or Shari'a (Islamic) law with a provision for appeal of all sentences
| LANGUAGES |
Somali (official), Arabic, Italian, English
| BRIEF HISTORY |
Greek merchants and explorers in the Erythraean (Red) Sea referred to Somalia as two regions, the Berber Coast (the Red Sea
Coast of Somalia) and Azania, which actually included the coasts of modern Kenya and Tanzania as well as the Somali East Coast.
Traders made the journey to Somalia in order to purchase Myrrh and Frankincense, both highly valuable commodities as they were
required for many religious ceremonies and in perfumes, in great demand throughout the Roman Empire, Asia, India and China.
Between the 13th and 14th centuries Somalia was visited by two famous Muslim explorers Ibn Battuta and Zheng He. Ibn Battuta
in 1331 visited Mogadishu, which he described as a town of enormous size and its merchants possessed vast resources; they
owned large numbers of camels, of which they slaughtered hundreds every day for food, and also had large quantities of sheep. The
woven fabrics that were manufactured there he claimed were unequalled and were exported as far as Egypt and elsewhere. Zheng
He on his fifth voyage (1417-19) visited several city states on the Somali coast including Mogadishu. Muslim Somalia enjoyed
friendly relations with neighboring Christian Ethiopia for centuries. Despite jihad raging everywhere else in the Muslim world,
Muhammad had issued a hadith proscribing Muslims from attacking Ethiopia (so long as Ethiopia was not the aggressor), as it had
sheltered some of Islam's first converts from persecution in modern-day Saudi Arabia. Parts of northwestern Somalia (modern
northwestern Somaliland) came under the rule of the Solomonic Ethiopian Kingdom in medieval times, especially during the reign of
Amda Seyon I (r. 1314-1344). In 1403 or 1415 (under Emperor Dawit I or Emperor Yeshaq I, respectively) measures were taken
against the medieval Muslim kingdom of Adal (located in eastern Ethiopia and western Somalia, centered around Harar and
populated by both Somalis and Afars), a tributary kingdom that revolted and whose raids were disrupting rule in adjacent areas.
The area remained under Ethiopian control for another century or so. However, starting around 1527 under the charismatic
leadership of Imam Ahmad ibn Ibrihim al-Ghazi (Gurey in Somali, Gragn in Amharic, both meaning "left-handed), Adal revolted and
invaded Ethiopia. Regrouped Muslim armies with Ottoman support and arms marched into Ethiopia employing scorched earth
tactics and slaughtered any Ethiopian who refused to convert from Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity to Islam. The Portuguese had
been in the area earlier in early 16th centuries (in search of the legendary priest-king Prester John), and although a diplomatic
mission from Portugal, led by Rodrigo de Lima, had failed to improve relations between the countries, they responded to the
Ethiopian pleas for help and sent a military expedition to their fellow Christians. On February 21, 1543, however, a joint
Portuguese-Ethiopian force defeated the Muslim army at the Battle of Wayna Daga, in which Ahmed Gurey was killed and the war
won. On the other side of East Africa in the 14th century, the Ajuuran dynasty formed a centralized state in the lower Shabeelle
valley, ruling over a territory that stretched as far inland as modern Qalafo and towards the coast almost to Mogadishu. Due to
Portuguese predations, internal discord, and encroaching nomads from the north, the Ajuuran sultanate disintegrated at the end of
the 17th century. According to Said Samatar, almost a full century passed before a successor state emerged: the Geledi Sultanate,
which was based in the town of Afgooye and ruled over the lower Shabeelle region. In the 17th century, Somalia fell under the
sway of the rapidly expanding Ottoman Empire, who exercised control through hand picked local Somali governors. In 1728 the
Ottomans evicted the last Portuguese occupation and claimed sovereignty over the whole Horn of Africa. However, their actual
exercise of control was fairly modest, as they demanded only a token annual tribute and appointed an Ottoman judge to act as a
kind of Supreme Court for interpretations of Islamic law. By the 1850s Ottoman power was in decline. Starting in 1875 the age of
imperialism in Europe transformed Somalia. Britain, France, and Italy all made territorial claims on the peninsula. Italy had just
recently been reunited and was an inexperienced colonialist. They were happy to grab up any African land they didn't have to fight
other Europeans for. They took control of the southern part of Somalia, which would become the largest European claim in the
country, but the least strategically significant. Somali resistance to foreign powers began in 1899 under the leadership of religious
scholar Sayyid Mohammed Abdullah Hassan, Ogaden sub-lineage of the Darod tribe and his mother was Dulbahante sub-lineage of
the Darod tribe. The dervish struggle was one of the longest and bloodiest anti-Imperial resistance wars in sub-Saharan Africa, and
cost the lives of nearly a third of northern Somalia's population. By 1935, the British were ready to cut their losses in British
Somaliland. The dervishes refused to accept any negotiations. Even after they had been soundly defeated in 1920, sporadic violence
continued for the entire duration of British occupation. To make matters worse, Italy invaded and conquered Ethiopia in 1936,
whom the British had been using to help their effort to put down the Somali uprisings. Now with Ethiopia unavailable, the British
were faced with the option of doing the dirty work themselves, or packing up and looking for friendlier territory. By this time many
thousand Italian immigrants were living in Romanesque villas on extensive plantations in the south. On May 9 1936, Mussolini
proclaimed the creation of the Italian Empire, calling it the "Africa Orientale Italiana" (A.O.I.) and formed by Ethiopia, Eritrea and
Italian Somalia. Many investments in infrastructure were made by the Italians in their Empire, like the Strada Imperiale ("imperial
road") between Addis Abeba and Mogadishu. Italian hegemony of Somalia was short-lived, because of World War II. At the start
of the war, Mussolini realized he would have to concentrate his resources primarily on the home front to survive the Allied onslaught.
The Italians conquered the British Somaliland in August 1940, but the British were able to totally reconquer Somalia by 1941.
Italian officers organized an Italian guerrilla with Italian colonial troops, that lasted in Somalia from the end of 1941 to spring 1943.
After the war, the British gradually relaxed military control of Somalia, and attempted to introduce democracy, and numerous native
Somalian political parties sprang into existence. In 1948 a commission led by representatives of the victorious Allied nations wanted
to decide the Somali question once and for all. They made one particular decision, granting Ogaden to Ethiopia, which would spark
war decades later. After months of vaciliations and eventually turning the debate over to the United Nations, in 1949 it was decided
that in recognition of its genuine economic improvements to the country, Italy would retain a nominal trusteeship of Somalia for the
next 10 years, after which it would gain full independence. Although Somalis had received their primary political education under
British and post-war Italian tutelage, the virulently anti-Imperialist parties rejected the European's advice whole cloth, and threw
their lot in with the Soviet Union and the People's Republic of China. The stage was set for a coup d'état, but the event that
precipitated the coup was unplanned. On 15 October 1969, a bodyguard killed president Shermarke while prime minister Igaal was
out of the country. The country was renamed the Somali Democratic Republic. By September 1977 Mogadishu controlled 100
percent of the Ogaden and had followed retreating Ethiopian forces into non-Somali regions of Harerge, Bale, and Sidamo. In May
of 1991, the northern portion of the country declared its independence as Somaliland; although de facto independent and relatively
stable compared to the tumultuous south, it has not been recognized by any foreign government. Starting in May 2006 with the
Second Battle of Mogadishu, civil war wracked Somalia as the Islamic Courts Union (ICU) fought with warlords, including the
Alliance for the Restoration of Peace and Counter-Terrorism (ARPCT), pirates, other separatists of Jubaland and Puntland, the
internationally-backed Transitional Federal Government (TFG) and Ethiopian troops to bring unity, security and Sharia law to
Somalia. On June 5, 2006 forces associated with the Islamic Court Union claimed to have taken control of Mogadishu. On
December 20, 2006, active fighting broke out between the ICU and Ethiopia in the Battle of Baidoa. The ICU considered the
conflict a jihad. Ethiopia was allied with the TFG and Puntland in its counterattacks against the ICU. The ICU troops and technicals
proved no match to Ethiopia's tanks and aircraft and on 26 December, the ICU was forced to retreat to Mogadishu.
