| Venezuela Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela Republica Bolivariana de Venezuela Joined United Nations: 15 November 1945 Human Rights as assured by their constitution Click here Updated 06/18/10 |
| CAPITAL |
| POPULATION |
| CHIEF OF STATE |
| SELECTION PROCESS |
Caracas
27,223,228 (July 2010 est.)
Hugo Chavez Frias
President since 3 February 1999
President since 3 February 1999
President elected by popular vote for a six-year term (eligible
for a second term); election last held 3 December 2006); note:
in 1999, a National Constituent Assembly drafted a new
constitution that increased the presidential term to six years; an
election was subsequently held on 30 July 2000 under the terms
of this new constitution; in 2009, a national referendum
approved the elimination of term limits on all elected officials,
including the presidency
Next scheduled election: December 2012
for a second term); election last held 3 December 2006); note:
in 1999, a National Constituent Assembly drafted a new
constitution that increased the presidential term to six years; an
election was subsequently held on 30 July 2000 under the terms
of this new constitution; in 2009, a national referendum
approved the elimination of term limits on all elected officials,
including the presidency
Next scheduled election: December 2012
HEAD OF GOVERNMENT
Elias Jaua Milano
Executive Vice President
since 26 January 2010
Executive Vice President
since 26 January 2010
According to the Venezuelan Constitution, the president is both
the chief of state and head of government
the chief of state and head of government
| DECLARATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS |
| ETHNIC GROUPS |
Spanish, Italian, Portuguese, Arab, German, African, indigenous people
| RELIGIONS |
Nominally Roman Catholic 96%, Protestant 2%, other 2%
| GOVERNMENT STRUCTURE |
Federal republic with 23 states (estados, singular - estado), 1 capital district (distrito capital), and 1 federal dependency (dependencia
federal); Legal system is an open, adversarial court system, has not accepted compulsory ICJ jurisdiction
Executive: President elected by popular vote for a six-year term (eligible for a second term); election last held 3 December 2006 (next to be
held December 2012)
Legislative: Unicameral National Assembly or Asamblea Nacional (167 seats; members elected by popular vote to serve five-year
terms; three seats reserved for the indigenous peoples of Venezuela)
elections: last held 4 December 2005 (next to be held 26 September 2010)
Judicial: Supreme Tribunal of Justice or Tribuna Suprema de Justicia (magistrates are elected by the National Assembly for a single
12-year term)
federal); Legal system is an open, adversarial court system, has not accepted compulsory ICJ jurisdiction
Executive: President elected by popular vote for a six-year term (eligible for a second term); election last held 3 December 2006 (next to be
held December 2012)
Legislative: Unicameral National Assembly or Asamblea Nacional (167 seats; members elected by popular vote to serve five-year
terms; three seats reserved for the indigenous peoples of Venezuela)
elections: last held 4 December 2005 (next to be held 26 September 2010)
Judicial: Supreme Tribunal of Justice or Tribuna Suprema de Justicia (magistrates are elected by the National Assembly for a single
12-year term)
| LANGUAGES |
Spanish (official), numerous indigenous dialects
| BRIEF HISTORY |
Very little is known about the indigenous inhabitants of Venezuela prior to prior to the arrival of European explorers. Christopher
Columbus, upon seeing its eastern coast in 1498, referred to Venezuela as "Tierra de Gracia" ("Land of Grace"), which has become
the country’s nickname. The name "Venezuela" is believed to have originated from the cartographer Amerigo Vespucci who,
together with Alonso de Ojeda, led a 1499 naval expedition along the northwestern coast's Gulf of Venezuela. On reaching the
Guajira Peninsula, the crew observed the distinctive stilt villages (palafitos) that the indigenous Añu people had built over the water.
This reminded Vespucci of the city of Venice (Venezia in Italian), so he named the region "Veneziela". Alternatively, the Spanish
geographer Martín Fernández de Enciso, a member of Vespucci and de Ojeda's crew, states in his work Summa de Geografía that
the indigenous population they found were called "Veneciuela", suggesting that the name "Venezuela" may have evolved from a
native word. The Vespucci story, however, remains the most popular and accepted version of the origin of the country's name.
Venezuela was colonised by Spain in 1522. In what is now the city of Cumaná, Spain established their first permanent South
American settlement. At the time of the Spanish arrival, the indigenous people were mainly agriculturists and hunters living in groups
along the coast, the Andean mountain range, and along the Orinoco River. Nueva Toledo, the first permanent Spanish settlement in
South America, was established in Venezuela in 1522. An abortive plan for German settlement from German Habsburg lands, to be
financed through the Fugger bankers, never came to fruition. By the middle of the 16th century, there were still few more than 2,000
Europeans in what is now Venezuela. The opening of gold mines at Yaracuy led to the introduction of slavery, at first with the
indigenous population, then with imported Africans. The first real success of the colony was the raising of livestock, much helped by
the grassy plains known as llanos. The society that developed as a result — a handful of Spanish landowners and widely-dispersed
Indian herdsmen on Spanish-introduced horses — was so primitive that it recalls feudalism, certainly a powerful concept in the 16th
century Spanish imagination, and perhaps more fruitful economic comparison to the latifundia of antiquity. During the 16th and 17th
century, the provinces which constitute today's Venezuela were relatively neglected. The Viceroyalties of New Spain and Peru
(located on the sites formerly occupied by the capital cities of the Aztecs and Incas) were more interested in their nearby gold and
silver mines than in the agricultural societies of Venezuela. Responsibility for the Venezuelan territories shifted between the two
Viceroyalties. In the 18th century, a second Venezuelan society formed along the coast when cocoa plantations were established,
this time manned by much larger importations of African slaves. Quite a number of black slaves were also to be found in the
haciendas of the grassy llanos. The Province of Venezuela was under the jurisdiction of the Viceroyalty of New Granada (created in
1717). The Province was then transformed into the Captaincy General of Venezuela in 1777. The Compañía Guipuzcoana de
Caracas held a close monopoly on trade with Europe. The Venezuelans began to grow restive under colonial control toward the
end of the eighteenth century. The Napoleonic Wars in Europe weakened Spain's imperial power and the Venezuelans achieved
home rule after a coup on April 19, 1810, and later declared independence from Spain on July 5, 1811. The war for independence
ensued. On December 17, 1819 the Congress of Angostura established Gran Colombia's independence from Spain. After several
more years of war, which killed half of Venezuela's white population, the country achieved independence from Spain in 1821 under
the leadership of its most famous son, Simón Bolívar. Venezuela, along with what are now Colombia, Panama, and Ecuador, was
part of the Republic of Gran Colombia until 1830, when Venezuela separated and became a sovereign country. Much of
Venezuela's 19th century history was characterized by periods of political instability, dictatorial rule of the caudillos, and
revolutionary turbulence. Starting in 1870, Venezuela experienced increasing economic and political centralization. Antonio Guzmán
Blanco (1870-1888) took control over customs revenues through an alliance with regional caudillos and the financial sector.
