| URUGUAY Oriental Republic of Uruguay Republica Oriental del Uruguay Joined United Nations: 18 December 1945 Human Rights as assured by their constitution Click here Updated 04/21/10 |
| CAPITAL |
| POPULATION |
| CHIEF OF STATE |
| SELECTION PROCESS |
Montevideo
3,494,382 (July 2009 est.)
Jose "Pepe" Mujica Cordano
President since 1 March 2010
President since 1 March 2010
President and vice president elected on the same ticket by
popular vote for five-year terms (may not serve consecutive
terms); election last held 29 November 2009
Next scheduled election: October 2014
popular vote for five-year terms (may not serve consecutive
terms); election last held 29 November 2009
Next scheduled election: October 2014
HEAD OF GOVERNMENT
Danilo Astori Saragoza
Vice President since 1 March 2010
Vice President since 1 March 2010
According to the Uruguay Constitution the president is both the
chief of state and head of government
chief of state and head of government
| DECLARATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS |
| ETHNIC GROUPS |
White 88%, mestizo 8%, black 4%, Amerindian (practically nonexistent)
| RELIGIONS |
Roman Catholic 66% (less than half of the adult population attends church regularly), Protestant 2%, Jewish 1%,
non-professing or other 31%
non-professing or other 31%
| GOVERNMENT STRUCTURE |
Constitutional republic comprised of 19 departments (departamentos, singular - departamento); ; Legal system is
based on Spanish civil law system; accepts compulsory ICJ jurisdiction
Executive: president and vice president elected on the same ticket by popular vote for five-year terms (may not serve
consecutive terms); election last held 29 November 2009 (next to be held in October 2014)
Legislative: bicameral General Assembly or Asamblea General consists of Chamber of Senators or Camara de
Senadores (30 seats; members are elected by popular vote to serve five-year terms; vice president has one vote in
the Senate) and Chamber of Representatives or Camara de Representantes (99 seats; members are elected by
popular vote to serve five-year terms)
Elections: Chamber of Senators - last held 25 October 2009 (next to be held in October 2014); Chamber of
Representatives - last held 25 October 2009 (next to be held in October 2014)
Judicial: Supreme Court (judges are nominated by the president and elected for 10-year terms by the General
Assembly)
based on Spanish civil law system; accepts compulsory ICJ jurisdiction
Executive: president and vice president elected on the same ticket by popular vote for five-year terms (may not serve
consecutive terms); election last held 29 November 2009 (next to be held in October 2014)
Legislative: bicameral General Assembly or Asamblea General consists of Chamber of Senators or Camara de
Senadores (30 seats; members are elected by popular vote to serve five-year terms; vice president has one vote in
the Senate) and Chamber of Representatives or Camara de Representantes (99 seats; members are elected by
popular vote to serve five-year terms)
Elections: Chamber of Senators - last held 25 October 2009 (next to be held in October 2014); Chamber of
Representatives - last held 25 October 2009 (next to be held in October 2014)
Judicial: Supreme Court (judges are nominated by the president and elected for 10-year terms by the General
Assembly)
| LANGUAGES |
Spanish, Portunol, or Brazilero (Portuguese-Spanish mix on the Brazilian frontier)
| BRIEF HISTORY |
| ECONOMIC OVERVIEW |
Uruguay's economy is characterized by an export-oriented agricultural sector, a well-educated work force, and high
levels of social spending. After averaging growth of 5% annually during 1996-98, in 1999-2002 the economy
suffered a major downturn, stemming largely from the spillover effects of the economic problems of its large
neighbors, Argentina and Brazil. In 2001-02, Argentine citizens made massive withdrawals of dollars deposited in
Uruguayan banks after bank deposits in Argentina were frozen, which led to a plunge in the Uruguayan peso, a
banking crisis, and a sharp economic contraction. Real GDP fell in four years by nearly 20%, with 2002 the worst
year. The unemployment rate rose, inflation surged, and the burden of external debt doubled. Financial assistance
from the IMF helped stem the damage. Uruguay restructured its external debt in 2003 without asking creditors to
accept a reduction on the principal. Economic growth for Uruguay resumed, and averaged 8% annually during the
period 2004-08. The 2008-09 global financial crisis put a brake on Uruguay's vigorous growth, which decelerated
to 2.9% in 2009. Nevertheless, the country managed to avoid a recession and keep positive growth rates, mainly
through higher public expenditure and investment.
Source: CIA World Factbook (select Uruguay)
levels of social spending. After averaging growth of 5% annually during 1996-98, in 1999-2002 the economy
suffered a major downturn, stemming largely from the spillover effects of the economic problems of its large
neighbors, Argentina and Brazil. In 2001-02, Argentine citizens made massive withdrawals of dollars deposited in
Uruguayan banks after bank deposits in Argentina were frozen, which led to a plunge in the Uruguayan peso, a
banking crisis, and a sharp economic contraction. Real GDP fell in four years by nearly 20%, with 2002 the worst
year. The unemployment rate rose, inflation surged, and the burden of external debt doubled. Financial assistance
from the IMF helped stem the damage. Uruguay restructured its external debt in 2003 without asking creditors to
accept a reduction on the principal. Economic growth for Uruguay resumed, and averaged 8% annually during the
period 2004-08. The 2008-09 global financial crisis put a brake on Uruguay's vigorous growth, which decelerated
to 2.9% in 2009. Nevertheless, the country managed to avoid a recession and keep positive growth rates, mainly
through higher public expenditure and investment.
Source: CIA World Factbook (select Uruguay)
| POLITICAL CLIMATE |
The Politics of Uruguay abide by a presidential representative democratic republic, under which the President of Uruguay is
both the head of state and the head of government, as well as a multiform party system. The president exercises executive
power and Legislative power is vested in the two chambers of the General Assembly of Uruguay. The Judiciary branch is
independent from that of the executive and legislature.
The Colorado and National parties have been locked in a power struggle, alternating throughout most of Uruguay's history.
The elections of 2004, however, brought the Encuentro Progresista-Frente Amplio-Nueva Mayoría, a coalition of socialists,
former Tupamaros, communists, social democrats, and Christian Democrats among others to power with majorities in both
houses of parliament. A majority vote elected President Tabaré Vázquez.