Source: Wikipedia: History of Somalia
Coast of Somalia) and Azania, which actually included the coasts of modern Kenya and Tanzania as well as the Somali East Coast.
Traders made the journey to Somalia in order to purchase Myrrh and Frankincense, both highly valuable commodities as they were
required for many religious ceremonies and in perfumes, in great demand throughout the Roman Empire, Asia, India and China.
Between the 13th and 14th centuries Somalia was visited by two famous Muslim explorers Ibn Battuta and Zheng He. Ibn Battuta
in 1331 visited Mogadishu, which he described as a town of enormous size and its merchants possessed vast resources; they
owned large numbers of camels, of which they slaughtered hundreds every day for food, and also had large quantities of sheep. The
woven fabrics that were manufactured there he claimed were unequalled and were exported as far as Egypt and elsewhere. Zheng
He on his fifth voyage (1417-19) visited several city states on the Somali coast including Mogadishu. Muslim Somalia enjoyed
friendly relations with neighboring Christian Ethiopia for centuries. Despite jihad raging everywhere else in the Muslim world,
Muhammad had issued a hadith proscribing Muslims from attacking Ethiopia (so long as Ethiopia was not the aggressor), as it had
sheltered some of Islam's first converts from persecution in modern-day Saudi Arabia. Parts of northwestern Somalia (modern
northwestern Somaliland) came under the rule of the Solomonic Ethiopian Kingdom in medieval times, especially during the reign of
Amda Seyon I (r. 1314-1344). In 1403 or 1415 (under Emperor Dawit I or Emperor Yeshaq I, respectively) measures were taken
against the medieval Muslim kingdom of Adal (located in eastern Ethiopia and western Somalia, centered around Harar and
populated by both Somalis and Afars), a tributary kingdom that revolted and whose raids were disrupting rule in adjacent areas.
The area remained under Ethiopian control for another century or so. However, starting around 1527 under the charismatic
leadership of Imam Ahmad ibn Ibrihim al-Ghazi (Gurey in Somali, Gragn in Amharic, both meaning "left-handed), Adal revolted and
invaded Ethiopia. Regrouped Muslim armies with Ottoman support and arms marched into Ethiopia employing scorched earth
tactics and slaughtered any Ethiopian who refused to convert from Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity to Islam. The Portuguese had
been in the area earlier in early 16th centuries (in search of the legendary priest-king Prester John), and although a diplomatic
mission from Portugal, led by Rodrigo de Lima, had failed to improve relations between the countries, they responded to the
Ethiopian pleas for help and sent a military expedition to their fellow Christians. On February 21, 1543, however, a joint
Portuguese-Ethiopian force defeated the Muslim army at the Battle of Wayna Daga, in which Ahmed Gurey was killed and the war
won. On the other side of East Africa in the 14th century, the Ajuuran dynasty formed a centralized state in the lower Shabeelle
valley, ruling over a territory that stretched as far inland as modern Qalafo and towards the coast almost to Mogadishu. Due to
Portuguese predations, internal discord, and encroaching nomads from the north, the Ajuuran sultanate disintegrated at the end of
the 17th century. According to Said Samatar, almost a full century passed before a successor state emerged: the Geledi Sultanate,
which was based in the town of Afgooye and ruled over the lower Shabeelle region. In the 17th century, Somalia fell under the
sway of the rapidly expanding Ottoman Empire, who exercised control through hand picked local Somali governors. In 1728 the
Ottomans evicted the last Portuguese occupation and claimed sovereignty over the whole Horn of Africa. However, their actual
exercise of control was fairly modest, as they demanded only a token annual tribute and appointed an Ottoman judge to act as a
kind of Supreme Court for interpretations of Islamic law. By the 1850s Ottoman power was in decline. Starting in 1875 the age of
imperialism in Europe transformed Somalia. Britain, France, and Italy all made territorial claims on the peninsula. Italy had just
recently been reunited and was an inexperienced colonialist. They were happy to grab up any African land they didn't have to fight
other Europeans for. They took control of the southern part of Somalia, which would become the largest European claim in the
country, but the least strategically significant. Somali resistance to foreign powers began in 1899 under the leadership of religious
scholar Sayyid Mohammed Abdullah Hassan, Ogaden sub-lineage of the Darod tribe and his mother was Dulbahante sub-lineage of
the Darod tribe. The dervish struggle was one of the longest and bloodiest anti-Imperial resistance wars in sub-Saharan Africa, and
cost the lives of nearly a third of northern Somalia's population. By 1935, the British were ready to cut their losses in British
Somaliland. The dervishes refused to accept any negotiations. Even after they had been soundly defeated in 1920, sporadic violence
continued for the entire duration of British occupation. To make matters worse, Italy invaded and conquered Ethiopia in 1936,
whom the British had been using to help their effort to put down the Somali uprisings. Now with Ethiopia unavailable, the British
were faced with the option of doing the dirty work themselves, or packing up and looking for friendlier territory. By this time many
thousand Italian immigrants were living in Romanesque villas on extensive plantations in the south. On May 9 1936, Mussolini
proclaimed the creation of the Italian Empire, calling it the "Africa Orientale Italiana" (A.O.I.) and formed by Ethiopia, Eritrea and
Italian Somalia. Many investments in infrastructure were made by the Italians in their Empire, like the Strada Imperiale ("imperial
road") between Addis Abeba and Mogadishu. Italian hegemony of Somalia was short-lived, because of World War II. At the start
of the war, Mussolini realized he would have to concentrate his resources primarily on the home front to survive the Allied onslaught.
The Italians conquered the British Somaliland in August 1940, but the British were able to totally reconquer Somalia by 1941.
Italian officers organized an Italian guerrilla with Italian colonial troops, that lasted in Somalia from the end of 1941 to spring 1943.
After the war, the British gradually relaxed military control of Somalia, and attempted to introduce democracy, and numerous native
Somalian political parties sprang into existence. In 1948 a commission led by representatives of the victorious Allied nations wanted
to decide the Somali question once and for all. They made one particular decision, granting Ogaden to Ethiopia, which would spark
war decades later. After months of vaciliations and eventually turning the debate over to the United Nations, in 1949 it was decided
that in recognition of its genuine economic improvements to the country, Italy would retain a nominal trusteeship of Somalia for the
next 10 years, after which it would gain full independence. Although Somalis had received their primary political education under
British and post-war Italian tutelage, the virulently anti-Imperialist parties rejected the European's advice whole cloth, and threw
their lot in with the Soviet Union and the People's Republic of China. The stage was set for a coup d'état, but the event that
precipitated the coup was unplanned. On 15 October 1969, a bodyguard killed president Shermarke while prime minister Igaal was
out of the country. The country was renamed the Somali Democratic Republic. By September 1977 Mogadishu controlled 100
percent of the Ogaden and had followed retreating Ethiopian forces into non-Somali regions of Harerge, Bale, and Sidamo. In May
of 1991, the northern portion of the country declared its independence as Somaliland; although de facto independent and relatively
stable compared to the tumultuous south, it has not been recognized by any foreign government. Starting in May 2006 with the
Second Battle of Mogadishu, civil war wracked Somalia as the Islamic Courts Union (ICU) fought with warlords, including the
Alliance for the Restoration of Peace and Counter-Terrorism (ARPCT), pirates, other separatists of Jubaland and Puntland, the
internationally-backed Transitional Federal Government (TFG) and Ethiopian troops to bring unity, security and Sharia law to
Somalia. On June 5, 2006 forces associated with the Islamic Court Union claimed to have taken control of Mogadishu. On
December 20, 2006, active fighting broke out between the ICU and Ethiopia in the Battle of Baidoa. The ICU considered the
conflict a jihad. Ethiopia was allied with the TFG and Puntland in its counterattacks against the ICU. The ICU troops and technicals
proved no match to Ethiopia's tanks and aircraft and on 26 December, the ICU was forced to retreat to Mogadishu.
