TUNISIA Tunisian Republic Al Jumhuriyah at Tunisiyah Joined United Nations: 12 November 1956 Human Rights as assured by their constitution Click here Updated 06/08/10
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Tunis
10,589,025 (July 2010 est.)
Zine el Abidine Ben Ali
President since 7 November 1987
President elected by popular vote for a five-year term (no term
limits); election last held 25 October 2009
Next scheduled election: October 2014
HEAD OF GOVERNMENT
SELECTION PROCESS
Mohamed Ghannouchi
Prime Minister since 17 November 1999
Prime minister appointed by the president
DECLARATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS
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Arab 98%, European 1%, Jewish and other 1%
Muslim 98%, Christian 1%, Jewish and other 1%
Republic comprised of 24 governorates; Legal system is based on French civil law system and Shari'a law; some
judicial review of legislative acts in the Supreme Court in joint session
Executive: President elected by popular vote for a five-year term (no term limits); election last held 25 October 2009 (next to
be held October 2014); prime minister appointed by the president
Legislative: Bicameral system consists of the Chamber of Deputies or Majlis al-Nuwaab (189 seats; members elected
by popular vote to serve five-year terms) and the Chamber of Advisors (126 seats; 85 members elected by municipal
counselors, deputies, mayors, and professional associations and trade unions; 41 members are presidential appointees;
members serve six-year terms)
elections: Chamber of Deputies - last held 25 October 2009 (next to be held October 2014); Chamber of Advisors -
last held 3 July 2005 (next to be held July 2011)
Judicial: Court of Cassation or Cour de Cassation
Arabic (official and one of the languages of commerce), French (commerce)
Tunisia has a diverse economy, with important agricultural, mining, tourism, and manufacturing sectors. Governmental
control of economic affairs while still heavy has gradually lessened over the past decade with increasing privatization,
simplification of the tax structure, and a prudent approach to debt. Progressive social policies also have helped raise
living conditions in Tunisia relative to the region. Real growth, which averaged almost 5% over the past decade,
declined to 4.6% in 2008 and to 0.3% in 2009 because of economic contraction and slowing of import demand in
Europe - Tunisia's largest export market. However, development of non-textile manufacturing, a recovery in agricultural
production, and strong growth in the services sector somewhat mitigated the economic effect of slowing exports.
Tunisia will need to reach even higher growth levels to create sufficient employment opportunities for an already large
number of unemployed as well as the growing population of university graduates. The challenges ahead include:
privatizing industry, liberalizing the investment code to increase foreign investment, improving government efficiency,
reducing the trade deficit, and reducing socioeconomic disparities in the impoverished south and west.
Source: CIA World Factbook (select Tunisia)
Tunisia is noteworthy for its lack of public political discourse. The precise political situation in Tunisia is hard to
determine, due to the effective level of silence the government has enforced and the lack of transparency. There is
strong evidence that dissidents are routinely arrested, for crimes as minor as looking at banned web sites. The growth
of the Internet has been a major issue for Tunisia, with European tourists and internet service providers so close by.
Tunisia allows only censored Internet access in its own country. This censorship bars all materials deemed
pornographic, political opposition including many French online papers, and any chat group references critical of the
government. It seems unlikely that the oppression brought to bear is restricted only to the Internet. Tunisia has no free
press and Tunisians are almost never willing to speak about politics. The Internet has only made public the pervasive
structure of state control which has managed to shroud itself in a western friendly face, welcoming masses of tourists
who can even enjoy topless beaches. As for the underground opposition from Islamic Fundamentalists, these groups
have an obvious but not clear existence in the nation. Under former Habib Bourguiba Islamic Fundamentalists were
allowed to serve as a counter to more left wing movements. In 1987 the threat from Movement of the Islamic
Tendency gave the pretext for current president Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali to take power in a bloodless coup. Ben Ali
has followed an aggressive policy regarding the Fundamentalists but the extent of any government success is difficult to
judge in a nation where so much is secret. Because of a widespread program of interrogation and suppression the
Islamic Fundamentalist movements have gone underground, but not vanished. As with almost all Islamic nations the US
invasion of Iraq has greatly increased the prestige and public support for these groups, though the extent of these
feelings are impossible to determine accurately. While the threat of Islamic Terror exists in Tunisia, and as long as
President Ben Ali uses any means to fight it, there is little chance that pressure for genuine democracy and reform will
come from the west.