In 2009, the majority was once again for the Broad Front, however, the amount of votes for the Broad Front didn't reach
consensus, as the majority must be from more than half of the votes casted, so, it was necessary for a runoff to decide the
next President. José Mujica and Luis Alberto Lacalle (supported by its former rivals, the Colorado Party) disputed the
runoff, resulting in a win for the Broad Front candidate, thus being the second President of Uruguay from that party, being
as well, the second consecutive.
Source: Wikipedia: Politics of Uruguay
both the head of state and the head of government, as well as a multiform party system. The president exercises executive
power and Legislative power is vested in the two chambers of the General Assembly of Uruguay. The Judiciary branch is
independent from that of the executive and legislature.
The Colorado and National parties have been locked in a power struggle, alternating throughout most of Uruguay's history.
The elections of 2004, however, brought the Encuentro Progresista-Frente Amplio-Nueva Mayoría, a coalition of socialists,
former Tupamaros, communists, social democrats, and Christian Democrats among others to power with majorities in both
houses of parliament. A majority vote elected President Tabaré Vázquez.
In 2009, the majority was once again for the Broad Front, however, the amount of votes for the Broad Front didn't reach
consensus, as the majority must be from more than half of the votes casted, so, it was necessary for a runoff to decide the
next President. José Mujica and Luis Alberto Lacalle (supported by its former rivals, the Colorado Party) disputed the
runoff, resulting in a win for the Broad Front candidate, thus being the second President of Uruguay from that party, being
as well, the second consecutive.
Source: Wikipedia: Politics of Uruguay
| INTERNATIONAL DISPUTES |
In Jan 2007, ICJ provisionally ruled Uruguay may begin construction of two paper mills on the Uruguay River, which
forms the border with Argentina, while the court examines further whether Argentina has the legal right to stop such
construction with potential environmental implications to both countries; two uncontested boundary disputes with
Brazil over Isla Brasilera at the tripoint with Argentina at the confluence of the Quarai/Cuareim and Uruguay rivers,
and, in the 235 square kilometer Invernada River region, over which tributary represents the legitimate source of the
Quarai/Cuareim River
forms the border with Argentina, while the court examines further whether Argentina has the legal right to stop such
construction with potential environmental implications to both countries; two uncontested boundary disputes with
Brazil over Isla Brasilera at the tripoint with Argentina at the confluence of the Quarai/Cuareim and Uruguay rivers,
and, in the 235 square kilometer Invernada River region, over which tributary represents the legitimate source of the
Quarai/Cuareim River
| REFUGEES AND INTERNALLY DISPLACED PERSONS (IDP) |
None reported.
| ILLICIT DRUGS |
Small-scale transit country for drugs mainly bound for Europe, often through sea-borne containers; law enforcement
corruption; money laundering because of strict banking secrecy laws; weak border control along Brazilian frontier;
increasing consumption of cocaine base and synthetic drugs
corruption; money laundering because of strict banking secrecy laws; weak border control along Brazilian frontier;
increasing consumption of cocaine base and synthetic drugs
| HUMAN RIGHTS STATEMENTS, ANALYSIS AND CRITIQUES |
2009 Human Rights Report: Uruguay
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
March 11, 2010
The Oriental Republic of Uruguay, with a population of approximately 3.4 million, is a constitutional republic with an elected
president and a bicameral legislature. On November 29, in a free and fair runoff election, Jose Mujica won a five-year presidential
term and a majority in parliament. Civilian authorities generally maintained effective control of the security forces.
The government generally respected the rights of its citizens.
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
March 11, 2010
The Oriental Republic of Uruguay, with a population of approximately 3.4 million, is a constitutional republic with an elected
president and a bicameral legislature. On November 29, in a free and fair runoff election, Jose Mujica won a five-year presidential
term and a majority in parliament. Civilian authorities generally maintained effective control of the security forces.
The government generally respected the rights of its citizens.
- Prison conditions continued to be poor.
- Instances of violence against women and discrimination against some societal groups continued to challenge government
policies of nondiscrimination. - Some trafficking in persons occurred.
21 December 2009
Human Rights Council
Thirteenth session Agenda item 3
Promotion and protection of all human rights, civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights, including the right to
development
Report of the Special Rapporteur on torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment, Manfred
Nowak
Mission to Uruguay*
Summary
This report presents the findings and recommendations of the Special Rapporteur on torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading
treatment or punishment on his mission to Uruguay, which took place from 21 to 27 March 2009.
The Special Rapporteur expresses deep appreciation to the Government for the excellent cooperation extended by the authorities
during the course of the visit. He notes the Government’s commitment to uphold and promote human rights and the progress made
since the end of the dictatorship in 1985.
The Special Rapporteur welcomes Uruguay’s ratification of the Optional Protocol to the Convention against Torture and the recent
adoption of a law establishing a National Human Rights Commission, including a national mechanism for the prevention of torture.
On the basis of discussions with public officials, judges, lawyers and representatives of civil society, interviews with victims of
violence and with persons deprived of their liberty, often supported by forensic medical evidence, the Special Rapporteur found few
reports of torture. However, he received frequent allegations of ill-treatment in several detention facilities.
Click here to read more »
Human Rights Council
Thirteenth session Agenda item 3
Promotion and protection of all human rights, civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights, including the right to
development
Report of the Special Rapporteur on torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment, Manfred
Nowak
Mission to Uruguay*
Summary
This report presents the findings and recommendations of the Special Rapporteur on torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading
treatment or punishment on his mission to Uruguay, which took place from 21 to 27 March 2009.
The Special Rapporteur expresses deep appreciation to the Government for the excellent cooperation extended by the authorities
during the course of the visit. He notes the Government’s commitment to uphold and promote human rights and the progress made
since the end of the dictatorship in 1985.
The Special Rapporteur welcomes Uruguay’s ratification of the Optional Protocol to the Convention against Torture and the recent
adoption of a law establishing a National Human Rights Commission, including a national mechanism for the prevention of torture.