Source: Wikipedia: History of Somalia
| ECONOMIC OVERVIEW |
Despite the lack of effective national governance, Somalia has maintained a healthy informal economy, largely based on livestock,
remittance/money transfer companies, and telecommunications. Agriculture is the most important sector with livestock normally
accounting for about 40% of GDP and more than 50% of export earnings. Nomads and semi-pastoralists, who are dependent upon
livestock for their livelihood, make up a large portion of the population. Livestock, hides, fish, charcoal, and bananas are Somalia's
principal exports, while sugar, sorghum, corn, qat, and machined goods are the principal imports. Somalia's small industrial sector,
based on the processing of agricultural products, has largely been looted and the machinery sold as scrap metal. Somalia's service
sector also has grown. Telecommunication firms provide wireless services in most major cities and offer the lowest international call
rates on the continent. In the absence of a formal banking sector, money transfer/remittance services have sprouted throughout the
country, handling up to $1.6 billion in remittances annually. Mogadishu's main market offers a variety of goods from food to the
newest electronic gadgets. Hotels continue to operate and are supported with private-security militias. Due to armed attacks on and
threats to humanitarian aid workers, the World Food Programme partially suspended its operations in southern Somalia in early
January 2010 pending improvement in the security situation. Somalia's arrears to the IMF have continued to grow.
Source: CIA World Factbook (select Somalia)
remittance/money transfer companies, and telecommunications. Agriculture is the most important sector with livestock normally
accounting for about 40% of GDP and more than 50% of export earnings. Nomads and semi-pastoralists, who are dependent upon
livestock for their livelihood, make up a large portion of the population. Livestock, hides, fish, charcoal, and bananas are Somalia's
principal exports, while sugar, sorghum, corn, qat, and machined goods are the principal imports. Somalia's small industrial sector,
based on the processing of agricultural products, has largely been looted and the machinery sold as scrap metal. Somalia's service
sector also has grown. Telecommunication firms provide wireless services in most major cities and offer the lowest international call
rates on the continent. In the absence of a formal banking sector, money transfer/remittance services have sprouted throughout the
country, handling up to $1.6 billion in remittances annually. Mogadishu's main market offers a variety of goods from food to the
newest electronic gadgets. Hotels continue to operate and are supported with private-security militias. Due to armed attacks on and
threats to humanitarian aid workers, the World Food Programme partially suspended its operations in southern Somalia in early
January 2010 pending improvement in the security situation. Somalia's arrears to the IMF have continued to grow.
Source: CIA World Factbook (select Somalia)
| POLITICAL CLIMATE |
Somalia had no central functioning government following the United Somali Congress (USC) ouster of Major General Mohamed
Siad Barre on January 27, 1991. The political situation of the Somali Civil War has been marked by chaos, interclan fighting,
random banditry, internecine warfare between proto-governments and resistance to the state. The breakaway states such as
Somaliland and Puntland put together functional regional governance. In the rest of the country there are a wide range of
semi-functional governments and anarchic conditions under various warlords.
In 2000, the international community recognised the Transitional National Government, originally headed by Abdulkassim Salat
Hassan, as the government for the entire country. The government only recently was able to enter the capital because of the violence
(see Fall of Mogadishu).
On October 14, 2004 Somali members of parliament elected warlord Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed, previously president of Puntland, to
be the next president. He appointed a cabinet led by Prime Minister Ali Mohamed Ghedi. Because of the situation in Mogadishu,
the election was held in a sports centre in Nairobi, Kenya. Yusuf was elected transitional President by Somalia's transitional
parliament. He won 189 of the 275 votes from members of parliament. The session of Parliament was also held in neighbouring
Kenya. His government is recognized by most western nations as legitimate, although his actual authority is still limited.
On 16 December 2008, Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed appointed a new prime minister -- but the previous prime minister is refusing to
accept his dismissal. The Somali parliament on Monday backed Nur Hassan Hussein, who has been prime minister for about 13
months, in his power struggle with the president.
The president named Mohamed Mohamud Guled, a close ally of the transitional federal government, as the new Somali prime
minister. The appointment was not recognized by the Transitional National Assembly and forced the resignation of both Guled and
Ahmed on 29 December 2008. On 31 January 2009 President Ahmed was replaced by Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed. He named
Omar Abdirashid Ali Sharmarke as Prime Minister but continuous friction between them led to Sharif replacing Sharmarke with
Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed, a New York based American professor, on 14 October 2010.
Source: Wikipedia: Politics of Somalia
Siad Barre on January 27, 1991. The political situation of the Somali Civil War has been marked by chaos, interclan fighting,
random banditry, internecine warfare between proto-governments and resistance to the state. The breakaway states such as
Somaliland and Puntland put together functional regional governance. In the rest of the country there are a wide range of
semi-functional governments and anarchic conditions under various warlords.
In 2000, the international community recognised the Transitional National Government, originally headed by Abdulkassim Salat
Hassan, as the government for the entire country. The government only recently was able to enter the capital because of the violence
(see Fall of Mogadishu).
On October 14, 2004 Somali members of parliament elected warlord Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed, previously president of Puntland, to
be the next president. He appointed a cabinet led by Prime Minister Ali Mohamed Ghedi. Because of the situation in Mogadishu,
the election was held in a sports centre in Nairobi, Kenya. Yusuf was elected transitional President by Somalia's transitional
parliament. He won 189 of the 275 votes from members of parliament. The session of Parliament was also held in neighbouring
Kenya. His government is recognized by most western nations as legitimate, although his actual authority is still limited.
On 16 December 2008, Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed appointed a new prime minister -- but the previous prime minister is refusing to
accept his dismissal. The Somali parliament on Monday backed Nur Hassan Hussein, who has been prime minister for about 13
months, in his power struggle with the president.
The president named Mohamed Mohamud Guled, a close ally of the transitional federal government, as the new Somali prime
minister. The appointment was not recognized by the Transitional National Assembly and forced the resignation of both Guled and
Ahmed on 29 December 2008. On 31 January 2009 President Ahmed was replaced by Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed. He named
Omar Abdirashid Ali Sharmarke as Prime Minister but continuous friction between them led to Sharif replacing Sharmarke with
Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed, a New York based American professor, on 14 October 2010.
Source: Wikipedia: Politics of Somalia
| INTERNATIONAL DISPUTES |
Ethiopian forces invaded southern Somalia and routed Islamist Courts from Mogadishu in January 2007; "Somaliland" secessionists
provide port facilities in Berbera to landlocked Ethiopia and have established commercial ties with other regional states; "Puntland"
and "Somaliland" "governments" seek international support in their secessionist aspirations and overlapping border claims; the
undemarcated former British administrative line has little meaning as a political separation to rival clans within Ethiopia's Ogaden and
southern Somalia's Oromo region; Kenya works hard to prevent the clan and militia fighting in Somalia from spreading south across
the border, which has long been open to nomadic pastoralists
provide port facilities in Berbera to landlocked Ethiopia and have established commercial ties with other regional states; "Puntland"
and "Somaliland" "governments" seek international support in their secessionist aspirations and overlapping border claims; the
undemarcated former British administrative line has little meaning as a political separation to rival clans within Ethiopia's Ogaden and
southern Somalia's Oromo region; Kenya works hard to prevent the clan and militia fighting in Somalia from spreading south across
the border, which has long been open to nomadic pastoralists
| REFUGEES AND INTERNALLY DISPLACED PERSONS (IDPS) |
IDPs: 1.1 million (civil war since 1988, clan-based competition for resources) (2007)
| ILLICIT DRUGS |
None reported.
| HUMAN RIGHTS STATEMENTS, ANALYSIS AND CRITIQUES |
2009 Human Rights Reports: Somalia
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
March 11, 2010
Somalia* has an estimated population of seven million. The territory, which was recognized as the Somali state from 1960 to 1991, was
fragmented into regions led in whole or in part by three distinct entities: the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) in Mogadishu; the
self-declared Republic of Somaliland in the northwest; and the semiautonomous region of Puntland in the northeast. The TFG was
formed in late 2004, with a five-year transitional mandate to establish permanent, representative governmental institutions and organize
national elections. In January an expanded Transitional Federal Parliament (TFP) extended the TFG's mandate until August 2011. For the
first time, the Transitional Federal Institutions were all located in Mogadishu after the TFP relocated from Baidoa in February.