Source: Wikipedia: Politics of Tunisia
None reported.
REFUGEES AND INTERNALLY DISPLACED PERSONS (IDP)
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None reported.
None reported.
HUMAN RIGHTS STATEMENTS, ANALYSIS AND CRITIQUES
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2009 Human Rights Report: Tunisia
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
March 11, 2010
Tunisia is a constitutional republic with a population of approximately 10 million, dominated by a single political party, the
Democratic Constitutional Rally (RCD). Zine El Abidine Ben Ali has been the president since 1987. On October 25, President Ben
Ali ran against three opposition candidates and was declared the winner with 89.6 percent of the popular vote to win a fifth five-
year term. In concurrent elections for the Chamber of Deputies, the RCD won 161 of 214 seats. Restrictions imposed upon
candidates and various procedural aspects of the elections raised doubts about whether either the presidential or legislative elections
were free and fair. In 2008 indirect elections for some members of the Chamber of Advisors, the upper house of parliament,
resulted in a heavily pro-RCD body. Civilian authorities generally maintained effective control of the security forces.
- There were significant limitations on citizens' right to change their government.
- Local and international nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) reported that security forces tortured and physically abused
prisoners and detainees and arbitrarily arrested and detained individuals.
- Security forces acted with impunity, sanctioned by high-ranking officials.
- There were also reports of lengthy pretrial and incommunicado detention.
- Government imposition of severe restrictions on freedoms of speech, press, and association worsened in the lead-up to the
October elections.
- The government remained intolerant of public criticism, and there were widespread reports that it used intimidation, criminal
investigations, the judicial system, arbitrary arrests, residential restrictions, and travel controls to discourage criticism.
- Corruption was a problem.
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23 March 2009
COMMITTEE ON THE ELIMINATION OF RACIAL DISCRIMINATION
Seventy-fourth session
16 February-6 March 2009
CONSIDERATION OF REPORTS SUBMITTED BY STATES PARTIES UNDER ARTICLE 9 OF THE
CONVENTION
Concluding observations of the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination
TUNISIA
A. Introduction
2. The Committee welcomes the State party’s submission of its eighteenth and nineteenth periodic reports within the required time,
the openness of the dialogue with the delegation and the written replies to the list of issues (CERD/C/TUN/Q/19/Add.1). The
Committee commends the regularity with which the State party reports.
3. The Committee appreciates the efforts made by the State party to comply with the reporting guidelines of the Committee, but
regrets the lack of information regarding the practical implementation of the Convention and the lack of answers on issues raised in
the previous concluding observations.
B. Positive aspects
4. The Committee welcomes the fact that, pursuant to article 32 of the Constitution, international instruments that have been ratified
and promulgated by the State party, including the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination,
form part of and take precedence over provisions of the State party’s domestic law and can be invoked directly before the courts.
5. The Committee notes with interest that in 2008, following recommendations by the Human Rights Council (A/HRC/8/21 and
Corr.1, para. 83, recommendation No. 4) and the Human Rights Committee (CCPR/C/TUN/CO/5, para. 8), the High Committee on
Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, a national institution established in 1991, underwent a reform of its powers, its
membership and its working methods with a view to enhancing its effectiveness and its independence in conformity with the Paris
Principles (General Assembly resolution 48/134). The Committee welcomes the steps taken by the State party to seek accreditation
of the High Committee on Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms with the International Coordination Committee of National
Human Rights Institutions and encourages it to ensure the independence of the High Committee in practice.
C. Concerns and recommendations
10. The Committee again takes note of the discrepancy between the State party’s view that Tunisian society is homogeneous, and
information provided by the State party itself on various groups living in the country, such as the Berber-speaking and sub-Saharan
African populations.
In light of the absence of specific statistical data on the ethnic composition of Tunisian society, the Committee recommends that
the State party should provide an estimate of the ethnic composition of the population in subsequent reports, as recommended in
paragraphs 10 and 12 of the guidelines for the CERD-specific document (CERD/C/2007/1), and draws the attention of the State
party to its general recommendation VIII (1990) concerning the self-identification of members of racial and ethnic groups.