On the basis of discussions with public officials, judges, lawyers and representatives of civil society, interviews with victims of
violence and with persons deprived of their liberty, often supported by forensic medical evidence, the Special Rapporteur found few
reports of torture. However, he received frequent allegations of ill-treatment in several detention facilities.
Click here to read more »
FREEDOM IN THE WORLD REPORT- 2009
Political Rights Score: 1
Civil Liberties Score: 1
Status: Free
Overview
More than halfway through his five-year mandate, President Tabare Vazquez’s Frente Amplio (Broad Front) coalition continued in
2008 to address the issue of human rights violations during the period of military rule (1973–85). Meanwhile, progress on
potentially unpopular structural economic reforms was stalled by leftist elements within his coalition ahead of the 2009 presidential
and legislative elections.
Vazquez proved willing to reopen the issue of some 200 Uruguayans who disappeared during the military’s political dominance in
the 1970s. In his inaugural address, he stated that neither the abduction of the daughter-in-law of famous Argentine poet Juan
Gelman nor the murders of two Uruguayan political leaders were covered by the 1986 amnesty law. Human rights groups pressed
to have the amnesty law more literally enforced, opening up the possibility of prosecutions for crimes committed before the 1973
coup. In November 2006, former president Juan Maria Bordaberry, a military-backed puppet, and his foreign minister Juan Carlos
Blanco were charged for the 1976 kidnapping and murder of the two parliamentary leaders. Warrents for their arrest were issued,
and in 2008, a Uruguayan federal appeals court confirmed the charges of multiple murders against Bordaberry. In August 2008,
Uruguay’s Office of the Prosecutor requested an extended sentence for Blanco based on new charges regarding the forced
disappearance of a kidnapped teacher in 1976; the case was pending at year’s end.
Under its reinterpretation of the 1986 amnesty law, which allowed for higher-level officers to be tried, the administration arrested
several police chiefs and army leaders in 2006 and 2007 for human rights violations committed during military rule, while Vazquez
dismissed an army chief known for his opposition to investigating military crimes. The government’s investigation into those
disappeared in the dirty war included excavating military barracks where victims were suspected to be buried. In December 2007, a
former military dictator Gregorio Alvarez was jailed for the abduction of political opponents committed during the military rule. In
2008, the Vazquez government continued to investigate human rights violations committed during the military dictatorship, though
no further arrests were made during the year.
Uruguay fully repaid its International Monetary Fund (IMF) obligations in November 2006, thereby terminating the government’s
IMF agreement. Economic officials have nevertheless pledged to continue the agreement’s goals of fiscal restraint, low inflation,
and structural reform. In July 2007, a revenue-neutral tax reform that introduced a personal income tax and simplified the tax
system came into effect. However, tensions between the moderates dominating the economic team and the more left-leaning wing
of the Broad Front threatened to slow structural reform. For example, pressures from unions forced the government to shelve
plans to negotiate a free trade agreement with the United States in 2007. Progress on structural economic reform was stalled in
2008 as Congressional leaders steered away from potentially unpopular and divisive economic measures ahead of the October 2009
presidential and congressional elections.
Click here to read more »
Political Rights Score: 1
Civil Liberties Score: 1
Status: Free
Overview
More than halfway through his five-year mandate, President Tabare Vazquez’s Frente Amplio (Broad Front) coalition continued in
2008 to address the issue of human rights violations during the period of military rule (1973–85). Meanwhile, progress on
potentially unpopular structural economic reforms was stalled by leftist elements within his coalition ahead of the 2009 presidential
and legislative elections.
Vazquez proved willing to reopen the issue of some 200 Uruguayans who disappeared during the military’s political dominance in
the 1970s. In his inaugural address, he stated that neither the abduction of the daughter-in-law of famous Argentine poet Juan
Gelman nor the murders of two Uruguayan political leaders were covered by the 1986 amnesty law. Human rights groups pressed
to have the amnesty law more literally enforced, opening up the possibility of prosecutions for crimes committed before the 1973
coup. In November 2006, former president Juan Maria Bordaberry, a military-backed puppet, and his foreign minister Juan Carlos
Blanco were charged for the 1976 kidnapping and murder of the two parliamentary leaders. Warrents for their arrest were issued,
and in 2008, a Uruguayan federal appeals court confirmed the charges of multiple murders against Bordaberry. In August 2008,
Uruguay’s Office of the Prosecutor requested an extended sentence for Blanco based on new charges regarding the forced
disappearance of a kidnapped teacher in 1976; the case was pending at year’s end.
Under its reinterpretation of the 1986 amnesty law, which allowed for higher-level officers to be tried, the administration arrested
several police chiefs and army leaders in 2006 and 2007 for human rights violations committed during military rule, while Vazquez
dismissed an army chief known for his opposition to investigating military crimes. The government’s investigation into those
disappeared in the dirty war included excavating military barracks where victims were suspected to be buried. In December 2007, a
former military dictator Gregorio Alvarez was jailed for the abduction of political opponents committed during the military rule. In
2008, the Vazquez government continued to investigate human rights violations committed during the military dictatorship, though
no further arrests were made during the year.
Uruguay fully repaid its International Monetary Fund (IMF) obligations in November 2006, thereby terminating the government’s
IMF agreement. Economic officials have nevertheless pledged to continue the agreement’s goals of fiscal restraint, low inflation,
and structural reform. In July 2007, a revenue-neutral tax reform that introduced a personal income tax and simplified the tax
system came into effect. However, tensions between the moderates dominating the economic team and the more left-leaning wing
of the Broad Front threatened to slow structural reform. For example, pressures from unions forced the government to shelve
plans to negotiate a free trade agreement with the United States in 2007. Progress on structural economic reform was stalled in
2008 as Congressional leaders steered away from potentially unpopular and divisive economic measures ahead of the October 2009
presidential and congressional elections.
Click here to read more »
Uruguay must annul law that protects police and military torture suspects
20 October 2009
A law in Uruguay that has allowed the police and military to get away with torture and murder should be annulled, Amnesty
International said on Monday, as the country prepares to vote in a referendum on the future of the law.