Cipriano Castro (1899-1908) and Juan Vicente Gómez (1908-1935) founded a professionalized army with a centralized command
structure. These institutions were vital in ensuring that, in contrast to other oil abundant countries, Venezuela would experience
growing political stability as a result of the influx of oil revenues that occurred after 1920. The first half of the 20th century was
marked by periods of authoritarianism — including dictatorships by General Juan Vicente Gómez from 1908 to 1935, when
Venezuela became a major oil exporter. A military junta ruled after his death. Leftist Dr. Rómulo Betancourt and the Acción
Democrática (AD, "Democratic Action party") won a majority of seats in a Constituent Assembly to draft a new constitution in
1946. A well-known writer, Rómulo Gallegos, candidate of Betancourt's party, became Venezuela's first democratically elected
president in 1947. Within eight months, Gallegos was overthrown by a military-backed coup led by Marcos Pérez Jiménez, who
was himself ousted in 1958. Since the overthrow of Pérez Jiménez and the military's withdrawal from direct involvement in national
politics, Venezuela has enjoyed an unbroken tradition of civilian democratic rule, of which Rómulo Betancourt, president from 1958
to 1964, laid the foundation. In the 1960s, the AD and the Christian Democratic Comité de Organización Política Electoral
Independiente (COPEI) parties agreed to limit Venezuela's elections to an exclusive competition between these two parties, a
system known as puntofijismo. February 27, 1989 saw a wave of protests, riots and looting known as the Caracazo, where it is
estimated that thousands of Venezuelans were killed after the then-president Carlos Andrés Pérez, a member of the AD political
party, decided to suspend the constitutional rights of the citizens, thus allowing the armed forces to confront the rioters by violent
means. This led to the failed coup attempts of 1992. In 1998, Hugo Chávez, a leader of the February 1992 coup attempt, was
elected President, ending the era of political domination by the AD and COPEI. Hugo Chávez, a former paratroop lieutenant-
colonel who led an unsuccessful coup d'état in 1992, was elected President in December 1998 on a platform that called for the
creation of a "Fifth Republic", a new constitution, a new name ("the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela"), and a new set of social
relations between socioeconomic classes. In 1999, voters approved a referendum on a new constitution, and in 2000, re-elected
Chávez, also placing many members of his Fifth Republic Movement political party in the National Assembly. Supporters of Chávez
call the process symbolised by him the Bolivarian Revolution, and organise themselves in open, local, participatory assemblies called
Bolivarian Circles. Chávez has faced strong opposition to his policies. A business-labor general work stoppage was called in
December 2001, followed by an attempted coup in April 2002, and another general work stoppage in December 2002, shutting
down the state oil company PDVSA for two months and crippling the Venezuelan economy. In August, 2004, Chávez faced a
recall referendum, but 59% of the voters voted to allow Chávez to remain in office. During the run-up to the election, government
deputy Luis Tascón published on his web page the list and identity card numbers of those who had signed the petition to hold the
referendum against Chávez. A statistical study by Roberto Rigobón (MIT) and Ricardo Hausmann (Harvard University) said they
had found statistical evidence that the electoral council had manipulated the electoral audit. The Organization of American States
and the Carter Center certified the voting results as representative of the votes cast, and Jimmy Carter stated that in his opinion it
was fairer than the voting process in Florida during the 2000 US Presidential election.
Source: Wikipedia: History of Venezuela
Columbus, upon seeing its eastern coast in 1498, referred to Venezuela as "Tierra de Gracia" ("Land of Grace"), which has become
the country’s nickname. The name "Venezuela" is believed to have originated from the cartographer Amerigo Vespucci who,
together with Alonso de Ojeda, led a 1499 naval expedition along the northwestern coast's Gulf of Venezuela. On reaching the
Guajira Peninsula, the crew observed the distinctive stilt villages (palafitos) that the indigenous Añu people had built over the water.
This reminded Vespucci of the city of Venice (Venezia in Italian), so he named the region "Veneziela". Alternatively, the Spanish
geographer Martín Fernández de Enciso, a member of Vespucci and de Ojeda's crew, states in his work Summa de Geografía that
the indigenous population they found were called "Veneciuela", suggesting that the name "Venezuela" may have evolved from a
native word. The Vespucci story, however, remains the most popular and accepted version of the origin of the country's name.
Venezuela was colonised by Spain in 1522. In what is now the city of Cumaná, Spain established their first permanent South
American settlement. At the time of the Spanish arrival, the indigenous people were mainly agriculturists and hunters living in groups
along the coast, the Andean mountain range, and along the Orinoco River. Nueva Toledo, the first permanent Spanish settlement in
South America, was established in Venezuela in 1522. An abortive plan for German settlement from German Habsburg lands, to be
financed through the Fugger bankers, never came to fruition. By the middle of the 16th century, there were still few more than 2,000
Europeans in what is now Venezuela. The opening of gold mines at Yaracuy led to the introduction of slavery, at first with the
indigenous population, then with imported Africans. The first real success of the colony was the raising of livestock, much helped by
the grassy plains known as llanos. The society that developed as a result — a handful of Spanish landowners and widely-dispersed
Indian herdsmen on Spanish-introduced horses — was so primitive that it recalls feudalism, certainly a powerful concept in the 16th
century Spanish imagination, and perhaps more fruitful economic comparison to the latifundia of antiquity. During the 16th and 17th
century, the provinces which constitute today's Venezuela were relatively neglected. The Viceroyalties of New Spain and Peru
(located on the sites formerly occupied by the capital cities of the Aztecs and Incas) were more interested in their nearby gold and
silver mines than in the agricultural societies of Venezuela. Responsibility for the Venezuelan territories shifted between the two
Viceroyalties. In the 18th century, a second Venezuelan society formed along the coast when cocoa plantations were established,
this time manned by much larger importations of African slaves. Quite a number of black slaves were also to be found in the
haciendas of the grassy llanos. The Province of Venezuela was under the jurisdiction of the Viceroyalty of New Granada (created in
1717). The Province was then transformed into the Captaincy General of Venezuela in 1777. The Compañía Guipuzcoana de
Caracas held a close monopoly on trade with Europe. The Venezuelans began to grow restive under colonial control toward the
end of the eighteenth century. The Napoleonic Wars in Europe weakened Spain's imperial power and the Venezuelans achieved
home rule after a coup on April 19, 1810, and later declared independence from Spain on July 5, 1811. The war for independence
ensued. On December 17, 1819 the Congress of Angostura established Gran Colombia's independence from Spain. After several
more years of war, which killed half of Venezuela's white population, the country achieved independence from Spain in 1821 under
the leadership of its most famous son, Simón Bolívar. Venezuela, along with what are now Colombia, Panama, and Ecuador, was
part of the Republic of Gran Colombia until 1830, when Venezuela separated and became a sovereign country. Much of
Venezuela's 19th century history was characterized by periods of political instability, dictatorial rule of the caudillos, and
revolutionary turbulence. Starting in 1870, Venezuela experienced increasing economic and political centralization. Antonio Guzmán
Blanco (1870-1888) took control over customs revenues through an alliance with regional caudillos and the financial sector.