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FREEDOM IN THE WORLD REPORT- 2009
Political Rights Score: 7
Civil Liberties Score: 5
Status: Not Free
Overview
Throughout 2008, Tunisian security forces sporadically clashed with hundreds of nonviolent protestors in the mining town of
Gafsa. Although some political prisoners were released during the year, the authorities continued the practice of restricting freedom
of expression and systematically harassing and imprisoning opponents of the government.
Tunisian authorities have been able to react with indifference to the complaints of local and international human rights groups
largely because they are not backed by diplomatic pressure. Tunisia has not faced the kind of intense criticism from the United
States or European Union (EU) that is applied to other Arab states; the public statements that have been issued are not bolstered by
threats to reduce diplomatic or economic ties. Tunisia is seen as a moderate Muslim ally in the fight against Islamic extremism, and
U.S. and European officials are wary of alienating Ben Ali.
Throughout 2008, security forces sporadically clashed with hundreds of nonviolent protestors in the mining town of Gafsa,
arresting and charging dozens. In November, authorities released 21 political prisoners to commemorate the twenty-first
anniversary of Ben Ali’s rise to power. Nevertheless, many prisoners remain in custody, and authorities continued to crack down
on activists and critical journalists throughout the year. Also during the year, the government blocked an internet site, and a
journalist opposed to Ben Ali was beaten and warned to stop writing about the president and his family.
Tunisia is not an electoral democracy. President Zine el-Abedine Ben Ali has exercised authoritarian rule since ousting former
president Habib Bourguiba in a 1987 coup. Beginning in 1989, he won four successive five-year terms in tightly controlled
elections, either running unopposed or easily defeating token challengers. A 2002 referendum removed a constitutional three-term
limit for the presidency, allowing Ben Ali to secure reelection in 2004 with over 95 percent of the vote, amid opposition boycotts
and credible and widespread claims of fraud. The country is slated to have another round of presidential and legislative elections in
2009.
The president appoints the cabinet, the prime minister, and regional governors. The bicameral legislature, composed of a 189-seat
Chamber of Deputies with five-year terms and a Chamber of Advisors with 126 members appointed or indirectly elected to six-year
terms, is a rubber-stamp institution dominated by Ben Ali’s party, the Constitutional Democratic Rally (RCD). The RCD dominates
both chambers of the parliament and currently holds nearly 90 percent of the seats in the lower chamber. Parliamentary elections
are neither free nor fair.
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28 May 2010
URGENT ACTION
Bill WOULD SILENCE GOVERNMENT CRITICS
The Tunisian government has proposed changes to the Penal Code that are designed to silence critics of the country’s human rights
record, in Tunisia and abroad.
The Tunisian authorities are proposing to amend Article 61bis of the Penal Code, which deals with violations of the “external
security” of Tunisia. Article 61bis currently criminalizes contacting “agents of a foreign power to undermine the military or
diplomatic situation in Tunisia”. Tunisians convicted of this crime currently face up to 20 years in prison, with a minimum sentence
of five years. Under the new legislation, the article would also sanction those who contact foreign bodies in order to harm Tunisia’s
vital interests, including “economic security”.
The changes to the Penal Code seem clearly intended to target human rights activists who lobby foreign bodies such as the
European Union (EU), to put pressure on the Tunisian government over its human rights record. Human rights activists will face
prosecution for their advocacy work if the government succeeds in changing the law.
This bill appears to be a direct response of the Tunisian authorities to meetings held earlier this month by Tunisian human rights
activists with EU parliamentarians and officials, in Madrid and Brussels. During the meetings, the Tunisian activists urged them to
pressure the Tunisian government to uphold its human rights obligations, as a state party to the International Covenant on Civil and
Political Rights, and several other human rights instruments. Tunisia is now negotiating over its status with the EU, which it wants
to improve to "Advanced Status".
The government is understood to have agreed the new legislation at a cabinet meeting on 19 May 2010. It will now be put before at
least one parliamentary commission, before it is brought before the parliament for debate, after which it will be adopted into law.