The law -- Ley de Caducidad de la Pretencion Punitiva del Estado, or Expiry Law – prevents the prosecution of police and military
officials for crimes committed until 1985, covering the eleven-year period of military and civilian rule when thousands of cases of
torture and many disappearances were documented.
Ninety-nine percent of political prisoners interviewed at the time by local human rights groups claimed they had been tortured. At
its peak, the number of political prisoners held during the period reached 7000, according to estimates.
"This law was designed as a get-out-of-jail-free card for those who tortured, killed and disappeared people in Uruguay," said
Guadalupe Marengo, Americas Deputy Director at Amnesty International.
"Now it is time for Uruguay to show that it will not permit impunity for these crimes. Justice is owed to the victims.”
"The law violates Uruguay’s international legal obligation to provide justice and uncover the difficult truths of its recent past. This
law must be declared null,” said Guadalupe Marengo.
The law was proposed by the democratically-elected government of Julio Maria Sanguinetti and approved by Congress in
December 1986. It was confirmed by popular vote through a referendum in 1989.
Interpretations of the law have limited its reach to cover crimes committed after the military coup of June 1973 and within
Uruguayan territory.
Although some judges have used their discretion to exclude certain cases from the reach of this law, its annulment is the only way
that Uruguay can ensure it will not hinder the course of justice, and that similar abuses will not occur in the future.
Click here to read more »
20 October 2009
A law in Uruguay that has allowed the police and military to get away with torture and murder should be annulled, Amnesty
International said on Monday, as the country prepares to vote in a referendum on the future of the law.
The law -- Ley de Caducidad de la Pretencion Punitiva del Estado, or Expiry Law – prevents the prosecution of police and military
officials for crimes committed until 1985, covering the eleven-year period of military and civilian rule when thousands of cases of
torture and many disappearances were documented.
Ninety-nine percent of political prisoners interviewed at the time by local human rights groups claimed they had been tortured. At
its peak, the number of political prisoners held during the period reached 7000, according to estimates.
"This law was designed as a get-out-of-jail-free card for those who tortured, killed and disappeared people in Uruguay," said
Guadalupe Marengo, Americas Deputy Director at Amnesty International.
"Now it is time for Uruguay to show that it will not permit impunity for these crimes. Justice is owed to the victims.”
"The law violates Uruguay’s international legal obligation to provide justice and uncover the difficult truths of its recent past. This
law must be declared null,” said Guadalupe Marengo.
The law was proposed by the democratically-elected government of Julio Maria Sanguinetti and approved by Congress in
December 1986. It was confirmed by popular vote through a referendum in 1989.
Interpretations of the law have limited its reach to cover crimes committed after the military coup of June 1973 and within
Uruguayan territory.
Although some judges have used their discretion to exclude certain cases from the reach of this law, its annulment is the only way
that Uruguay can ensure it will not hinder the course of justice, and that similar abuses will not occur in the future.
Click here to read more »
Uruguay: Plebiscite Undermines Justice
But Recent Court Rulings Move Towards Accountability over Dictatorship Era
October 27, 2009
(Washington, DC) - Uruguayan voters' rejection of a move to annul the country's amnesty law could hamper efforts to promote
justice over crimes committed during the country's military dictatorship (1973-1985), despite recent important rulings to help bring
accountability for that era, Human Rights Watch said today.
"We applaud the recent judicial rulings, which are huge steps toward accountability for abuses committed during that dark period of
Uruguayan history, and urge the judiciary to continue down this road," said José Miguel Vivanco, Americas director at Human
Rights Watch.
On October 19, 2009, the Uruguayan Supreme Court held that the Law on the Expiration of the Punitive Claims of the State of
1986, which excludes police and military personnel from prosecution for crimes committed during the dictatorship, is
unconstitutional. The court's decision, though, is only applicable to the case under review, involving the death of a young woman
in military installations in 1974.
Since the amnesty law grants the executive the power to decide the cases to which it should be applied, courts are currently
investigating and prosecuting officials whom the administration of Tabare Vazquez, president for the last five years, excluded from
the scope of the law. On October 22, a court sentenced the former dictator Gregorio "Goyo" Alvarez to 25 years in prison for the
death of 37 people who were "disappeared" during the dictatorship, and a marine to 20 years in prison for killing 29 people under
similar circumstances.
In the election on October 25, which included a presidential election, almost 53 percent of Uruguayans rejected the proposal to
reform the Constitution to revisit the amnesty legislation. That would have allowed the government to annul the law and reopen all
cases of alleged abuses committed during the dictatorship.
Without the reform, courts will have to make determinations on a case-by-case basis and they cannot reopen several cases in
which the Supreme Court has already ruled that the amnesty law was constitutional.
"The plebiscite results are disappointing, but let's not forget that accountability is not a popularity contest that should be decided by
majorities," said Vivanco. "Uruguay has an international legal obligation to investigate, prosecute, and try those responsible for
heinous crimes, and the courts should continue to prosecute appropriate cases."
Click here to read more »
But Recent Court Rulings Move Towards Accountability over Dictatorship Era
October 27, 2009
(Washington, DC) - Uruguayan voters' rejection of a move to annul the country's amnesty law could hamper efforts to promote
justice over crimes committed during the country's military dictatorship (1973-1985), despite recent important rulings to help bring
accountability for that era, Human Rights Watch said today.
"We applaud the recent judicial rulings, which are huge steps toward accountability for abuses committed during that dark period of
Uruguayan history, and urge the judiciary to continue down this road," said José Miguel Vivanco, Americas director at Human
Rights Watch.
On October 19, 2009, the Uruguayan Supreme Court held that the Law on the Expiration of the Punitive Claims of the State of
1986, which excludes police and military personnel from prosecution for crimes committed during the dictatorship, is
unconstitutional. The court's decision, though, is only applicable to the case under review, involving the death of a young woman
in military installations in 1974.
Since the amnesty law grants the executive the power to decide the cases to which it should be applied, courts are currently
investigating and prosecuting officials whom the administration of Tabare Vazquez, president for the last five years, excluded from
the scope of the law. On October 22, a court sentenced the former dictator Gregorio "Goyo" Alvarez to 25 years in prison for the
death of 37 people who were "disappeared" during the dictatorship, and a marine to 20 years in prison for killing 29 people under
similar circumstances.