Cipriano Castro (1899-1908) and Juan Vicente Gómez (1908-1935) founded a professionalized army with a centralized command
structure. These institutions were vital in ensuring that, in contrast to other oil abundant countries, Venezuela would experience
growing political stability as a result of the influx of oil revenues that occurred after 1920. The first half of the 20th century was
marked by periods of authoritarianism — including dictatorships by General Juan Vicente Gómez from 1908 to 1935, when
Venezuela became a major oil exporter. A military junta ruled after his death. Leftist Dr. Rómulo Betancourt and the Acción
Democrática (AD, "Democratic Action party") won a majority of seats in a Constituent Assembly to draft a new constitution in
1946. A well-known writer, Rómulo Gallegos, candidate of Betancourt's party, became Venezuela's first democratically elected
president in 1947. Within eight months, Gallegos was overthrown by a military-backed coup led by Marcos Pérez Jiménez, who
was himself ousted in 1958. Since the overthrow of Pérez Jiménez and the military's withdrawal from direct involvement in national
politics, Venezuela has enjoyed an unbroken tradition of civilian democratic rule, of which Rómulo Betancourt, president from 1958
to 1964, laid the foundation. In the 1960s, the AD and the Christian Democratic Comité de Organización Política Electoral
Independiente (COPEI) parties agreed to limit Venezuela's elections to an exclusive competition between these two parties, a
system known as puntofijismo. February 27, 1989 saw a wave of protests, riots and looting known as the Caracazo, where it is
estimated that thousands of Venezuelans were killed after the then-president Carlos Andrés Pérez, a member of the AD political
party, decided to suspend the constitutional rights of the citizens, thus allowing the armed forces to confront the rioters by violent
means. This led to the failed coup attempts of 1992. In 1998, Hugo Chávez, a leader of the February 1992 coup attempt, was
elected President, ending the era of political domination by the AD and COPEI. Hugo Chávez, a former paratroop lieutenant-
colonel who led an unsuccessful coup d'état in 1992, was elected President in December 1998 on a platform that called for the
creation of a "Fifth Republic", a new constitution, a new name ("the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela"), and a new set of social
relations between socioeconomic classes. In 1999, voters approved a referendum on a new constitution, and in 2000, re-elected
Chávez, also placing many members of his Fifth Republic Movement political party in the National Assembly. Supporters of Chávez
call the process symbolised by him the Bolivarian Revolution, and organise themselves in open, local, participatory assemblies called
Bolivarian Circles. Chávez has faced strong opposition to his policies. A business-labor general work stoppage was called in
December 2001, followed by an attempted coup in April 2002, and another general work stoppage in December 2002, shutting
down the state oil company PDVSA for two months and crippling the Venezuelan economy. In August, 2004, Chávez faced a
recall referendum, but 59% of the voters voted to allow Chávez to remain in office. During the run-up to the election, government
deputy Luis Tascón published on his web page the list and identity card numbers of those who had signed the petition to hold the
referendum against Chávez. A statistical study by Roberto Rigobón (MIT) and Ricardo Hausmann (Harvard University) said they
had found statistical evidence that the electoral council had manipulated the electoral audit. The Organization of American States
and the Carter Center certified the voting results as representative of the votes cast, and Jimmy Carter stated that in his opinion it
was fairer than the voting process in Florida during the 2000 US Presidential election.
Source: Wikipedia: History of Venezuela
| ECONOMIC OVERVIEW |
Venezuela remains highly dependent on oil revenues, which account for roughly 90% of export earnings, about 50% of the federal
budget revenues, and around 30% of GDP. A nationwide strike between December 2002 and February 2003 had far-reaching
economic consequences - real GDP declined by around 9% in 2002 and 8% in 2003 - but economic output since then has
recovered strongly. Fueled by high oil prices, record government spending helped to boost GDP by about 10% in 2006, 8% in
2007, and nearly 5% in 2008, before the world recession caused a contraction in 2009. This spending, combined with recent
minimum wage hikes and improved access to domestic credit, has created a consumption boom but has come at the cost of higher
inflation - roughly 20% in 2007 and more than 30% in 2008. Imports also jumped significantly before the recession of 2009.
Declining oil prices in the latter part of 2008 are undermining the government's ability to continue the high rate of spending. President
Hugo CHAVEZ in 2008-09 continued efforts to increase the government's control of the economy by nationalizing firms in the
agribusiness, banking, tourism, oil, cement, and steel sectors. In 2007, he nationalized firms in the petroleum, communications, and
electricity sectors. In January, 2010, CHAVEZ announced a dual exchange rate system for the fixed rate bolivar. The system offers
a 2.6 bolivar per dollar rate for imports of essentials, including food, medicine, and industrial machinery, and a 4.3 bolivar per dollar
rate for imports of other products, including cars and telephones.
Source: CIA World Factbook (select Venezuela)
budget revenues, and around 30% of GDP. A nationwide strike between December 2002 and February 2003 had far-reaching
economic consequences - real GDP declined by around 9% in 2002 and 8% in 2003 - but economic output since then has
recovered strongly. Fueled by high oil prices, record government spending helped to boost GDP by about 10% in 2006, 8% in
2007, and nearly 5% in 2008, before the world recession caused a contraction in 2009. This spending, combined with recent
minimum wage hikes and improved access to domestic credit, has created a consumption boom but has come at the cost of higher
inflation - roughly 20% in 2007 and more than 30% in 2008. Imports also jumped significantly before the recession of 2009.
Declining oil prices in the latter part of 2008 are undermining the government's ability to continue the high rate of spending. President
Hugo CHAVEZ in 2008-09 continued efforts to increase the government's control of the economy by nationalizing firms in the
agribusiness, banking, tourism, oil, cement, and steel sectors. In 2007, he nationalized firms in the petroleum, communications, and
electricity sectors. In January, 2010, CHAVEZ announced a dual exchange rate system for the fixed rate bolivar. The system offers
a 2.6 bolivar per dollar rate for imports of essentials, including food, medicine, and industrial machinery, and a 4.3 bolivar per dollar
rate for imports of other products, including cars and telephones.
Source: CIA World Factbook (select Venezuela)
| POLITICAL CLIMATE |
Between rightwing frustration and leftwing euphoria, little has been written about the complex and contradictory reality of Venezuela
politics and the specificities of President Chavez policies. Even less discussion has focused on the division between ideological
Washington and pragmatic Wall Street, between the politics of confrontation and conciliation, and the convergences and
divergences between Venezuela and the rest of Latin America. Both the right and left have substituted myths about the Chavez
government rather than confronting realities. Myth 1--Chavez is an unpopular President who the rightwing opposition is capable of
defeating in the referendum. But the rightwing and its backers in Washington miscalculated on several counts. First the weakest
moment of the Chavez government was right after the PVDS executive lock-out (December 2002--February 2003), when oil
prices were much lower, the economy was devastated, the social welfare programs of the government were under funded and grass
roots political organizations were weak. By the time the referendum took place (August 2004), one and a half years later,
socio-economic and political conditions had dramatically changed. The economy was growing by 12%, oil prices were at record
highs, social welfare expenditures were increasing and their social impact was highly visible and widespread, and the mass social
organizations were deeply embedded in populous neighborhoods throughout the country. Clearly the initiative had passed from the
right to the left, but both the US and its opposition collaborators were blind to the realities. Having lost control over the state
petroleum industry and allocation of funds via the failed lockout in early 2003, having lost influence in the military after the failed
coup of April 2002, the opposition possessed few resources to limit the government's referendum campaign and no leverage in
launching a post election 'civic-military' coup. There is a history of tension between church and state in the country.