A political process to establish peace and stability in the country progressed as the TFG and the Alliance for the Reliberation of Somalia
continued to implement the terms of the Djibouti Agreement, signed in August 2008; however, significant problems remained. The
withdrawal of Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF) opened the political space for elections and the establishment of a new TFG
administration led by President Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed. The TFG assumed control of some of the strategic positions in Mogadishu
formerly occupied by ENDF personnel, but other antigovernment groups, including al-Shabaab, moved into many of the former ENDF
sites in the South Central Somalia. Fighting by TFG troops, allied militias, and African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) forces
against antigovernment forces, terrorist groups, and extremist elements increased and resulted in widespread human rights abuses,
including the killing of thousands of civilians (estimates vary widely), the displacement of more than one million persons, and widespread
property damage, particularly in Mogadishu. The larger clans had armed militias at their disposal, and personal quarrels and clan disputes
frequently escalated into killings. Targeted assassinations continued. While roadside bombings became less frequent, there was an
increase in suicide bombings reported during the year. There were eight suicide bombings that targeted TFG officials and offices and
AMISOM installations. Civilian authorities allied with the TFG gained some control over security forces in Mogadishu but did not
maintain effective control of the security forces in other areas. Elected civilian authorities in Somaliland and Puntland maintained
significantly more control over security forces in their respective regions.
The TFG's respect for human rights improved. It appointed a human rights focal point and participated in international efforts to
encourage better human rights practices; however, the poor human rights situation deteriorated further during the year, especially in the
areas controlled by al-Shabaab and allied extremist groups. Also contributing to the worsening picture was the absence of effective
governance institutions and rule of law, the widespread availability of small arms and other light weapons, and continued conflicts. As a
consequence, citizens were unable to change their government through peaceful, democratic means. Human rights abuses included
unlawful and politically motivated killings; kidnappings; torture, rape, amputations, and beatings; official impunity; harsh and
life-threatening prison conditions; and arbitrary arrest and detention. In part due to the absence of functioning institutions, perpetrators of
human rights abuses were rarely punished. Denial of fair trial and limited privacy rights were problems, and there were restrictions on
freedoms of speech, press, assembly, association, religion, and movement. Discrimination and violence against women, including rape;
female genital mutilation; child abuse; recruitment of child soldiers; trafficking in persons; abuse of and discrimination against clan and
religious minorities; restrictions on workers' rights; forced labor, including by children; and child labor were also problems.
According to Mogadishu-based human rights organizations, the TFG showed some improvements in its human rights practices: it was
not responsible for politically motivated killings, executions, or disappearances. Allegations against its security forces decreased, and its
police and prison personnel were generally responsive on human rights problems. This improvement occurred amid an overall
deterioration in the human rights situation of the country, including in Somaliland and Puntland.
In a July report, the international nongovernmental organization (NGO) Human Rights Watch stated that the "Somaliland administration
committed human rights violations and generated a dangerous electoral crisis."
In March 2008 the UN Independent Expert on the Situation of Human Rights in Somalia (UNIE) noted that despite the overall
deteriorated situation, incremental improvements in human rights awareness were taking place in some areas of the country. UNIE's
September 17 report to the UN General Assembly accused extremist groups of fueling violence by dashing opportunities for peace
presented by the Djibouti peace process and the withdrawal of ENDF personnel, and by not taking advantage of the opening provided by
the TFG's adoption of Shari'a (Islamic law).
Members of antigovernment groups, extremist groups, and terrorist organizations like al-Shabaab, some of whose members were
affiliated with al-Qa'ida, committed an increasing number of egregious human rights violations, including killings of TFG members and
civilians; kidnappings and disappearances; attacks on journalists, aid workers, civil society leaders, and human rights activists;
restrictions on freedom of movement; and displacement of civilians.
Click here to read more »
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
March 11, 2010
Somalia* has an estimated population of seven million. The territory, which was recognized as the Somali state from 1960 to 1991, was
fragmented into regions led in whole or in part by three distinct entities: the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) in Mogadishu; the
self-declared Republic of Somaliland in the northwest; and the semiautonomous region of Puntland in the northeast. The TFG was
formed in late 2004, with a five-year transitional mandate to establish permanent, representative governmental institutions and organize
national elections. In January an expanded Transitional Federal Parliament (TFP) extended the TFG's mandate until August 2011. For the
first time, the Transitional Federal Institutions were all located in Mogadishu after the TFP relocated from Baidoa in February.
A political process to establish peace and stability in the country progressed as the TFG and the Alliance for the Reliberation of Somalia
continued to implement the terms of the Djibouti Agreement, signed in August 2008; however, significant problems remained. The
withdrawal of Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF) opened the political space for elections and the establishment of a new TFG
administration led by President Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed. The TFG assumed control of some of the strategic positions in Mogadishu
formerly occupied by ENDF personnel, but other antigovernment groups, including al-Shabaab, moved into many of the former ENDF
sites in the South Central Somalia. Fighting by TFG troops, allied militias, and African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) forces
against antigovernment forces, terrorist groups, and extremist elements increased and resulted in widespread human rights abuses,
including the killing of thousands of civilians (estimates vary widely), the displacement of more than one million persons, and widespread
property damage, particularly in Mogadishu. The larger clans had armed militias at their disposal, and personal quarrels and clan disputes
frequently escalated into killings. Targeted assassinations continued. While roadside bombings became less frequent, there was an
increase in suicide bombings reported during the year. There were eight suicide bombings that targeted TFG officials and offices and
AMISOM installations. Civilian authorities allied with the TFG gained some control over security forces in Mogadishu but did not
maintain effective control of the security forces in other areas. Elected civilian authorities in Somaliland and Puntland maintained
significantly more control over security forces in their respective regions.
The TFG's respect for human rights improved. It appointed a human rights focal point and participated in international efforts to
encourage better human rights practices; however, the poor human rights situation deteriorated further during the year, especially in the
areas controlled by al-Shabaab and allied extremist groups. Also contributing to the worsening picture was the absence of effective
governance institutions and rule of law, the widespread availability of small arms and other light weapons, and continued conflicts. As a
consequence, citizens were unable to change their government through peaceful, democratic means. Human rights abuses included
unlawful and politically motivated killings; kidnappings; torture, rape, amputations, and beatings; official impunity; harsh and
life-threatening prison conditions; and arbitrary arrest and detention. In part due to the absence of functioning institutions, perpetrators of
human rights abuses were rarely punished. Denial of fair trial and limited privacy rights were problems, and there were restrictions on
freedoms of speech, press, assembly, association, religion, and movement. Discrimination and violence against women, including rape;
female genital mutilation; child abuse; recruitment of child soldiers; trafficking in persons; abuse of and discrimination against clan and
religious minorities; restrictions on workers' rights; forced labor, including by children; and child labor were also problems.
According to Mogadishu-based human rights organizations, the TFG showed some improvements in its human rights practices: it was
not responsible for politically motivated killings, executions, or disappearances. Allegations against its security forces decreased, and its
police and prison personnel were generally responsive on human rights problems. This improvement occurred amid an overall
deterioration in the human rights situation of the country, including in Somaliland and Puntland.
In a July report, the international nongovernmental organization (NGO) Human Rights Watch stated that the "Somaliland administration
committed human rights violations and generated a dangerous electoral crisis."
In March 2008 the UN Independent Expert on the Situation of Human Rights in Somalia (UNIE) noted that despite the overall
deteriorated situation, incremental improvements in human rights awareness were taking place in some areas of the country. UNIE's
September 17 report to the UN General Assembly accused extremist groups of fueling violence by dashing opportunities for peace
presented by the Djibouti peace process and the withdrawal of ENDF personnel, and by not taking advantage of the opening provided by
the TFG's adoption of Shari'a (Islamic law).