In the election on October 25, which included a presidential election, almost 53 percent of Uruguayans rejected the proposal to
reform the Constitution to revisit the amnesty legislation. That would have allowed the government to annul the law and reopen all
cases of alleged abuses committed during the dictatorship.
Without the reform, courts will have to make determinations on a case-by-case basis and they cannot reopen several cases in
which the Supreme Court has already ruled that the amnesty law was constitutional.
"The plebiscite results are disappointing, but let's not forget that accountability is not a popularity contest that should be decided by
majorities," said Vivanco. "Uruguay has an international legal obligation to investigate, prosecute, and try those responsible for
heinous crimes, and the courts should continue to prosecute appropriate cases."
Click here to read more »
TRANSLATED FROM SPANISH BY GOOGLE TRANSLATE
ASSUME THE PEPE, AGREE TO ALL OF UTOPIA
1 march 2010
The excitement overwhelms us all that we built from the bottom of this reality (the government from the left) and those who founded
this undying political organization called the Frente Amplio virtuously from its genesis to the present day (1971-2010) The events of
March 1 acquire symbolic and emotional significance that permeates to the core. Each refill presidential and the fact that someone like
Pepe Mujica become the second president of the left in the country's history, beyond the popular clamor, raising expectations among
the population and the political system, taking the highest rank the country is full of wishes, desires and projects.
Even before the election that established him as a future president, public opinion could be receiving what would be the salient features
of its mandate, as well as to develop program guidelines, priorities and ways forward.
A Mujica distinguishes the capacity for dialogue, its willingness to agree (in spite of the right that never fails to recall the past guerrilla)
Not less this fact has been growing in strength and specifically during the period that goes from the last Sunday of November to the
inauguration tomorrow. The participation of parties from the plain in enterprises and government agencies is already a fact of which
only a few details missing. Similarly, the dialogue table installed at the initiative of the elected government to agree with the political
opposition of State on four major areas is bearing fruit and have already been announced basic agreement should not be overlooked in
safety, environment, energy and even in the most stinging and controversial issue as education.
Also alerted of course, the right not to accompany the console acts left in the government, nor will patriotically real source of synergy
that will lead to the development of program policies FA No! Make a difference is obviously natural and quite rightly have to score but
will add their mark neoliberal as already stated in the above fees, insist on delivering the national wealth (again asking if repeal ANCAP
monopoly) and other strategic areas who are heading for growth and real support of a country like Uruguay, a small and dependent,
humbly trying to leave the weak current capitalist development and challenge the social inequities that left us 50 years of right-wing
policies and delivery of wealth national.
Mujica and Astori exhibit another peculiarity of this, "vice president" will have a greater role than that traditionally tends to have that
office. Both assume amid optimism moderate and reasonable society. Everything suggests that the country will know times of
harmony, and development agreements but, as described above, we must be prepared to wait, and not have to wait too long-an
adverse reaction of PPTT right, which must inevitably make class differences and political or perish in the symbiosis imaginary people
that treated as part of the political left, which inevitably will lead to failure opponent.
The Frente Amplio updated his speech warning that certain assumptions and principles were impassable, the traditional parties,
meanwhile, seem to have understood that the neoliberal fundamentalism leads to no viable solution, although it is well to remember
that leaders of both parties (and Bordaberry Lacalle) are a die hard on the right, and while the first coat with a speech by the new
European right, the reality is that they are progressive tenets or Batllists. The reality forces you to think about strategies and tactics
and the population, with its classical wisdom, gave us a healthy second chance with another government of the FA.
Click here to read more »
ASSUME THE PEPE, AGREE TO ALL OF UTOPIA
1 march 2010
The excitement overwhelms us all that we built from the bottom of this reality (the government from the left) and those who founded
this undying political organization called the Frente Amplio virtuously from its genesis to the present day (1971-2010) The events of
March 1 acquire symbolic and emotional significance that permeates to the core. Each refill presidential and the fact that someone like
Pepe Mujica become the second president of the left in the country's history, beyond the popular clamor, raising expectations among
the population and the political system, taking the highest rank the country is full of wishes, desires and projects.
Even before the election that established him as a future president, public opinion could be receiving what would be the salient features
of its mandate, as well as to develop program guidelines, priorities and ways forward.
A Mujica distinguishes the capacity for dialogue, its willingness to agree (in spite of the right that never fails to recall the past guerrilla)
Not less this fact has been growing in strength and specifically during the period that goes from the last Sunday of November to the
inauguration tomorrow. The participation of parties from the plain in enterprises and government agencies is already a fact of which
only a few details missing. Similarly, the dialogue table installed at the initiative of the elected government to agree with the political
opposition of State on four major areas is bearing fruit and have already been announced basic agreement should not be overlooked in
safety, environment, energy and even in the most stinging and controversial issue as education.
Also alerted of course, the right not to accompany the console acts left in the government, nor will patriotically real source of synergy
that will lead to the development of program policies FA No! Make a difference is obviously natural and quite rightly have to score but
will add their mark neoliberal as already stated in the above fees, insist on delivering the national wealth (again asking if repeal ANCAP
monopoly) and other strategic areas who are heading for growth and real support of a country like Uruguay, a small and dependent,
humbly trying to leave the weak current capitalist development and challenge the social inequities that left us 50 years of right-wing
policies and delivery of wealth national.
Mujica and Astori exhibit another peculiarity of this, "vice president" will have a greater role than that traditionally tends to have that
office. Both assume amid optimism moderate and reasonable society. Everything suggests that the country will know times of
harmony, and development agreements but, as described above, we must be prepared to wait, and not have to wait too long-an
adverse reaction of PPTT right, which must inevitably make class differences and political or perish in the symbiosis imaginary people
that treated as part of the political left, which inevitably will lead to failure opponent.
The Frente Amplio updated his speech warning that certain assumptions and principles were impassable, the traditional parties,
meanwhile, seem to have understood that the neoliberal fundamentalism leads to no viable solution, although it is well to remember
that leaders of both parties (and Bordaberry Lacalle) are a die hard on the right, and while the first coat with a speech by the new
European right, the reality is that they are progressive tenets or Batllists. The reality forces you to think about strategies and tactics
and the population, with its classical wisdom, gave us a healthy second chance with another government of the FA.