The authorities are expected to rush the legislation through the parliament, as both houses of parliament are dominated by the ruling
party,the Constitutional Democratic Rally (Rassemblement Constitutionel Démocratique, RCD) and no real debate within parliament
is expected.
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The Myth of a Moderate Tunisia
Beneath the modern trappings of President Ben Ali's regime lies just another repressive dictatorship
by Rasha Moumneh
Published in: Foreign Policy
May 6, 2010
When Tunisian Foreign Minister Kamel Morjane arrives in Washington on April 26, he will most certainly present himself as the
representative of a "moderate" Arab state that is friendly to the West. As a representative of Human Rights Watch, however, I
recently witnessed another side of this supposedly "modern" regime.
My organization released a report last month detailing the Tunisian government's treatment of political prisoners, and a group of us
planned to hold a press conference in Tunis to announce it, in the hopes of sparking a dialogue that would lead to change. This was
an approach we had tried in 2004, when we released a report on the situation of political prisoners, and in 2005, when we published
a study on Internet freedoms in the region. Both releases occurred without incident. This time, however, we found our path
blocked at every turn: All of the hotels we contacted stated that they lacked the space to accommodate us, and the room we
eventually rented was mysteriously flooded while we were at dinner. The government banned journalists from our news conference
and physically barred those who tried to attend. State security agents followed us wherever we went.
Under President Zine el Abidine Ben Ali, who has held office since 1987 and was just reelected in 2009 for a fifth term, even the
most minor dissent is treated as a serious threat. Independent journalists, human rights organizations, union organizers -- anyone
who raises concerns about the government's actions -- find their actions tracked and their outspokenness punished.
Tunisia often attempts to cover up its repressive measures behind a thin veneer of legality, hoping to convince the West of its
relative liberality. The government contends, for example, that there are no political prisoners in Tunisia. Of course, that may be
true under the government's strict interpretation of what constitutes a political crime. Following that line of reasoning, there have
been few, if any, people prosecuted under laws that criminalize political activity or opinion during Ben Ali's multiple terms -- hence,
no political prisoners. The government prefers to prosecute its critics using trumped-up charges of common crimes.
Taoufiq Ben Brik, a dissident journalist who has been a favorite target of the regime, is a case in point. In October 2009, Ben Brik
was charged with "violating public decency," "defamation," "assault," and "damaging another person's property," allegedly for
assaulting a woman. He claims the victim was actually a state security agent and maintains that it was she who in fact assaulted
him as he was on his way to pick up his daughter from school. The government carefully crafted a scenario that not only landed
Ben Brik in jail, but also called into question his moral standing.
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64th session of the General Assembly of the United Nations
Statement by H.E. Mr Abdelwaheb Abdallah Minister of Foreign Affairs Of the Republic of Tunisia
New York, September 28, 2009
Mr. President,
Our world is witnessing today deep and rapid changes that have conferred new dimensions upon international relations which have
altered the balances and the equations that long governed these relations. Such changes generated major challenges at various levels,
requiring all parties to shoulder their responsibilities with vision and wisdom and to redouble their efforts in order to conceive
approaches that would lay the basis for a safer, more stable and more developed world and for more balanced, equitable and solidarity
based international relations.
The important scientific and technological evolution we are witnessing today has certainly brought about considerable progress in a
large number of fields, reduced distances and improved the quality of life. However, such developments did not put an end to hotspots
of tension nor to the various conflicts which are still prevailing in some parts of the world causing more tragedies and nurturing
conflicts, extremist trends and violence. Besides, those developments did not end the suffering of many populations in the world, who
are still subject to hunger, poverty, indebtedness and underdevelopment, nor did they prevent the occurrence of financial and
economic crises that hit most of the world countries and impacted the pace of their economic growth and their development schemes
and which disrupted the world economic and financial systems while the digital and the technological gap and other forms of
disparities among countries and populations have not been reduced
Tunisia spared neither effort nor energy during the last two decades to climb up to the rank of developed countries, using a
prospective and future oriented vision the foundations of which were set up by President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali and which covered
all fields -political, economic, social, development- and that was materialized through the deep reforms that led to the reinforcement of
democracy and the culture of Human Rights in minds and practice as well as the expansion of general freedoms and the participation
of all components of the Tunisian society in the country's political course within the framework of the State of law and institutions.