Source: Counterpunch: Myths and Realities: Venezuela's Chavez and the Referendum
politics and the specificities of President Chavez policies. Even less discussion has focused on the division between ideological
Washington and pragmatic Wall Street, between the politics of confrontation and conciliation, and the convergences and
divergences between Venezuela and the rest of Latin America. Both the right and left have substituted myths about the Chavez
government rather than confronting realities. Myth 1--Chavez is an unpopular President who the rightwing opposition is capable of
defeating in the referendum. But the rightwing and its backers in Washington miscalculated on several counts. First the weakest
moment of the Chavez government was right after the PVDS executive lock-out (December 2002--February 2003), when oil
prices were much lower, the economy was devastated, the social welfare programs of the government were under funded and grass
roots political organizations were weak. By the time the referendum took place (August 2004), one and a half years later,
socio-economic and political conditions had dramatically changed. The economy was growing by 12%, oil prices were at record
highs, social welfare expenditures were increasing and their social impact was highly visible and widespread, and the mass social
organizations were deeply embedded in populous neighborhoods throughout the country. Clearly the initiative had passed from the
right to the left, but both the US and its opposition collaborators were blind to the realities. Having lost control over the state
petroleum industry and allocation of funds via the failed lockout in early 2003, having lost influence in the military after the failed
coup of April 2002, the opposition possessed few resources to limit the government's referendum campaign and no leverage in
launching a post election 'civic-military' coup. There is a history of tension between church and state in the country.
Source: Counterpunch: Myths and Realities: Venezuela's Chavez and the Referendum
| INTERNATIONAL DISPUTES |
Claims all of the area west of the Essequibo River in Guyana, preventing any discussion of a maritime boundary; Guyana has
expressed its intention to join Barbados in asserting claims before the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea
(UNCLOS) that Trinidad and Tobago's maritime boundary with Venezuela extends into their waters; dispute with Colombia over
maritime boundary and Venezuelan-administered Los Monjes islands near the Gulf of Venezuela; Colombian-organized illegal
narcotics and paramilitary activities penetrate Venezuela's shared border region; in 2006, an estimated 139,000 Colombians sought
protection in 150 communities along the border in Venezuela; US, France, and the Netherlands recognize Venezuela's granting full
effect to Aves Island, thereby claiming a Venezuelan EEZ/continental shelf extending over a large portion of the eastern Caribbean
Sea; Dominica, Saint Kitts and Nevis, Saint Lucia, and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines protest Venezuela's full effect claim
expressed its intention to join Barbados in asserting claims before the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea
(UNCLOS) that Trinidad and Tobago's maritime boundary with Venezuela extends into their waters; dispute with Colombia over
maritime boundary and Venezuelan-administered Los Monjes islands near the Gulf of Venezuela; Colombian-organized illegal
narcotics and paramilitary activities penetrate Venezuela's shared border region; in 2006, an estimated 139,000 Colombians sought
protection in 150 communities along the border in Venezuela; US, France, and the Netherlands recognize Venezuela's granting full
effect to Aves Island, thereby claiming a Venezuelan EEZ/continental shelf extending over a large portion of the eastern Caribbean
Sea; Dominica, Saint Kitts and Nevis, Saint Lucia, and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines protest Venezuela's full effect claim
| TRAFFICKING IN PERSONS |
Current situation: Venezuela is a source, transit, and destination country for men, women, and children trafficked for the purposes
of commercial sexual exploitation and forced labor; Venezuelan women and girls are trafficked within the country for sexual
exploitation, lured from the nation's interior to urban and tourist areas; child prostitution in urban areas and child sex tourism in resort
destinations appear to be growing; Venezuelan women and girls are trafficked for commercial sexual exploitation to Western
Europe, Mexico, and Caribbean destinations
Tier rating: Tier 2 Watch List - Venezuela is placed on the Tier 2 Watch List, up from Tier 3, as it showed greater resolve to
address trafficking through law enforcement measures and prevention efforts in 2007, although stringent punishment of offenders
and victim assistance remain lacking (2008)
of commercial sexual exploitation and forced labor; Venezuelan women and girls are trafficked within the country for sexual
exploitation, lured from the nation's interior to urban and tourist areas; child prostitution in urban areas and child sex tourism in resort
destinations appear to be growing; Venezuelan women and girls are trafficked for commercial sexual exploitation to Western
Europe, Mexico, and Caribbean destinations
Tier rating: Tier 2 Watch List - Venezuela is placed on the Tier 2 Watch List, up from Tier 3, as it showed greater resolve to
address trafficking through law enforcement measures and prevention efforts in 2007, although stringent punishment of offenders
and victim assistance remain lacking (2008)
| INTERNALLY DISPLACED PERSONS (IDPS) |
None reported.
| HUMAN RIGHTS STATEMENTS, ANALYSIS AND CRITIQUES |
2009 Human Rights Report: Venezuela
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
March 11, 2010
Venezuela is a constitutional democracy with a population of approximately 27 million. In 2006 voters reelected President Hugo
Chavez Frias of the Fifth Republic Movement party. International observer missions deemed the elections generally free and fair but
noted some irregularities. In February voters approved a constitutional referendum eliminating term limits for elected officials.
While civilian authorities generally maintained control of the security forces, there were instances in which elements of the security
forces acted independently.
Politicization of the judiciary and official harassment and intimidation of the political opposition and the media intensified during the
year. The following human rights problems were reported by the nongovernmental organization (NGO) community, the media, and
in some cases the government itself:
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
March 11, 2010
Venezuela is a constitutional democracy with a population of approximately 27 million. In 2006 voters reelected President Hugo
Chavez Frias of the Fifth Republic Movement party. International observer missions deemed the elections generally free and fair but
noted some irregularities. In February voters approved a constitutional referendum eliminating term limits for elected officials.
While civilian authorities generally maintained control of the security forces, there were instances in which elements of the security
forces acted independently.
Politicization of the judiciary and official harassment and intimidation of the political opposition and the media intensified during the
year. The following human rights problems were reported by the nongovernmental organization (NGO) community, the media, and
in some cases the government itself:
- unlawful killings, including summary executions of criminal suspects;
- widespread criminal kidnappings for ransom;
- prison uprisings resulting from harsh prison conditions;
- arbitrary arrests and detentions;
- corruption and impunity in police forces;
- a corrupt, inefficient, and politicized judicial system characterized by trial delays and violations of due process;
- political prisoners and selective prosecution for political purposes;
- infringement of citizens' privacy rights by security forces;
- government closure of radio and television stations and threats to close others;
- government attacks on public demonstrators;
- systematic discrimination based on political grounds;
- considerable corruption at all levels of government;
- threats and attacks against domestic NGOs;
- violence against women;
- inadequate juvenile detention centers;
- trafficking in persons;
- restrictions on workers' right of association.
5 October 2007
COMMITTEE ON THE RIGHTS OF THE CHILD
Forty sixth session
CONSIDERATION OF REPORTS SUBMITTED BY STATES PARTIES UNDER ARTICLE 44 OF THE CONVENTION
Concluding observations: VENEZUELA
A. Introduction
2. The Committee welcomes the submission of the State party’s second periodic report despite its long delay, the detailed written
replies to its list of issues (CRC/C/VEN/Q/2/Add.1) submitted in a timely manner and regrets the technical problems with the
translation on time of the replies. The Committee appreciated the dialogue with the high-level, multi-sectoral delegation. The
Committee notes that the State party’s report did not fully comply with the guidelines for the submission of the reports.