Click here to read more »
IACHR TAKES CASE REGARDING URUGUAY TO THE INTER-AMERICAN COURT
Washington, D.C., February 2, 2010
The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) filed an application with the Inter-American Court of Human Rights in
Case 12.607, Juan Gelman, María Claudia García Iruretagoyena de Gelman, and María Macarena Gelman García Iruretagoyena,
Uruguay.
The case involves the forced disappearance of María Claudia García Iruretagoyena de Gelman, which was committed by
Uruguayan State agents and began at the end of 1976, with no indication to date of her whereabouts and the circumstances that
gave rise to her disappearance; and the suppression of the identity and nationality of María Macarena Gelman García Iruretagoyena,
daughter of María Claudia García de Gelman and Marcelo Gelman. The case also involves the denial of justice, the impunity, and in
general, the suffering caused to Juan Gelman, his family, María Macarena Gelman García Iruretagoyena, and the relatives of María
Claudia García de Gelman as a result of the failure to investigate the facts and prosecute and punish those responsible by virtue of
Law No. 15.848 or the Amnesty Law (Ley de Caducidad), enacted in 1986 by the democratic government of Uruguay.
The case was sent to the Inter-American Court on January 21, 2010, because the Commission determined that the State had not
complied in a satisfactory manner with the recommendations contained in the report on the merits approved by the IACHR in
accordance with Article 50 of the American Convention on Human Rights. In that report, the Commission concluded that the State
of Uruguay was responsible for violating rights protected by the Convention.
A principal, autonomous body of the Organization of American States (OAS), the IACHR derives its mandate from the OAS
Charter and the American Convention on Human Rights. The Inter-American Commission has the mandate to promote respect for
human rights in the region and acts as a consultative body to the OAS in this matter. The Commission is composed of seven
independent members who act in a personal capacity, without representing a particular country, and who are elected by the OAS
General Assembly.
Click here to read more »
Washington, D.C., February 2, 2010
The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) filed an application with the Inter-American Court of Human Rights in
Case 12.607, Juan Gelman, María Claudia García Iruretagoyena de Gelman, and María Macarena Gelman García Iruretagoyena,
Uruguay.
The case involves the forced disappearance of María Claudia García Iruretagoyena de Gelman, which was committed by
Uruguayan State agents and began at the end of 1976, with no indication to date of her whereabouts and the circumstances that
gave rise to her disappearance; and the suppression of the identity and nationality of María Macarena Gelman García Iruretagoyena,
daughter of María Claudia García de Gelman and Marcelo Gelman. The case also involves the denial of justice, the impunity, and in
general, the suffering caused to Juan Gelman, his family, María Macarena Gelman García Iruretagoyena, and the relatives of María
Claudia García de Gelman as a result of the failure to investigate the facts and prosecute and punish those responsible by virtue of
Law No. 15.848 or the Amnesty Law (Ley de Caducidad), enacted in 1986 by the democratic government of Uruguay.
The case was sent to the Inter-American Court on January 21, 2010, because the Commission determined that the State had not
complied in a satisfactory manner with the recommendations contained in the report on the merits approved by the IACHR in
accordance with Article 50 of the American Convention on Human Rights. In that report, the Commission concluded that the State
of Uruguay was responsible for violating rights protected by the Convention.
A principal, autonomous body of the Organization of American States (OAS), the IACHR derives its mandate from the OAS
Charter and the American Convention on Human Rights. The Inter-American Commission has the mandate to promote respect for
human rights in the region and acts as a consultative body to the OAS in this matter. The Commission is composed of seven
independent members who act in a personal capacity, without representing a particular country, and who are elected by the OAS
General Assembly.
Click here to read more »
TRANSLATED FROM SPANISH BY GOOGLE TRANSLATE
Sunday 18.04.2010, 22:09 hs l Montevideo, Uruguay
National
Jails: EU will provide € 6 million
Prisoners. Work and leisure projects
From five sources of funding, the European Union issued to the Ministry of Interior 6 million euros (U.S. $ 8.2 million) to generate
work and leisure in prison. The portfolio will also use these funds to train guards.
EU sources told El Pais that in the coming days, the head of the delegation of that international organization in Uruguay, Geoffrey
Barrett will meet with Interior Minister Eduardo Bonomi to discuss projects for this funding aimed at improving Uruguayan prison
conditions.
In addition the EU is already funding two other projects in Canelones Prison for U.S. $ 150,000 and another in the prison of Juan
Soler (San Jose) for about U.S. $ 300,000 to promote cooperative system among prisoners and prisons staff training .
With European funding, will be held at the prison in Santiago Vázquez a project of the Board of Freed and Imprisoned for achieving
the occupational and cultural prisoners. The amount of the project is $ 150,000.
In addition, the European Union is funding a project of Peace and Justice Service (Serpaj) for about U.S. $ 180,000 to design a
national policy for the prison system.
On 24 March, following the inauguration of the new director of Internal Affairs, Maria Stella Gonzalez, Bonomi acknowledged that
the EU was "ready" to assist the Ministry of Interior in staff training but not building new prisons. "We will see how to channel this
aid," he said then.
Congressman Jorge Orrico, who integrates Interparty Public Safety Commission, told El Pais that the government intends to make
"a huge restructuring" of the prison system.
The President Jose Mujica set up a committee in Parliament with all political parties to address future emergency bill Prison and
budgetary appropriations of $ 12 million to build two new prisons. There are 5,000 places to 9,000 prisoners in Uruguay.
Click here to read more »
Sunday 18.04.2010, 22:09 hs l Montevideo, Uruguay
National
Jails: EU will provide € 6 million
Prisoners. Work and leisure projects
From five sources of funding, the European Union issued to the Ministry of Interior 6 million euros (U.S. $ 8.2 million) to generate
work and leisure in prison. The portfolio will also use these funds to train guards.