Tunisia is committed to move forward with its development and modernization process in order to adapt to the world changes,
participate in building a world that enjoys peace and stability, and establish more balanced and solidarity-based international relations.
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TRANSLATED FROM FRENCH BY GOOGLE TRANSLATE
The ombudsman receives a delegation of ambassadors from the states, members of the EU
TUNIS, October 7, 2009 (TAP)
Ms. Alifa Farouk ombudsman has highlighted the important role of services of the institution of mediation in affirming the
administrative apparatus of human rights, the consolidation of mechanisms of administrative reform and the foundations of good
governance through queries that citizens register with these services against the administrative structures and public institutions and
the efforts of this mechanism to fight against possible abuses.
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Tunisia: The League for the Defence of Human Rights in deadlock
North Africa - Tunisia
Tunis - 01/06/2010 Pana
Tunis, Tunisia - mired in a crisis which is crippling its business for over 10 years, the Tunisian League of Human Rights (LTDH),
the oldest organization of its kind in Africa and the Arab world, created in 1977 does not see the end of the tunnel.
At a press conference Monday, the former barrister admitted Abdelwahab Béhi "dead end" which led mediation efforts between the
warring parties.
Excluded from the Board following the 5th Congress of the LTDH, held in 2000, members of the League of the ruling family have
managed to obtain the cancellation of this event by way of justice for "violation of internal rules and the charter "of the organization.
The League President, Mokhtar Trifi, has often accused the authorities of being behind the crisis in order to "rein in", while the
government defends itself by saying that it is "an internal problem".
The marathon legal ensuing eventually limit the prerogatives of the governing body to organize a new Congress generating a legal
and political tangle that is slow to find a solution.
Mr. Béhi focused on "concessions" made by the representative plaintiffs, Mr. Chedli Ben Younes, to facilitate the holding of a
"consensus conference" as soon as possible.
"We have reached a crossroads, a delicate and decisive step that can lead to unblocking of the situation as a failure," said his side
the chairman of the Higher Committee of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (Government), Moncer Rouissi, who joined
the mediation.
While welcoming the "great progress" in favor of a "peaceful dialogue and cordial", he regretted that the two sides are separated in
May without having made a new appointment, because of differences that he has described as "secondary".
"Both parties, moreover, are committed to the independence of the League and are anxious to find a solution to the crisis as soon as
possible, need to review their positions to overcome obstacles and maintain the national asset represented by the LTDH" , he
suggested.
The former barrister, himself a former "liguard" believes, meanwhile, that "until the door was ajar, he's still hope. "
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In 814 BC the city of Carthage was founded in present-day Tunisia. From 700 to 409 BC there were repeated
conflicts between Carthage and Greece over spheres of influence and trade routes. Under the Magonid dynasty the
Carthaginians dominated the western Mediterranean but the Greeks regained the upper hand at the Battle of Imera in
480 BC. Skirmishes between Greeks and Carthaginians in Sicily spilled over to mainland Tunisia in 311 BC when the
Greeks invaded Cap Bon. Carthage became a major rival to the Roman Republic for the domination of the western
Mediterranean in the 4th century B.C., leading to the First Punic War. From 218 to 202 BC the Second Punic War
ravaged the region, with Hannibal crossing the Alps to attack Rome. Carthage was eventually destroyed during the
Third Punic War, and Tunisia was made part of the Roman Empire and its citizens sold into slavery. In 44 BC Julius
Caesar landed in Tunisia in pursuit of Pompey and Cato the Younger, who had gained the support of the Numidian
king Juma I. After Caesar's defeat of the rebels at the battle of Thapsus, much of Numidia was annexed. During the 1st
and 2nd century AD Carthage was rebuilt under the supervision of Augustus, and several new towns were founded,
often on the remains of old Punic settlements. This process of development was accelerated after Septimus Severus
became the first African emperor of the Roman Empire in 193 AD. Early in 238, local landowners ignited a full-scale
revolt in the province. An Arab Muslim army entered Tunisia in 670 under the command of uqba ibn Nafa with