Members of antigovernment groups, extremist groups, and terrorist organizations like al-Shabaab, some of whose members were
affiliated with al-Qa'ida, committed an increasing number of egregious human rights violations, including killings of TFG members and
civilians; kidnappings and disappearances; attacks on journalists, aid workers, civil society leaders, and human rights activists;
restrictions on freedom of movement; and displacement of civilians.
Click here to read more »
UN experts condemn “brutal summary execution” of teenage girls in Somalia
GENEVA (11 November 2010)
Six independent UN experts* on Thursday condemned the recent public execution, by firing squad, of two teenage girls in central
Somalia, saying the executions are the latest manifestation of the “appalling human rights crisis that is plaguing the country.”
“We were horrified to learn of the public execution, reportedly carried out by Al-Shabaab insurgents on 27 October in front of hundreds
of residents in Beledweyne,” the experts said. “We join the Somali people in condemning, in the strongest terms, these latest brutal
summary executions of two young women convicted without any semblance of due process.”
The six experts called on the parties to the conflict “to immediately refrain from committing acts of extrajudicial executions, torture,
stonings, decapitation, amputations and floggings as well as other human rights violations, including with regard to freedom of religion.”
The six UN experts, who are appointed by the UN Human Rights Council, said they were deeply concerned that “groups such as Al-
Shabaab are taking Somalia back into the stone age.”
“In Mogadishu and in southern and central regions, judicial institutions have ceased to function,” the experts said, noting that human
rights organizations have received credible reports that “in areas controlled by insurgent groups, ad hoc tribunals are judging and
sentencing civilians to cruel and inhuman punishments, without proper due process, in violation of both Somali and international human
rights law.”
They called on all parties to respect their obligations and to protect civilians, noting that “all parties in the conflict are bound to comply
with the terms of the Geneva Conventions of 1949 and of customary international humanitarian law, especially Common article 3 which
prohibits violence to life and person -- in particular murder of all kinds, mutilation, cruel treatment and torture.”
In Mogadishu, regular indiscriminate attacks in which heavy artillery, mortars, rocket-propelled grenades, heavy machine guns and
roadside bombs have been used, as well as targeted assassinations, have caused thousands of deaths and wounded, as well as
destruction of property with whole neighborhoods razed to the ground.
The Independent Expert on Somalia, Shamsul Bari, also pointed to constant reports of sexual and gender-based violence, including rape
and female genital mutilation, as well as forced child marriages and the lack of educational opportunities for young girls and boys.
“Sexual violence continues to rise, not only among the approximately 1.4 million people displaced inside the country, but in other parts of
Somali society,” Bari said.
Click here to read more »
GENEVA (11 November 2010)
Six independent UN experts* on Thursday condemned the recent public execution, by firing squad, of two teenage girls in central
Somalia, saying the executions are the latest manifestation of the “appalling human rights crisis that is plaguing the country.”
“We were horrified to learn of the public execution, reportedly carried out by Al-Shabaab insurgents on 27 October in front of hundreds
of residents in Beledweyne,” the experts said. “We join the Somali people in condemning, in the strongest terms, these latest brutal
summary executions of two young women convicted without any semblance of due process.”
The six experts called on the parties to the conflict “to immediately refrain from committing acts of extrajudicial executions, torture,
stonings, decapitation, amputations and floggings as well as other human rights violations, including with regard to freedom of religion.”
The six UN experts, who are appointed by the UN Human Rights Council, said they were deeply concerned that “groups such as Al-
Shabaab are taking Somalia back into the stone age.”
“In Mogadishu and in southern and central regions, judicial institutions have ceased to function,” the experts said, noting that human
rights organizations have received credible reports that “in areas controlled by insurgent groups, ad hoc tribunals are judging and
sentencing civilians to cruel and inhuman punishments, without proper due process, in violation of both Somali and international human
rights law.”
They called on all parties to respect their obligations and to protect civilians, noting that “all parties in the conflict are bound to comply
with the terms of the Geneva Conventions of 1949 and of customary international humanitarian law, especially Common article 3 which
prohibits violence to life and person -- in particular murder of all kinds, mutilation, cruel treatment and torture.”
In Mogadishu, regular indiscriminate attacks in which heavy artillery, mortars, rocket-propelled grenades, heavy machine guns and
roadside bombs have been used, as well as targeted assassinations, have caused thousands of deaths and wounded, as well as
destruction of property with whole neighborhoods razed to the ground.
The Independent Expert on Somalia, Shamsul Bari, also pointed to constant reports of sexual and gender-based violence, including rape
and female genital mutilation, as well as forced child marriages and the lack of educational opportunities for young girls and boys.
“Sexual violence continues to rise, not only among the approximately 1.4 million people displaced inside the country, but in other parts of
Somali society,” Bari said.
Click here to read more »
Freedom in the World 2011: The Authoritarian Challenge to Democracy
Washington, D.C
January 13, 2011
Global freedom suffered its fifth consecutive year of decline in 2010, according to Freedom in the World 2011, Freedom House’s annual
assessment of political rights and civil liberties around the world. This represents the longest continuous period of decline in the nearly
40-year history of the survey. The year featured drops in the number of Free countries and the number of electoral democracies, as well
as an overall deterioration for freedom in the Middle East and North Africa region.
A total of 25 countries showed significant declines in 2010, more than double the 11 countries exhibiting noteworthy gains. The number
of countries designated as Free fell from 89 to 87, and the number of electoral democracies dropped to 115, far below the 2005 figure of
123. In addition, authoritarian regimes like those in China, Egypt, Iran, Russia, and Venezuela continued to step up repressive measures
with little significant resistance from the democratic world.
“This should be a wake-up call for all of the world’s democracies,” said David J. Kramer, executive director of Freedom House. “Our
adversaries are not just engaging in widespread repression, they are doing so with unprecedented aggressiveness and self-confidence,
and the democratic community is not rising to the challenge.”
Published annually since 1972, Freedom in the World examines the ability of individuals to exercise their political and civil rights in 194
countries and 14 territories around the world. The latest edition analyzes developments that occurred in 2010 and assigns each country a
freedom status—Free, Partly Free, or Not Free—based on a scoring of performance on key democracy indicators.
Four countries received status declines, including Ukraine and Mexico, which both fell from Free to Partly Free. Mexico’s downgrade
was a result of the government’s inability to stem the tide of violence by drug-trafficking groups, while Ukraine suffered from
deteriorating levels of press freedom, instances of election fraud, and growing politicization of the judiciary. Djibouti and Ethiopia were
downgraded from Partly Free to Not Free. Other countries showing declines included Bahrain, Côte d’Ivoire, Egypt, France, Sri Lanka,
and Venezuela.
The Middle East and North Africa remained the region with the lowest level of freedom in 2010, continuing its multiyear decline from an
already-low democratic baseline.
“It is often observed that a government that mistreats its people also fears its people,” said Arch Puddington, director of research at
Freedom House. “But authoritarian regimes will have a much freer hand to silence their domestic critics if there is no resistance from the
outside world. Indeed, if the world’s democracies fail to unite and speak out in defense of their own values, despots will continue to gain
momentum.”
Immigration policies were a topic of concern this year in many countries, including those in Western Europe and the United States.
France saw a decline in its civil liberties score due to its treatment of Roma from Eastern Europe as well as its problems in coping with
immigrants from the Middle East and North Africa.
There were a few bright spots in the survey, including status improvements from Not Free to Partly Free for Kyrgyzstan and Guinea
after both countries held comparatively free and fair elections, and ratings improvements for Kenya, Moldova, Nigeria, the Philippines,
and Tanzania.
Key global findings:
Worst of the Worst:
Of the 47 countries ranked Not Free, nine countries and one territory received the survey’s lowest possible rating for both political rights
and civil liberties: Burma, Equatorial Guinea, Eritrea, Libya, North Korea, Somalia, Sudan, Tibet, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan.