B. Follow-up measures undertaken and progress achieved by the State Party
3. The Committee notes with appreciation the adoption of many legislative (and programmatic) measures taken with a view to
implementing the Convention, including:
a. The Constitution articles 75, 76, 78 (1999) recognising children as subjects of rights;
b. Child and Adolescent Protection Act (LOPNA) (2000);
c. Special Computer Crime Law (2001)
d. Organized Crime Act (2005)
e. Law for the Protection of Children and Adolescents in Places for Internet, Videogame and other Multimedia use (2006);
f. Community Council Law (2006);
C. Main subjects of concern and recommendations
1. General Measures of Implementation
(arts. 4, 42 and 44, paragraph 6 of the Convention)
Committee’s previous recommendations
5. The Committee notes that several concerns and recommendations made upon the consideration of the State party’s initial report
(CRC/C/15/Add.109) have been addressed. However, it regrets that some of its concerns and recommendations have been
insufficiently or only partly addressed, including those related to discrimination, definition of the child, data collection and
cooperation with NGOs.
6. The Committee urges the State party to take all necessary measures to address those recommendations from the concluding
observations of the initial report that have not yet been implemented or sufficiently implemented, particularly in relation to
discrimination, definition of the child, data collection and cooperation with NGOs and to provide adequate follow-up to the
recommendations contained in the present concluding observations on the second periodic report.
Click here to read more »
COMMITTEE ON THE RIGHTS OF THE CHILD
Forty sixth session
CONSIDERATION OF REPORTS SUBMITTED BY STATES PARTIES UNDER ARTICLE 44 OF THE CONVENTION
Concluding observations: VENEZUELA
A. Introduction
2. The Committee welcomes the submission of the State party’s second periodic report despite its long delay, the detailed written
replies to its list of issues (CRC/C/VEN/Q/2/Add.1) submitted in a timely manner and regrets the technical problems with the
translation on time of the replies. The Committee appreciated the dialogue with the high-level, multi-sectoral delegation. The
Committee notes that the State party’s report did not fully comply with the guidelines for the submission of the reports.
B. Follow-up measures undertaken and progress achieved by the State Party
3. The Committee notes with appreciation the adoption of many legislative (and programmatic) measures taken with a view to
implementing the Convention, including:
a. The Constitution articles 75, 76, 78 (1999) recognising children as subjects of rights;
b. Child and Adolescent Protection Act (LOPNA) (2000);
c. Special Computer Crime Law (2001)
d. Organized Crime Act (2005)
e. Law for the Protection of Children and Adolescents in Places for Internet, Videogame and other Multimedia use (2006);
f. Community Council Law (2006);
C. Main subjects of concern and recommendations
1. General Measures of Implementation
(arts. 4, 42 and 44, paragraph 6 of the Convention)
Committee’s previous recommendations
5. The Committee notes that several concerns and recommendations made upon the consideration of the State party’s initial report
(CRC/C/15/Add.109) have been addressed. However, it regrets that some of its concerns and recommendations have been
insufficiently or only partly addressed, including those related to discrimination, definition of the child, data collection and
cooperation with NGOs.
6. The Committee urges the State party to take all necessary measures to address those recommendations from the concluding
observations of the initial report that have not yet been implemented or sufficiently implemented, particularly in relation to
discrimination, definition of the child, data collection and cooperation with NGOs and to provide adequate follow-up to the
recommendations contained in the present concluding observations on the second periodic report.
Click here to read more »
Freedom In The World 2010 Report
Political Rights Score: 5
Civil Liberties Score: 4
Status: Partly Free
Ratings Change
Venezuela’s political rights rating declined from 4 to 5 due to the adoption of laws designed to further marginalize the
political opposition, including provisions that were rejected by referendum voters in December 2007.
Overview
In February 2009, referendum voters approved reforms backed by President Hugo Chavez Frias that abolished term limits for the
presidency and other elected offices. Nevertheless, a weak economy, continued political polarization, and problems with the
provision of key public services led to increased street protests during the year. Meanwhile, new laws threatened to further
marginalize the political opposition, and tensions with Colombia increased the risk of armed conflict.
In March and April, the legislature passed laws allowing the national government to strip states of key governing functions and cut
budget allocations; in practice, opposition-governed states and particularly the Caracas mayor’s office were most affected. In
August, the National Assembly passed a new electoral law that analysts suspected would lead to gerrymandering in favor of the
ruling party. Battles between the government and the media also continued, with the primary opposition-aligned television
broadcaster, Globovision, facing multiple investigations and several attacks on its headquarters by Chavez supporters. In July, the
National Telecommunications Commission (CONATEL) stripped 32 radio stations of their licenses for what it described as
procedural and administrative problems. Many of the stations insisted that any licensing flaws were the result of CONATEL’s own
errors.
Street protests increased during the year as the global economic crisis contributed to rising unemployment and shrinking state
revenue. According to local rights group PROVEA, workers were responsible for the largest number of protests, followed by
community groups demonstrating against high crime and poor service provision, including ongoing water and electricity shortages
caused by drought and poor planning. Political and student-led protests were also abundant. The state responded with harsh
rhetoric that sought to delegitimize protesters, in part by linking them to antigovernment conspiracies. Although most protests
occurred without incident, the state increased the degree of repression and brought criminal charges against numerous
demonstrators.
Venezuelan relations with neighboring Colombia deteriorated further in 2009, having soured in early 2008 after Colombian forces
raided a rebel camp in Ecuador and found alleged evidence of ties between the Colombian rebels and Venezuelan officials. News of
a military accord in which Colombia would allow a U.S. presence on several of its bases prompted Chavez to freeze trade ties in
July, and the agreement’s official signing led him to warn of war and order troops to the border in November. Relations with the
United States improved somewhat but remained tense, despite the return of the two countries’ ambassadors to their respective
posts in June; in September 2008 Chavez had expelled the U.S. ambassador following a series of real and perceived bilateral
irritants, prompting the United States to respond in kind. Chavez continued to accuse the United States of seeking his ouster,
pointing to Washington’s allegedly weak response to a coup in Honduras as evidence of its militarist intentions in the region. Over
the past several years, Chavez has increased friction with the United States and its allies by creating ostensible leftist alternatives to
U.S.-backed trade pacts, garnering regional support with generous oil subsidies, seeking weapons purchases and other cooperation
from Iran and Russia, and either explicitly or tacitly supporting favored electoral candidates in neighboring countries.
Click here to read more »
Political Rights Score: 5
Civil Liberties Score: 4
Status: Partly Free
Ratings Change
Venezuela’s political rights rating declined from 4 to 5 due to the adoption of laws designed to further marginalize the
political opposition, including provisions that were rejected by referendum voters in December 2007.
Overview
In February 2009, referendum voters approved reforms backed by President Hugo Chavez Frias that abolished term limits for the
presidency and other elected offices. Nevertheless, a weak economy, continued political polarization, and problems with the
provision of key public services led to increased street protests during the year. Meanwhile, new laws threatened to further
marginalize the political opposition, and tensions with Colombia increased the risk of armed conflict.
In March and April, the legislature passed laws allowing the national government to strip states of key governing functions and cut
budget allocations; in practice, opposition-governed states and particularly the Caracas mayor’s office were most affected. In
August, the National Assembly passed a new electoral law that analysts suspected would lead to gerrymandering in favor of the
ruling party. Battles between the government and the media also continued, with the primary opposition-aligned television
broadcaster, Globovision, facing multiple investigations and several attacks on its headquarters by Chavez supporters. In July, the
National Telecommunications Commission (CONATEL) stripped 32 radio stations of their licenses for what it described as
procedural and administrative problems. Many of the stations insisted that any licensing flaws were the result of CONATEL’s own
errors.