permanent intentions. Arriving by land the Arabs passed the Byzantine strongholds along the coast. They founded the
city of Kairouan, using it as a base to subdue individual pockets of Christian and Berber resistance. Tunisia was
considered a natural center for an Arab-Islamic regime and society in North Africa. It was the only region that had the
urban, agricultural, and commercial infrastructures essential for a centralized state. After several generations a local
Arab aristocracy emerged, which was resentful of the distant caliphate's interference in local matters. A minor rebellion
in Tunis in 797 took on a more ominous nature when it spread to Kairouan. The caliph's governor was unable to
restore order, but Ibrahim ibn al-Aghlab, a provincial leader, had a well-disciplined army and could. He proposed to
the caliph Harun al-Rashid, that he be granted Ifriqiya as a hereditary fief, which he was acquiesced. Ibrahim bin
al-Aghlab and his descendants, known as the Aghlabids, ruled Tunisia, Tripolitania, and eastern Algeria on behalf of the
caliph from 800 to 909. Anarchy made Tunisia a target for the Norman kingdom in Sicily, who between 1134 and
1148 seized Mahdia, Gabes, Sfax, and the island of Jerba. 1270 an attempted invasion by Louis IX of France was
repulsed. Tunisia prospered through increasing European and Sudanese trade under Al-Mustansir, who used the
money to transform Tunis, his capital, with a palace and the Abu Fihr park. The estate he created near Bizerte was said
to be without equal in the world. In 1492 Muslim and Jewish migration from Spain culminated in the fall of Muslim
Granada. The new comers brought much-needed skills in agriculture and crafts. From 1534 to 1581 Tunisia become a
pawn in power struggles between Spain and Turkey, and in 1574 it was incorporated into the Ottoman Empire. The
Tunisian state was rebuilt by the imposition of Ottoman rule in the late 16th century. The Ottomans made Tunisia a
province of their empire in 1574, and garrisoned Tunis with 4,000 Janissaries recruited from Anatolia, reinforced by
Christian converts to Islam from Italy, Spain, and Provence. In the 19th century, the country became mostly
autonomous, although officially still an Ottoman province. In 1861, Tunisia enacted the first constitution in the Arab
world, but a move toward a republic was hampered by the poor economy and political unrest. In 1869, Tunisia
declared itself bankrupt, and an international financial commission with representatives from France, United Kingdom,
and Italy took control over the economy. In the spring of 1881, France invaded Tunisia, claiming that Tunisian troops
had crossed the border to Algeria, France's main colony in Northern Africa. Italy, also interested in Tunisia, protested,
but did not risk a war with France. On May 12 of that year, Tunisia was officially made a French protectorate.
Nationalist sentiment increased after World War I. The nationalist Destour Party was set up in 1920. Its successor the
Neo-Destour Party, established in 1934 and led by Habib Bourguiba, was banned by the French. During World War
II, the French authorities in Tunisia supported the Vichy government which ruled France after its capitulation to
Germany in 1940. After losing a string of battles to Bernard Montgomery in 1942, and then hearing of the landings
during Operation Torch, Erwin Rommel retreated to Tunisia and set up strong defensive positions in the mountains to
the south. Overwhelming British superiority eventually broke these lines, although he did have some success against the
"green" American troops advancing from the west. The fighting ended in early 1943, and Tunisia became a base for
operations for the invasion of Sicily later that year. It was very important in World War II. Violent resistance to French
rule boiled up in 1954. Independence from France was achieved on March 20, 1956, as a constitutional monarchy
with the Bey of Tunis, Muhammad VIII al-Amin Bey, as the king of Tunisia. Prime Minister Habib Bourguiba abolished
the monarchy in 1957 and established a strict state under the Neo-Destour (New Constitution) party. He dominated
the country for 31 years, repressing Islamic fundamentalism and establishing rights for women unmatched by any other
Arab nation. President Bourguiba was overthrown and replaced by Prime Minister Zine El Abidine Ben Ali on
November 7, 1987. President Ben Ali changed little in the Bourguibist system. In 1988 Ben Ali tried a new tack with
reference to the government and Islam, by attempting to reaffirm the country's Islamic identity by releasing several
Islamists activists from prison. In recent years, Tunisia has taken a moderate, non-aligned stance in its foreign relations.
Sources: Wikipedia History of Tunisia


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None reported.