Click here to read more»;
Washington, D.C
January 13, 2011
Global freedom suffered its fifth consecutive year of decline in 2010, according to Freedom in the World 2011, Freedom House’s annual
assessment of political rights and civil liberties around the world. This represents the longest continuous period of decline in the nearly
40-year history of the survey. The year featured drops in the number of Free countries and the number of electoral democracies, as well
as an overall deterioration for freedom in the Middle East and North Africa region.
A total of 25 countries showed significant declines in 2010, more than double the 11 countries exhibiting noteworthy gains. The number
of countries designated as Free fell from 89 to 87, and the number of electoral democracies dropped to 115, far below the 2005 figure of
123. In addition, authoritarian regimes like those in China, Egypt, Iran, Russia, and Venezuela continued to step up repressive measures
with little significant resistance from the democratic world.
“This should be a wake-up call for all of the world’s democracies,” said David J. Kramer, executive director of Freedom House. “Our
adversaries are not just engaging in widespread repression, they are doing so with unprecedented aggressiveness and self-confidence,
and the democratic community is not rising to the challenge.”
Published annually since 1972, Freedom in the World examines the ability of individuals to exercise their political and civil rights in 194
countries and 14 territories around the world. The latest edition analyzes developments that occurred in 2010 and assigns each country a
freedom status—Free, Partly Free, or Not Free—based on a scoring of performance on key democracy indicators.
Four countries received status declines, including Ukraine and Mexico, which both fell from Free to Partly Free. Mexico’s downgrade
was a result of the government’s inability to stem the tide of violence by drug-trafficking groups, while Ukraine suffered from
deteriorating levels of press freedom, instances of election fraud, and growing politicization of the judiciary. Djibouti and Ethiopia were
downgraded from Partly Free to Not Free. Other countries showing declines included Bahrain, Côte d’Ivoire, Egypt, France, Sri Lanka,
and Venezuela.
The Middle East and North Africa remained the region with the lowest level of freedom in 2010, continuing its multiyear decline from an
already-low democratic baseline.
“It is often observed that a government that mistreats its people also fears its people,” said Arch Puddington, director of research at
Freedom House. “But authoritarian regimes will have a much freer hand to silence their domestic critics if there is no resistance from the
outside world. Indeed, if the world’s democracies fail to unite and speak out in defense of their own values, despots will continue to gain
momentum.”
Immigration policies were a topic of concern this year in many countries, including those in Western Europe and the United States.
France saw a decline in its civil liberties score due to its treatment of Roma from Eastern Europe as well as its problems in coping with
immigrants from the Middle East and North Africa.
There were a few bright spots in the survey, including status improvements from Not Free to Partly Free for Kyrgyzstan and Guinea
after both countries held comparatively free and fair elections, and ratings improvements for Kenya, Moldova, Nigeria, the Philippines,
and Tanzania.
Key global findings:
Worst of the Worst:
Of the 47 countries ranked Not Free, nine countries and one territory received the survey’s lowest possible rating for both political rights
and civil liberties: Burma, Equatorial Guinea, Eritrea, Libya, North Korea, Somalia, Sudan, Tibet, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan.
Click here to read more»;
Kenya: Somali refugees need protection not abuse
8 December 2010
Kenya’s violations of the human rights of Somali refugees and asylum-seekers are putting thousands of lives at risk, Amnesty
International said in a report released today.
From life without peace to peace without life describes how thousands fleeing violence in Somalia are unable to find refuge, protection
and lasting solutions in Kenya, due to the closure of the border between the two countries almost four years ago amid security concerns.
“Continued fighting and horrendous abuses in Somalia pose a very real threat to the lives of tens of thousands of children, women and
men. No Somali should be forcibly returned to southern and central Somalia,” said Michelle Kagari, Africa Programme Deputy Director
at Amnesty International.
Last month around 8000 Somali refugees who had fled across the border into Kenya from the Somali town of Belet Hawo following
intense fighting there, were ordered to return to Somalia by the Kenyan authorities. Moreover, Kenyan police then forced about 3,000 of
them further into Somalia, where they continue to be at risk of grave human rights abuses.
According to media reports as yet unverified by Amnesty International, hundreds of Somalis were recently detained in a mass police
operation targeting foreigners across Nairobi.
“Many Somalis have no option but to cross into Kenya. Kenya’s closure of the screening centre near the border however means no
Somali is registered immediately and that nobody is screened. Inevitably, this does nothing to address Kenya’s national security
concerns” said Michelle Kagari.
Following a surge in violence in December 2006, Kenya closed its 682 kilometre border with Somalia, maintaining that fighters with
alleged links to al-Qa'ida might otherwise enter Kenya and endanger national security.
However, because of the border’s porousness, Somalis have continued to flee and seek refuge in Kenya. The Kenyan authorities have
turned a blind eye to the continuous flow of Somali asylum-seekers across the border, calling into question what impact, if any, the
closure has had on the security situation.
In a meeting with Amnesty International in March 2010, Kenya’s Minister of State for Immigration admitted “the closure of the border
does not help. We would be better to screen them [Somali asylum seekers] so that we can know who they are.”
Click here to read more »
8 December 2010
Kenya’s violations of the human rights of Somali refugees and asylum-seekers are putting thousands of lives at risk, Amnesty
International said in a report released today.
From life without peace to peace without life describes how thousands fleeing violence in Somalia are unable to find refuge, protection
and lasting solutions in Kenya, due to the closure of the border between the two countries almost four years ago amid security concerns.
“Continued fighting and horrendous abuses in Somalia pose a very real threat to the lives of tens of thousands of children, women and
men. No Somali should be forcibly returned to southern and central Somalia,” said Michelle Kagari, Africa Programme Deputy Director
at Amnesty International.
Last month around 8000 Somali refugees who had fled across the border into Kenya from the Somali town of Belet Hawo following
intense fighting there, were ordered to return to Somalia by the Kenyan authorities. Moreover, Kenyan police then forced about 3,000 of
them further into Somalia, where they continue to be at risk of grave human rights abuses.
According to media reports as yet unverified by Amnesty International, hundreds of Somalis were recently detained in a mass police
operation targeting foreigners across Nairobi.
“Many Somalis have no option but to cross into Kenya. Kenya’s closure of the screening centre near the border however means no
Somali is registered immediately and that nobody is screened. Inevitably, this does nothing to address Kenya’s national security
concerns” said Michelle Kagari.
Following a surge in violence in December 2006, Kenya closed its 682 kilometre border with Somalia, maintaining that fighters with
alleged links to al-Qa'ida might otherwise enter Kenya and endanger national security.
However, because of the border’s porousness, Somalis have continued to flee and seek refuge in Kenya. The Kenyan authorities have
turned a blind eye to the continuous flow of Somali asylum-seekers across the border, calling into question what impact, if any, the
closure has had on the security situation.
In a meeting with Amnesty International in March 2010, Kenya’s Minister of State for Immigration admitted “the closure of the border
does not help. We would be better to screen them [Somali asylum seekers] so that we can know who they are.”
Click here to read more »
Kenya: Stop Deportations to War-Torn Somalia
Government Should Clarify Policy on Somalis Fleeing Violence and Persecution
December 7, 2010
(Nairobi) - The Kenyan government should immediately stop deporting Somali nationals to war-torn Somalia and make a public
commitment to protect and help them, Human Rights Watch said today. The Kenyan authorities deported almost 300 Somalis to
south-central Somalia on November 15, 29, and 30, 2010, in violation of international law.
Credible sources and witnesses to the deportations on November 29 and 30 told Human Rights Watch that police in the Kenyan border
town of Liboi used pickup trucks to drive 130 Somali asylum seekers back to the Somali border. On November 15, Kenya also deported
from Liboi 140 Somalis who had been serving prison sentences in Mombasa for unlawful presence in Kenya. The vast majority of
Somalis seeking asylum in Kenya pass through Liboi.
"Kenyan officials are flagrantly violating Somalis' right not to be returned to a place where their lives are at grave risk," said Gerry
Simpson, senior refugee researcher for Human Rights Watch. "The Kenyan government needs to send a clear message to provincial and
local authorities that Somalis must not be deported to their war-torn country."