Street protests increased during the year as the global economic crisis contributed to rising unemployment and shrinking state
revenue. According to local rights group PROVEA, workers were responsible for the largest number of protests, followed by
community groups demonstrating against high crime and poor service provision, including ongoing water and electricity shortages
caused by drought and poor planning. Political and student-led protests were also abundant. The state responded with harsh
rhetoric that sought to delegitimize protesters, in part by linking them to antigovernment conspiracies. Although most protests
occurred without incident, the state increased the degree of repression and brought criminal charges against numerous
demonstrators.
Venezuelan relations with neighboring Colombia deteriorated further in 2009, having soured in early 2008 after Colombian forces
raided a rebel camp in Ecuador and found alleged evidence of ties between the Colombian rebels and Venezuelan officials. News of
a military accord in which Colombia would allow a U.S. presence on several of its bases prompted Chavez to freeze trade ties in
July, and the agreement’s official signing led him to warn of war and order troops to the border in November. Relations with the
United States improved somewhat but remained tense, despite the return of the two countries’ ambassadors to their respective
posts in June; in September 2008 Chavez had expelled the U.S. ambassador following a series of real and perceived bilateral
irritants, prompting the United States to respond in kind. Chavez continued to accuse the United States of seeking his ouster,
pointing to Washington’s allegedly weak response to a coup in Honduras as evidence of its militarist intentions in the region. Over
the past several years, Chavez has increased friction with the United States and its allies by creating ostensible leftist alternatives to
U.S.-backed trade pacts, garnering regional support with generous oil subsidies, seeking weapons purchases and other cooperation
from Iran and Russia, and either explicitly or tacitly supporting favored electoral candidates in neighboring countries.
Click here to read more »
18 May 2010
URGENT ACTION
Human rights defender at risk
Rocío San Miguel, a Venezuelan human rights defender, has suffered intimidation and could be facing arbitrary arrest. She has
accused high-ranking members of the Armed Forces of breaching the constitution. Her safety and her freedom could be at risk.
Rocío San Miguel is the president of the Caracas-based organization, Citizen Control (Control Ciudadano). She has criticised
members of the military for allegedly breaching the constitution by siding with the ruling political party.
On 6 and 7 May, Rocío San Miguel used national media to speak against several military officers. On 7 and 8May unknown men
called Rocío San Miguel to offer her sensitive information about military activities. Rocío San Miguel believes that these may have
been attempts to involve her in a criminal offense.
Two unidentified men followed her on 7 May, in an unmarked grey car while she was driving through the outskirts of Caracas
accompanied by her 11-year-old daughter. The unknown men passed Rocío San Miguel’s car, turned around and waited for her.
The men stared at her as she drove past.
On 8 May a trusted source of Rocío San Miguel told her that an arrest warrant against her had been presented before a judge, but
that the judge had refused to proceed with it. On 13 May another source told her that her arrest was imminent. She could be
accused of attempting to subvert the constitutional order.
At least five high-profile critics of President Hugo Chávez have been arrested since August 2009 on what appear to be politically
motivated grounds. One of them remains in pre-trial detention.
Additional Information
Rocío San Miguel survived an attempt on her life on 1 July 2008 but the authorities have not informed her of any results in the
investigation. At that time she was campaigning against a government-backed bill to reform the intelligence services.
The Venezuelan government appears to have heightened the use of legislative and administrative measures to silence or harass
critics. At least three individuals seen as opposed to President Hugo Chávez were arrested and charged in March 2010 alone.
Click here to read more »
URGENT ACTION
Human rights defender at risk
Rocío San Miguel, a Venezuelan human rights defender, has suffered intimidation and could be facing arbitrary arrest. She has
accused high-ranking members of the Armed Forces of breaching the constitution. Her safety and her freedom could be at risk.
Rocío San Miguel is the president of the Caracas-based organization, Citizen Control (Control Ciudadano). She has criticised
members of the military for allegedly breaching the constitution by siding with the ruling political party.
On 6 and 7 May, Rocío San Miguel used national media to speak against several military officers. On 7 and 8May unknown men
called Rocío San Miguel to offer her sensitive information about military activities. Rocío San Miguel believes that these may have
been attempts to involve her in a criminal offense.
Two unidentified men followed her on 7 May, in an unmarked grey car while she was driving through the outskirts of Caracas
accompanied by her 11-year-old daughter. The unknown men passed Rocío San Miguel’s car, turned around and waited for her.
The men stared at her as she drove past.
On 8 May a trusted source of Rocío San Miguel told her that an arrest warrant against her had been presented before a judge, but
that the judge had refused to proceed with it. On 13 May another source told her that her arrest was imminent. She could be
accused of attempting to subvert the constitutional order.
At least five high-profile critics of President Hugo Chávez have been arrested since August 2009 on what appear to be politically
motivated grounds. One of them remains in pre-trial detention.
Additional Information
Rocío San Miguel survived an attempt on her life on 1 July 2008 but the authorities have not informed her of any results in the
investigation. At that time she was campaigning against a government-backed bill to reform the intelligence services.
The Venezuelan government appears to have heightened the use of legislative and administrative measures to silence or harass
critics. At least three individuals seen as opposed to President Hugo Chávez were arrested and charged in March 2010 alone.
Click here to read more »
Venezuela: Human Rights Watch Oral Statement before the Human Rights Council
Item 3: Interactive Dialogue with the Special Rapporteur on the independence of judges and lawyers
June 3, 2010
Mr. President,
Human Rights Watch thanks the Special Rapporteur on the independence of judges and lawyers for her report. We were
encouraged to see that she refers to the case of María Lourdes Afiuni, a Venezuelan judge who was arbitrarily arrested in December
2009, after authorizing the conditional release of an individual whose pretrial detention had been declared arbitrary by the UN
Working Group on Arbitrary Detentions.
The decision to prosecute Judge Afiuni for upholding Venezuelan and international law is a blow to judicial independence and the
rule of law in Venezuela. Immediately after Afiuni's arrest, President Hugo Chávez publicly called her a "bandit" and said she should
be sentenced to 30 years in prison. A provisional judge (who lacks security of tenure) recently ordered Afiuni's trial to proceed on
corruption charges, even though prosecutors explicitly stated that Afiuni had not received any payment or promise of payment. She
remains in pre-trial detention.
This case exemplifies the lack of judicial independence in Venezuela. In 2004, President Chávez and his supporters effectively
neutralized the judiciary as an independent branch of government through a political takeover of the Supreme Court, filling it with
government supporters and creating new measures that make it possible to purge justices from the Court. Since then, the Court has
largely abdicated its role as a check on executive power, and has failed to uphold fundamental rights enshrined in the Venezuelan
constitution in key cases involving government efforts to limit freedom of expression and association. The impact of the takeover
has extended to the entire judiciary.
We acknowledge the important role by the Special Rapporteur and respectfully urge her to keep monitoring the case of Judge María
Lourdes Afiuni and to press the government of Venezuela to drop all charges against her. We also ask that the Special Rapporteur
request a country visit to Venezuela to look into the broader limitations on the independence of judges and lawyers in the country,
and make recommendations to the Venezuelan government to address these concerns.