EU sources told El Pais that in the coming days, the head of the delegation of that international organization in Uruguay, Geoffrey
Barrett will meet with Interior Minister Eduardo Bonomi to discuss projects for this funding aimed at improving Uruguayan prison
conditions.
In addition the EU is already funding two other projects in Canelones Prison for U.S. $ 150,000 and another in the prison of Juan
Soler (San Jose) for about U.S. $ 300,000 to promote cooperative system among prisoners and prisons staff training .
With European funding, will be held at the prison in Santiago Vázquez a project of the Board of Freed and Imprisoned for achieving
the occupational and cultural prisoners. The amount of the project is $ 150,000.
In addition, the European Union is funding a project of Peace and Justice Service (Serpaj) for about U.S. $ 180,000 to design a
national policy for the prison system.
On 24 March, following the inauguration of the new director of Internal Affairs, Maria Stella Gonzalez, Bonomi acknowledged that
the EU was "ready" to assist the Ministry of Interior in staff training but not building new prisons. "We will see how to channel this
aid," he said then.
Congressman Jorge Orrico, who integrates Interparty Public Safety Commission, told El Pais that the government intends to make
"a huge restructuring" of the prison system.
The President Jose Mujica set up a committee in Parliament with all political parties to address future emergency bill Prison and
budgetary appropriations of $ 12 million to build two new prisons. There are 5,000 places to 9,000 prisoners in Uruguay.
Click here to read more »
The only inhabitants of Uruguay before European colonization of the area were the Charrua Indians, a small tribe
driven south by the Guaraní Indians of Paraguay. They were a nomadic people that sustained themselves through
fishing and foraging. They did not build permanent structures, living instead in tents. Charrúa people are believed to
have killed Spanish explorer Juan Díaz de Solís during his 1515 voyage up the Río de la Plata. The Spanish arrived
in the territory of present-day Uruguay in 1516, but the Indians' fierce resistance to conquest, combined with the
absence of gold and silver, limited settlement in the region during the 16th and 17th centuries. Uruguay became a
zone of contention between the Spanish and the Portuguese empires. In 1603 the Spanish began to introduce cattle,
which became a source of wealth in the region. The first permanent settlement on the territory of present-day
Uruguay was founded by the Spanish in 1624 at Soriano on the Río Negro. In 1669-71, the Portuguese built a fort
at Colonia del Sacramento. Spanish colonization increased as Spain sought to limit Portugal's expansion of Brazil's
frontiers. Montevideo was founded by the Spanish in the early 18th century as a military stronghold; its natural
harbor soon developed into a commercial center competing with Argentina's capital, Buenos Aires. Uruguay's early
19th century history was shaped by ongoing fights between the British, Spanish, Portuguese, and colonial forces for
dominance in the Argentina-Brazil-Uruguay region. In 1806 and 1807, the British army attempted to seize Buenos
Aires as part of their war with Spain. As a result, at the beginning of 1807, Montevideo was occupied by a 10,000-
strong British force who held it until the middle of the year when they left to attack Buenos Aires. Following the
arrival of European settlers, the Charrúa were progressively killed and integrated into the prevailing colonial cultures.
Most of the remaining ones were massacred at Salsipuedes creek in 1831 by a group led by Fructuoso Rivera, who
had recently become the first president of Uruguay, after they were invited to a meeting and ambushed. Only a few
escaped this massacre − basically the ones who refused to attend the meeting because they did not trust the
intentions of the Spanish. Four of them were taken to France in 1833, including Tacuabe, to whom there is a
monument in Montevideo, Uruguay. Not much is known about the Charrúa due to their eradication at an early time
in Uruguay history. The only surviving documents that concern the Charrua are those of Spanish explorers.In 1811,
José Gervasio Artigas, who became Uruguay's national hero, launched a successful revolt against Spain. In 1821, the
Provincia Oriental del Río de la Plata, present-day Uruguay, was annexed to Brazil by Portugal under the name of
Província Cisplatina. The Província declared independence from Brazil on August 25, 1825 (after numerous revolts
in 1821, 1823, and 1825) and decided to adhere to a regional federation with Argentina. The regional federation
fought Brazil during a 500-day war. Neither side gained the upper hand and in 1828 the Treaty of Montevideo,
fostered by the United Kingdom, gave birth to Uruguay as an independent state. The nation's first constitution was
adopted on July 18, 1830. The remainder of the 19th century under a series of elected and appointed presidents saw
interventions by — and conflicts with — neighboring states, political and economic fluctuations, and large inflows of
immigrants, mostly from Europe. José Batlle y Ordóñez, president from 1903 to 1907 and again from 1911 to 1915,
set the pattern for Uruguay's modern political development. He established widespread political, social, and
economic reforms such as a welfare program, government participation in many facets of the economy, and a plural
executive. Some of these reforms were continued by his successors. An urban guerrilla movement known as the
Tupamaros formed in the early 1960s, first robbing banks and distributing food and money in poor neighborhoods,
then undertaking political kidnappings and attacks on security forces. Their efforts succeeded in first embarrassing,
and then destabilizing the government. The US Office of Public Safety (OPS) began operating in Uruguay in 1965.
The US Office of Public Safety trained Uruguayan police and intelligence in policing and interrogation techniques.
The Uruguayan Chief of Police intelligence, Alejandro Otero, told a Brazilian newspaper in 1970 that the OPS,
especially the head of the OPS in Uruguay, Dan Mitrione, had instructed the Uruguayan police how to torture
suspects, especially with electrical implements. President Jorge Pacheco Areco declared a state of emergency in
1968, followed by a further suspension of civil liberties in 1972 by his successor, President Juan María Bordaberry,
who brought in the Army to combat the guerrillas MLN, led by Raúl Sendic. After defeating the Tupamaros, the
military seized power in 1973. Torture was effectively used to decompose the MLN. Uruguay soon had the highest
per capita percentage of political prisoners in the world. In 1984, massive protests against the dictatorship broke out.