The 130 asylum seekers who were returned on November 29 and 30 had arrived in Liboi during the week of November 22. They were
unable to continue to the nearby Dadaab refugee camps -which shelter almost 300,000 refugees - in part because there were no vehicles
to take them there. The United Nations refugee agency (UNHCR) has given the Kenyan Department of Refugee Affairs (DRA) one truck
to help drive asylum seekers from Liboi to the camps, but for reasons that remain unclear, the truck was unavailable.
A day or two before the November 29 deportations, the district commissioner responsible for Kenya's Lagdera District, which includes
Liboi and the Dadaab camps, traveled to Liboi to meet with security officials and gave the go-ahead for the deportations.
In June, Human Rights Watch reported that during 2009 and the first half of 2010, Kenya regularly returned dozens of Somali asylum
seekers - most of them women and children - to south-central Somalia. Somalia is currently in the throes of one of its worst crises in
nearly 20 years of conflict, and the human rights situation is critical. Continuous fighting between militant Islamist groups and the
Transitional Federal Government rages in Somalia's capital, Mogadishu, with all parties contributing to indiscriminate attacks on civilians.
Click here to read more »
Government Should Clarify Policy on Somalis Fleeing Violence and Persecution
December 7, 2010
(Nairobi) - The Kenyan government should immediately stop deporting Somali nationals to war-torn Somalia and make a public
commitment to protect and help them, Human Rights Watch said today. The Kenyan authorities deported almost 300 Somalis to
south-central Somalia on November 15, 29, and 30, 2010, in violation of international law.
Credible sources and witnesses to the deportations on November 29 and 30 told Human Rights Watch that police in the Kenyan border
town of Liboi used pickup trucks to drive 130 Somali asylum seekers back to the Somali border. On November 15, Kenya also deported
from Liboi 140 Somalis who had been serving prison sentences in Mombasa for unlawful presence in Kenya. The vast majority of
Somalis seeking asylum in Kenya pass through Liboi.
"Kenyan officials are flagrantly violating Somalis' right not to be returned to a place where their lives are at grave risk," said Gerry
Simpson, senior refugee researcher for Human Rights Watch. "The Kenyan government needs to send a clear message to provincial and
local authorities that Somalis must not be deported to their war-torn country."
The 130 asylum seekers who were returned on November 29 and 30 had arrived in Liboi during the week of November 22. They were
unable to continue to the nearby Dadaab refugee camps -which shelter almost 300,000 refugees - in part because there were no vehicles
to take them there. The United Nations refugee agency (UNHCR) has given the Kenyan Department of Refugee Affairs (DRA) one truck
to help drive asylum seekers from Liboi to the camps, but for reasons that remain unclear, the truck was unavailable.
A day or two before the November 29 deportations, the district commissioner responsible for Kenya's Lagdera District, which includes
Liboi and the Dadaab camps, traveled to Liboi to meet with security officials and gave the go-ahead for the deportations.
In June, Human Rights Watch reported that during 2009 and the first half of 2010, Kenya regularly returned dozens of Somali asylum
seekers - most of them women and children - to south-central Somalia. Somalia is currently in the throes of one of its worst crises in
nearly 20 years of conflict, and the human rights situation is critical. Continuous fighting between militant Islamist groups and the
Transitional Federal Government rages in Somalia's capital, Mogadishu, with all parties contributing to indiscriminate attacks on civilians.
Click here to read more »
Somali government says dissolution of parliament claim baseless
January 31, 2011
Somali President's office on Sunday dismissed as unfounded claims in some local media that the country's leader dissolved the national
parliament.
The reports of an alleged decree by the Somali President Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed dismissing the national parliament surfaced
following Ahmed's departure for the African Union summit in the Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa on Saturday.
"There have been rumors of fabricated reports flying around these days that the President of the Somali Republic Sheikh Sharif Sheikh
Ahmed has dissolved the Transitional Parliament of Somalia, " said a statement from the Somali Presidency in Mogadishu.
"These baseless and unfounded statements are designed to drive a wedge between the national institutions," it added.
The Somali president is currently attending the 16th AU summit being held in Addis Ababa with Somalia expected to be among the top of
the agenda.
There have been previous differences over policy between the Speaker of the parliament and the president but that had since been
resolved and the two top leaders were close.
The statement reiterated that the Somali president "stands for the upholding of the law and respects the parliament", adding that the
Somali leader understands the importance of the Parliament for the existence of Somali sovereignty.
The local media outlets that published the alleged presidential decree were told to be warned about "spreading fabricated news" which,
the statement said, create disagreements, conflict and political crises.
The Somali government's mandate will end in August and the international community spearheaded by the AU is concerned about the
looming end of the transitional period with none of the required tasks of the government finalized to pave the way for free and fair
elections.
The current national charter which was drawn in 2004 envisaged the drafting of a constitution, the conducting of census and the
completion of the peace process to include the opposition but none has been achieved so far. A number of attempts at drafting the
constitution were made but differences blocked its passage in parliament.
Click here to read more
January 31, 2011
Somali President's office on Sunday dismissed as unfounded claims in some local media that the country's leader dissolved the national
parliament.
The reports of an alleged decree by the Somali President Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed dismissing the national parliament surfaced
following Ahmed's departure for the African Union summit in the Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa on Saturday.
"There have been rumors of fabricated reports flying around these days that the President of the Somali Republic Sheikh Sharif Sheikh
Ahmed has dissolved the Transitional Parliament of Somalia, " said a statement from the Somali Presidency in Mogadishu.
"These baseless and unfounded statements are designed to drive a wedge between the national institutions," it added.
The Somali president is currently attending the 16th AU summit being held in Addis Ababa with Somalia expected to be among the top of
the agenda.
There have been previous differences over policy between the Speaker of the parliament and the president but that had since been
resolved and the two top leaders were close.
The statement reiterated that the Somali president "stands for the upholding of the law and respects the parliament", adding that the
Somali leader understands the importance of the Parliament for the existence of Somali sovereignty.
The local media outlets that published the alleged presidential decree were told to be warned about "spreading fabricated news" which,
the statement said, create disagreements, conflict and political crises.
The Somali government's mandate will end in August and the international community spearheaded by the AU is concerned about the
looming end of the transitional period with none of the required tasks of the government finalized to pave the way for free and fair
elections.
The current national charter which was drawn in 2004 envisaged the drafting of a constitution, the conducting of census and the
completion of the peace process to include the opposition but none has been achieved so far. A number of attempts at drafting the
constitution were made but differences blocked its passage in parliament.
Click here to read more
Time for a Genuine Western Leadership
Dr. Yusuf Dirir Ali
Monday, January 31, 2011
When the Tunisian and Egyptian populace took to the streets, the Western leaders suddenly realized that there was no turning back, they
jumped ship, denounced the actions of the security forces and severed decades-old friendships. They abruptly told the dictators; to
respect the will of their respective peoples. Thus, the Western leaders suddenly became the newly found friends of the Tunisian and
Egyptian peoples. To their credit, they also supported the succession of Southern Sudan from the North, these are not bad moves at all,
but it would have even been better if the Western political moves were premeditated years if not decades ago.
The Republic of Somaliland is another blind spot of the Western leaders that has the potentiality of further damaging their credibility in
this politically volatile part of the world. Somaliland gained its independence from Britain on June 26th, 1960. Somaliland was
immediately recognized by 36 member nations of the United Nations organization, but the euphoria of the Somaliland independence did
not last for too long.
Somaliland joined Somalia in a voluntary union; Somalia was a former Italian colony that became independent in July 1st, 1960.
Somaliland’s horrendous nightmare began on the very first day of the union, when Somalia ignored the rectification of the union by the
elected Somaliland National Assembly and all the other prior bilateral agreements of the union. Therefore, Somalia single handedly
decided to rob the independence and statehood of Somaliland. This unspeakable Somaliland nightmare continued for another thirty long
years of oppression followed by destruction, genocide and ethnic cleansing. This dreadful and unjust Somaliland history is well
documented in the UNO archives in New York and in Human Rights Watch files.