Click here to read more »
Item 3: Interactive Dialogue with the Special Rapporteur on the independence of judges and lawyers
June 3, 2010
Mr. President,
Human Rights Watch thanks the Special Rapporteur on the independence of judges and lawyers for her report. We were
encouraged to see that she refers to the case of María Lourdes Afiuni, a Venezuelan judge who was arbitrarily arrested in December
2009, after authorizing the conditional release of an individual whose pretrial detention had been declared arbitrary by the UN
Working Group on Arbitrary Detentions.
The decision to prosecute Judge Afiuni for upholding Venezuelan and international law is a blow to judicial independence and the
rule of law in Venezuela. Immediately after Afiuni's arrest, President Hugo Chávez publicly called her a "bandit" and said she should
be sentenced to 30 years in prison. A provisional judge (who lacks security of tenure) recently ordered Afiuni's trial to proceed on
corruption charges, even though prosecutors explicitly stated that Afiuni had not received any payment or promise of payment. She
remains in pre-trial detention.
This case exemplifies the lack of judicial independence in Venezuela. In 2004, President Chávez and his supporters effectively
neutralized the judiciary as an independent branch of government through a political takeover of the Supreme Court, filling it with
government supporters and creating new measures that make it possible to purge justices from the Court. Since then, the Court has
largely abdicated its role as a check on executive power, and has failed to uphold fundamental rights enshrined in the Venezuelan
constitution in key cases involving government efforts to limit freedom of expression and association. The impact of the takeover
has extended to the entire judiciary.
We acknowledge the important role by the Special Rapporteur and respectfully urge her to keep monitoring the case of Judge María
Lourdes Afiuni and to press the government of Venezuela to drop all charges against her. We also ask that the Special Rapporteur
request a country visit to Venezuela to look into the broader limitations on the independence of judges and lawyers in the country,
and make recommendations to the Venezuelan government to address these concerns.
Click here to read more »
TRANSLATED FROM SPANISH BY GOOGLE TRANSLATE
Chavez Lines
The Socialist Federation!
16.May.2010
We've declared war on crime in all its expressions. I reiterate, as I did on the occasion of the inauguration, on Thursday 13 Police
Training Center of Catia and part of the Universidad Nacional Experimental Safety (UNESCO): no untouchables in Venezuela.
We are guided by an unwavering conviction: the fight against impunity goes by the conviction that there must be the perverse
condition that makes men and women citizens first, and others and other citizens and second class citizens. Under this premise, this
Friday May 14 began the first local search and arrest engaged in the illicit sale of dollars and gold.
We have sworn, speculators and swindlers are going to give everything, to stop, once and for all, the chaos that aim to break our
economy and finances. With all the speed of the case, we have amended the Exchange Crimes Act, in particular Articles 2 and 9, to
avoid, so that the enemies of the country remain under cover gaps and loopholes. Far from us must be the perverse notion that
"every law, makes the trap."
I call upon the Members and Members, present and immediate future, that are fully aware of the need to create a new legislative
and legal culture: a culture of truth and justice.
Like a giant step towards the social state, and even more, to the State Communal or community, this Friday May 14 we have
installed in the Hall Ezequiel Zamora, a former Hall of Governors, the White Palace, the Federal Council of Government.
We are riding on the colt a new federalism embodied in the Bolivarian Socialist Zamorano as clear and perceptive passing and
bourgeois liberal federalism that was established by the Fourth Republic. The latter had, as one of its worst effects, the birth of a
degenerate concept of decentralization.
It was based on decentralization and disharmonious unequal political and territorial division, made like a suit tailored to the
oligarchy, and not in the unit who fought for our freedom: the unit that today we, in our Bolivarian Revolution claim it and we are
becoming a reality.
In this precise sense, could not but welcome the support of governors and mayors of the opposition, fully aware that beyond our
ideological and political differences, is in between the national project contained in the Constitution of the Bolivarian Republic
Venezuela.
Click here to read more »
Chavez Lines
The Socialist Federation!
16.May.2010
We've declared war on crime in all its expressions. I reiterate, as I did on the occasion of the inauguration, on Thursday 13 Police
Training Center of Catia and part of the Universidad Nacional Experimental Safety (UNESCO): no untouchables in Venezuela.
We are guided by an unwavering conviction: the fight against impunity goes by the conviction that there must be the perverse
condition that makes men and women citizens first, and others and other citizens and second class citizens. Under this premise, this
Friday May 14 began the first local search and arrest engaged in the illicit sale of dollars and gold.
We have sworn, speculators and swindlers are going to give everything, to stop, once and for all, the chaos that aim to break our
economy and finances. With all the speed of the case, we have amended the Exchange Crimes Act, in particular Articles 2 and 9, to
avoid, so that the enemies of the country remain under cover gaps and loopholes. Far from us must be the perverse notion that
"every law, makes the trap."
I call upon the Members and Members, present and immediate future, that are fully aware of the need to create a new legislative
and legal culture: a culture of truth and justice.
Like a giant step towards the social state, and even more, to the State Communal or community, this Friday May 14 we have
installed in the Hall Ezequiel Zamora, a former Hall of Governors, the White Palace, the Federal Council of Government.
We are riding on the colt a new federalism embodied in the Bolivarian Socialist Zamorano as clear and perceptive passing and
bourgeois liberal federalism that was established by the Fourth Republic. The latter had, as one of its worst effects, the birth of a
degenerate concept of decentralization.
It was based on decentralization and disharmonious unequal political and territorial division, made like a suit tailored to the
oligarchy, and not in the unit who fought for our freedom: the unit that today we, in our Bolivarian Revolution claim it and we are
becoming a reality.
In this precise sense, could not but welcome the support of governors and mayors of the opposition, fully aware that beyond our
ideological and political differences, is in between the national project contained in the Constitution of the Bolivarian Republic
Venezuela.
Click here to read more »
TRANSLATED FROM SPANISH BY GOOGLE TRANSLATE
Ombudsman offers positive assessment on the human rights situation
12/10/2008
As part of the commemoration of the 60th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the Ombudsman, Gabriela
Ramirez, made a positive assessment on the situation of human rights in Venezuela.
In this regard, Ramirez stated that the institution Defender, redoubled its efforts to ensure the full recognition and protection of the
dignity of all people, primarily those in situations of discrimination, marginalization and vulnerability. He noted that his office is
making progress in various programs with which it seeks to create a culture of respect for human rights in places such as schools,
community councils, prisons and police.
He emphasized the importance of training of officials and police officers as it has been demonstrated in specific cases this year,
with a disproportionate use of force. However, he said that you have to dignify the police through training, for the purpose of
ensuring public safety without contradigaesta circumstance with the assurance and respect for human rights contained in the
Constitution of the Republic Bolivariana de Venezuela and other laws.
He said that they are also working in schools, where they are creating Defenders School, to raise awareness, educating and
supporting the student population in the promotion, protection and monitoring of human rights. He stressed that a priority is to
decrease the levels of violence in the school setting, and said that through this work will support and guide students on knowledge
of alternative measures of conflict resolution that allow having spaces of harmony, reconciliation, peace and nonviolence.
On the situation of prisoners, the Ombudsman pointed out that this is an issue of first order in its management, as has already been
made for the Defense Councils of Human Rights in the Area Prison, to answer the needs that human rights are presented in
detention centers.
He noted that the institution he presides signed an alliance with the Bolivarian University of Venezuela and Tuesday 200 students this
university began to make a comprehensive review of internal records and internal Yare Prison to see if it is ensuring the right to due
process.