After a 24 hour general strike, talks began and the armed forces announced a plan for return to civilian rule. National
elections were held in 1984. Throughout the 80's and 90's unemployment rose to close to twenty percent, real wages
fell, the peso was devalued and the percentage of Uruguayans in poverty reached almost forty percent. These
worsening economic conditions played a part in turning public opinion against the free market economic policies
adopted by the Batlle administration and its predecessors, leading to popular rejection through plebiscites of
proposals for privatization of the state petroleum company in 2003 and of the state water company in 2004. In 2004
Uruguayans elected Tabaré Vázquez as president, while giving the Broad Front coalition a majority in both houses of
parliament. The newly elected government, while pledging to continue payments on Uruguay's external debt, has also
promised to undertake a crash jobs programs to attack the widespread problems of poverty and unemployment.
"Pepe" Mujica was elected 1 March 2010.
Sources: Wikipedia: History of Uruguay; Wikipedia: History of the Charrua people
driven south by the Guaraní Indians of Paraguay. They were a nomadic people that sustained themselves through
fishing and foraging. They did not build permanent structures, living instead in tents. Charrúa people are believed to
have killed Spanish explorer Juan Díaz de Solís during his 1515 voyage up the Río de la Plata. The Spanish arrived
in the territory of present-day Uruguay in 1516, but the Indians' fierce resistance to conquest, combined with the
absence of gold and silver, limited settlement in the region during the 16th and 17th centuries. Uruguay became a
zone of contention between the Spanish and the Portuguese empires. In 1603 the Spanish began to introduce cattle,
which became a source of wealth in the region. The first permanent settlement on the territory of present-day
Uruguay was founded by the Spanish in 1624 at Soriano on the Río Negro. In 1669-71, the Portuguese built a fort
at Colonia del Sacramento. Spanish colonization increased as Spain sought to limit Portugal's expansion of Brazil's
frontiers. Montevideo was founded by the Spanish in the early 18th century as a military stronghold; its natural
harbor soon developed into a commercial center competing with Argentina's capital, Buenos Aires. Uruguay's early
19th century history was shaped by ongoing fights between the British, Spanish, Portuguese, and colonial forces for
dominance in the Argentina-Brazil-Uruguay region. In 1806 and 1807, the British army attempted to seize Buenos
Aires as part of their war with Spain. As a result, at the beginning of 1807, Montevideo was occupied by a 10,000-
strong British force who held it until the middle of the year when they left to attack Buenos Aires. Following the
arrival of European settlers, the Charrúa were progressively killed and integrated into the prevailing colonial cultures.
Most of the remaining ones were massacred at Salsipuedes creek in 1831 by a group led by Fructuoso Rivera, who
had recently become the first president of Uruguay, after they were invited to a meeting and ambushed. Only a few
escaped this massacre − basically the ones who refused to attend the meeting because they did not trust the
intentions of the Spanish. Four of them were taken to France in 1833, including Tacuabe, to whom there is a
monument in Montevideo, Uruguay. Not much is known about the Charrúa due to their eradication at an early time
in Uruguay history. The only surviving documents that concern the Charrua are those of Spanish explorers.In 1811,
José Gervasio Artigas, who became Uruguay's national hero, launched a successful revolt against Spain. In 1821, the
Provincia Oriental del Río de la Plata, present-day Uruguay, was annexed to Brazil by Portugal under the name of
Província Cisplatina. The Província declared independence from Brazil on August 25, 1825 (after numerous revolts
in 1821, 1823, and 1825) and decided to adhere to a regional federation with Argentina. The regional federation
fought Brazil during a 500-day war. Neither side gained the upper hand and in 1828 the Treaty of Montevideo,
fostered by the United Kingdom, gave birth to Uruguay as an independent state. The nation's first constitution was
adopted on July 18, 1830. The remainder of the 19th century under a series of elected and appointed presidents saw
interventions by — and conflicts with — neighboring states, political and economic fluctuations, and large inflows of
immigrants, mostly from Europe. José Batlle y Ordóñez, president from 1903 to 1907 and again from 1911 to 1915,
set the pattern for Uruguay's modern political development. He established widespread political, social, and
economic reforms such as a welfare program, government participation in many facets of the economy, and a plural
executive. Some of these reforms were continued by his successors. An urban guerrilla movement known as the
Tupamaros formed in the early 1960s, first robbing banks and distributing food and money in poor neighborhoods,
then undertaking political kidnappings and attacks on security forces. Their efforts succeeded in first embarrassing,
and then destabilizing the government. The US Office of Public Safety (OPS) began operating in Uruguay in 1965.
The US Office of Public Safety trained Uruguayan police and intelligence in policing and interrogation techniques.
The Uruguayan Chief of Police intelligence, Alejandro Otero, told a Brazilian newspaper in 1970 that the OPS,
especially the head of the OPS in Uruguay, Dan Mitrione, had instructed the Uruguayan police how to torture
suspects, especially with electrical implements. President Jorge Pacheco Areco declared a state of emergency in
1968, followed by a further suspension of civil liberties in 1972 by his successor, President Juan María Bordaberry,
who brought in the Army to combat the guerrillas MLN, led by Raúl Sendic. After defeating the Tupamaros, the
military seized power in 1973. Torture was effectively used to decompose the MLN. Uruguay soon had the highest
per capita percentage of political prisoners in the world. In 1984, massive protests against the dictatorship broke out.
After a 24 hour general strike, talks began and the armed forces announced a plan for return to civilian rule. National
elections were held in 1984. Throughout the 80's and 90's unemployment rose to close to twenty percent, real wages
fell, the peso was devalued and the percentage of Uruguayans in poverty reached almost forty percent. These
worsening economic conditions played a part in turning public opinion against the free market economic policies
adopted by the Batlle administration and its predecessors, leading to popular rejection through plebiscites of
proposals for privatization of the state petroleum company in 2003 and of the state water company in 2004. In 2004
Uruguayans elected Tabaré Vázquez as president, while giving the Broad Front coalition a majority in both houses of
parliament. The newly elected government, while pledging to continue payments on Uruguay's external debt, has also
promised to undertake a crash jobs programs to attack the widespread problems of poverty and unemployment.
"Pepe" Mujica was elected 1 March 2010.
Sources: Wikipedia: History of Uruguay; Wikipedia: History of the Charrua people
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| Click on flag for Country Report |
| TRAFFICKING IN PERSONS |
None reported.