Similar to what was happening in Egypt and Tunisia, the Western World was supportive to Somalia and its ruthless dictator, Siad Barre,
who was responsible for the devastation of Somaliland and its people. To be precise, the USA was supplying arms to Siad Barre even at
the climax of the Somaliland genocide in 1988. The major European states didn’t even denounce the genocide and ethnic cleansing at that
time, but instead were channeling financial aid to the ruthless dictatorial regime of Siad Barre.
In the present day, Somaliland is an oasis of peace and democracy in the Horn of Africa, but not recognized as a country. Despite
twenty years of unfair and unjustifiable international denial of Somaliland’s historical, legal and moral rights for self-determination,
Somalilanders are not bitter and are cooperating with the international community. Somaliland is literally holding the gates against terror
and Sea piracy.
Click here to read more »
Dr. Yusuf Dirir Ali
Monday, January 31, 2011
When the Tunisian and Egyptian populace took to the streets, the Western leaders suddenly realized that there was no turning back, they
jumped ship, denounced the actions of the security forces and severed decades-old friendships. They abruptly told the dictators; to
respect the will of their respective peoples. Thus, the Western leaders suddenly became the newly found friends of the Tunisian and
Egyptian peoples. To their credit, they also supported the succession of Southern Sudan from the North, these are not bad moves at all,
but it would have even been better if the Western political moves were premeditated years if not decades ago.
The Republic of Somaliland is another blind spot of the Western leaders that has the potentiality of further damaging their credibility in
this politically volatile part of the world. Somaliland gained its independence from Britain on June 26th, 1960. Somaliland was
immediately recognized by 36 member nations of the United Nations organization, but the euphoria of the Somaliland independence did
not last for too long.
Somaliland joined Somalia in a voluntary union; Somalia was a former Italian colony that became independent in July 1st, 1960.
Somaliland’s horrendous nightmare began on the very first day of the union, when Somalia ignored the rectification of the union by the
elected Somaliland National Assembly and all the other prior bilateral agreements of the union. Therefore, Somalia single handedly
decided to rob the independence and statehood of Somaliland. This unspeakable Somaliland nightmare continued for another thirty long
years of oppression followed by destruction, genocide and ethnic cleansing. This dreadful and unjust Somaliland history is well
documented in the UNO archives in New York and in Human Rights Watch files.
Similar to what was happening in Egypt and Tunisia, the Western World was supportive to Somalia and its ruthless dictator, Siad Barre,
who was responsible for the devastation of Somaliland and its people. To be precise, the USA was supplying arms to Siad Barre even at
the climax of the Somaliland genocide in 1988. The major European states didn’t even denounce the genocide and ethnic cleansing at that
time, but instead were channeling financial aid to the ruthless dictatorial regime of Siad Barre.
In the present day, Somaliland is an oasis of peace and democracy in the Horn of Africa, but not recognized as a country. Despite
twenty years of unfair and unjustifiable international denial of Somaliland’s historical, legal and moral rights for self-determination,
Somalilanders are not bitter and are cooperating with the international community. Somaliland is literally holding the gates against terror
and Sea piracy.
Click here to read more »
African journalists and civil society organisations call for respect for free expression and journalists’ rights at African
Commission of Human and People’s Rights sessions
May 14, 2010
Journalist leaders and civil society organisations from across Africa called attention to the dire free expression situation in many
countries last week at the Forum for Non-governmental Organisations (NGO Forum) held on the occasion of 47th Session of African
Commission of Human and People’s Rights in Banjul, Gambia.
Representatives from the Federation of African Journalists (FAJ), Eastern Africa Journalists Association (EAJA), National Union of
Somali Journalists (NUSOJ) and the Syndicat National des Journalistes du Cameroun (SNJC) took part in the forum and worked with
other organisations to outline the deteriorating situation of journalists and the state of freedom of expression in many African countries.
The groups raised alarm at the recent killing of journalists in Somalia, Cameroon, Nigeria and Democratic Republic. “Journalists are the
mouths, the eyes and the ears of the citizens of Africa, including human rights defenders, and they are murdered just for speaking.
Journalists allow the people to hear unheard stories. The Commission must give priority to addressing the press freedom crisis and
safety crisis facing messengers in this continent,” said Omar Faruk Osman, president of the Federation of African Journalists (FAJ) as
well as the Secretary General of the National Union of Somali Journalists (NUSOJ).
“Freedom of expression is under threat in every corner of the African continent. The killing of media professionals is hitting the highest
point ever; harassment and intimidation of journalists has become common practice - and these acts are be committed in order to curb
fundamental freedoms” said Omar Faruk.
The journalist groups also cooperated with ARTICLE 19 to present a powerful resolution on freedom of expression to the NGO Forum,
which was adopted. The Forum stated its deep concern about the “considerably deteriorating state of freedom of expression and
freedom of information in Africa” in the final resolution presented to the Commission.
The resolution also condemned the suppression of freedom of expression of journalists in Somalia, Cameroon, Eritrea, Uganda, Gambia,
Zimbabwe and Tunisia. For the first time, the human rights groups at the African Commission NGO Forum expressed “solidarity with
the hapless Somali journalists” and condemned, in no uncertain terms, “the continued and perilous violence against journalists and other
media workers in Somalia”.
The resolution urged the African Commission of Human and People’s Rights to “demand that member States abolish all draconian laws
that curtail the rights to freedom of expression and the press as stipulated in the African Charter; and to encourage member States to
immediately enact laws of freedom of information and to decriminalise all media offenses”.
Click here to read more>>
Commission of Human and People’s Rights sessions
May 14, 2010
Journalist leaders and civil society organisations from across Africa called attention to the dire free expression situation in many
countries last week at the Forum for Non-governmental Organisations (NGO Forum) held on the occasion of 47th Session of African
Commission of Human and People’s Rights in Banjul, Gambia.
Representatives from the Federation of African Journalists (FAJ), Eastern Africa Journalists Association (EAJA), National Union of
Somali Journalists (NUSOJ) and the Syndicat National des Journalistes du Cameroun (SNJC) took part in the forum and worked with
other organisations to outline the deteriorating situation of journalists and the state of freedom of expression in many African countries.
The groups raised alarm at the recent killing of journalists in Somalia, Cameroon, Nigeria and Democratic Republic. “Journalists are the
mouths, the eyes and the ears of the citizens of Africa, including human rights defenders, and they are murdered just for speaking.
Journalists allow the people to hear unheard stories. The Commission must give priority to addressing the press freedom crisis and
safety crisis facing messengers in this continent,” said Omar Faruk Osman, president of the Federation of African Journalists (FAJ) as
well as the Secretary General of the National Union of Somali Journalists (NUSOJ).
“Freedom of expression is under threat in every corner of the African continent. The killing of media professionals is hitting the highest
point ever; harassment and intimidation of journalists has become common practice - and these acts are be committed in order to curb
fundamental freedoms” said Omar Faruk.
The journalist groups also cooperated with ARTICLE 19 to present a powerful resolution on freedom of expression to the NGO Forum,
which was adopted. The Forum stated its deep concern about the “considerably deteriorating state of freedom of expression and
freedom of information in Africa” in the final resolution presented to the Commission.
The resolution also condemned the suppression of freedom of expression of journalists in Somalia, Cameroon, Eritrea, Uganda, Gambia,
Zimbabwe and Tunisia. For the first time, the human rights groups at the African Commission NGO Forum expressed “solidarity with
the hapless Somali journalists” and condemned, in no uncertain terms, “the continued and perilous violence against journalists and other
media workers in Somalia”.
The resolution urged the African Commission of Human and People’s Rights to “demand that member States abolish all draconian laws
that curtail the rights to freedom of expression and the press as stipulated in the African Charter; and to encourage member States to
immediately enact laws of freedom of information and to decriminalise all media offenses”.
Click here to read more>>
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Sheik Sharif Sheik Ahmed
Acting President since 31 January 2009
Acting President since 31 January 2009
| TRAFFICKING IN PERSONS |
None reported.