He stated that currently 60% of the prison population is serving as the defendant, on which the Ombudsman will contribute to a
comprehensive report which identifies the nodes in the administration of justice.
Click here to read more »
Ombudsman offers positive assessment on the human rights situation
12/10/2008
As part of the commemoration of the 60th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the Ombudsman, Gabriela
Ramirez, made a positive assessment on the situation of human rights in Venezuela.
In this regard, Ramirez stated that the institution Defender, redoubled its efforts to ensure the full recognition and protection of the
dignity of all people, primarily those in situations of discrimination, marginalization and vulnerability. He noted that his office is
making progress in various programs with which it seeks to create a culture of respect for human rights in places such as schools,
community councils, prisons and police.
He emphasized the importance of training of officials and police officers as it has been demonstrated in specific cases this year,
with a disproportionate use of force. However, he said that you have to dignify the police through training, for the purpose of
ensuring public safety without contradigaesta circumstance with the assurance and respect for human rights contained in the
Constitution of the Republic Bolivariana de Venezuela and other laws.
He said that they are also working in schools, where they are creating Defenders School, to raise awareness, educating and
supporting the student population in the promotion, protection and monitoring of human rights. He stressed that a priority is to
decrease the levels of violence in the school setting, and said that through this work will support and guide students on knowledge
of alternative measures of conflict resolution that allow having spaces of harmony, reconciliation, peace and nonviolence.
On the situation of prisoners, the Ombudsman pointed out that this is an issue of first order in its management, as has already been
made for the Defense Councils of Human Rights in the Area Prison, to answer the needs that human rights are presented in
detention centers.
He noted that the institution he presides signed an alliance with the Bolivarian University of Venezuela and Tuesday 200 students this
university began to make a comprehensive review of internal records and internal Yare Prison to see if it is ensuring the right to due
process.
He stated that currently 60% of the prison population is serving as the defendant, on which the Ombudsman will contribute to a
comprehensive report which identifies the nodes in the administration of justice.
Click here to read more »
TRANSLATED FROM SPANISH BY GOOGLE TRANSLATE
National and international campaign of solidarity with the union letters Rubén González
Friday, June 4, 2010
On May 7, a court in the industrial city of Ciudad Guayana, Venezuela, denied the possibility Ferrominera the Secretary General,
Rubén González, trial in freedom. Since mid 2009, the union leader is in prison for supporting a strike by workers demanding
improvements in working conditions. On August 26, 2009, Radwan Sabbagh-president of Ferrominera Orinoco-a fact known
public and Gonzalez agreed with the conclusion of the strike, and the reactivation of the employment records of a group of
workers, also agreed not to retaliate against those who abided by the cease of activities, assessing the payment of wages of those
who labored during the 16 days of manifestation and fulfillment of their demands. However, days later, Gonzalez was arrested for
his support for the action of workers, and charged with crimes illegal assembly, "incitement to crime" and "violation of the security
zone." From that day has been deprived of their freedom and if the court's ruling found guilty can be sentenced to remain between
5 and 10 years behind bars. Gonzalez is a fighter known social history in the region and member of the ruling party, the United
Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV).
The case of Ruben Gonzalez is a serious precedent in the process increasing criminalization of protest in Venezuela. Figures
compiled by human rights NGOs estimate that there is a higher figure of 2400 persons under court filing systems to participate in
mobilizations for social demands. These legal proceedings can take years, where other rights (freedom of expression, assembly,
demonstration) are prohibited for the accused and prosecuted.
The Campaign for the Defence of the Right to Social Protest, promoted by a number of social organizations, unions and human
rights (Provea, Public Space, Workers League for Socialism Sintraince, Socialist Left Unity, Socialism Revolutionary Step New
Democracy, Newspaper The Libertarian, among others) believes that Ruben Gonzalez is a political prisoner of the Venezuelan
government, whose punishment the organization tries to discourage and control autonomous sector of employment, against their
public and private employers to demand and defend their rights .
Rubén González our active solidarity needed now more than ever. Therefore we are encouraging to make a close follow their days
behind bars, sending messages of solidarity, letters, postcards and written materials with which to maintain high self-esteem,
fighting spirit and sensibility for the injustices against the employees. For this reason we call on all social and popular organizations
both in Venezuela and Latin America and the world to send him letters of encouragement and solidarity.
Rubén González immediate release. Full freedom to all defendants for participating in demonstrations for social rights in Venezuela
Click here to read more »
National and international campaign of solidarity with the union letters Rubén González
Friday, June 4, 2010
On May 7, a court in the industrial city of Ciudad Guayana, Venezuela, denied the possibility Ferrominera the Secretary General,
Rubén González, trial in freedom. Since mid 2009, the union leader is in prison for supporting a strike by workers demanding
improvements in working conditions. On August 26, 2009, Radwan Sabbagh-president of Ferrominera Orinoco-a fact known
public and Gonzalez agreed with the conclusion of the strike, and the reactivation of the employment records of a group of
workers, also agreed not to retaliate against those who abided by the cease of activities, assessing the payment of wages of those
who labored during the 16 days of manifestation and fulfillment of their demands. However, days later, Gonzalez was arrested for
his support for the action of workers, and charged with crimes illegal assembly, "incitement to crime" and "violation of the security
zone." From that day has been deprived of their freedom and if the court's ruling found guilty can be sentenced to remain between
5 and 10 years behind bars. Gonzalez is a fighter known social history in the region and member of the ruling party, the United
Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV).
The case of Ruben Gonzalez is a serious precedent in the process increasing criminalization of protest in Venezuela. Figures
compiled by human rights NGOs estimate that there is a higher figure of 2400 persons under court filing systems to participate in
mobilizations for social demands. These legal proceedings can take years, where other rights (freedom of expression, assembly,
demonstration) are prohibited for the accused and prosecuted.
The Campaign for the Defence of the Right to Social Protest, promoted by a number of social organizations, unions and human
rights (Provea, Public Space, Workers League for Socialism Sintraince, Socialist Left Unity, Socialism Revolutionary Step New
Democracy, Newspaper The Libertarian, among others) believes that Ruben Gonzalez is a political prisoner of the Venezuelan
government, whose punishment the organization tries to discourage and control autonomous sector of employment, against their
public and private employers to demand and defend their rights .
Rubén González our active solidarity needed now more than ever. Therefore we are encouraging to make a close follow their days
behind bars, sending messages of solidarity, letters, postcards and written materials with which to maintain high self-esteem,
fighting spirit and sensibility for the injustices against the employees. For this reason we call on all social and popular organizations
both in Venezuela and Latin America and the world to send him letters of encouragement and solidarity.
Rubén González immediate release. Full freedom to all defendants for participating in demonstrations for social rights in Venezuela
Click here to read more »
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| Click flag for Country Report |
| ILLICIT DRUGS |
Small-scale illicit producer of opium and coca for the processing of opiates and coca derivatives; however, large quantities of
cocaine, heroin, and marijuana transit the country from Colombia bound for US and Europe; significant narcotics-related
money-laundering activity, especially along the border with Colombia and on Margarita Island; active eradication program
primarily targeting opium; increasing signs of drug-related activities by Colombian insurgents on border
cocaine, heroin, and marijuana transit the country from Colombia bound for US and Europe; significant narcotics-related
money-laundering activity, especially along the border with Colombia and on Margarita Island; active eradication program
primarily targeting opium; increasing signs of drug-related activities by Colombian insurgents on border
