ZIMBABWE Republic of Zimbabwe Republic of Zimbabwe Joined United Nations: 24 August 1980 Human Rights as assured by their constitution Click here Updated 01/10/11
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Harare
11,651,858
note: estimates for this country explicitly take into account the effects of excess mortality
due to AIDS; this can result in lower life expectancy, higher infant mortality and death
rates, lower population and growth rates, and changes in the distribution of population by
age and sex than would otherwise be expected (July 2010 est.)
John Nkomo
Vice President since 1 December 2009
Presidential candidates nominated with a nomination paper signed
by at least 10 registered voters (at least one from each province)
and elected by popular vote for a five-year term (no term limits);
election last held 9-11 March 2002; co-vice presidents appointed
by the president; elections last held 28 March 2008 followed by a
run-off on 27 June 2008
Next scheduled election: 2013
HEAD OF GOVERNMENT
SELECTION PROCESS
In the wake of the electoral violence and controversy surrounding
the 2008 presidential election and later run-off, negotiations
between Mugabe's ZANU-PF and rival candidate Morgan
Tsvangirai's MDC led to a power-sharing agreement in
September 2008, providing for the restoration of the office of
Prime Minister.
DECLARATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS
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African 98% (Shona 82%, Ndebele 14%, other 2%), mixed and Asian 1%, white less than 1%
Syncretic (part Christian, part indigenous beliefs) 50%, Christian 25%, indigenous beliefs 24%, Muslim and other 1%
Parliamentary democracy with 8 provinces and 2 cities with provincial status; Legal system is a mixture of Roman-Dutch and English
common law
Executive: Presidential candidates nominated with a nomination paper signed by at least 10 registered voters (at least one from each
province) and elected by popular vote for a five-year term (no term limits); elections last held 28 March 2008 followed by a run-off on 27
June 2008 (next to be held in 2013); co-vice presidents appointed by the president; In the wake of the electoral violence and controversy
surrounding the 2008 presidential election and later run-off, negotiations between Mugabe's ZANU-PF and rival candidate Morgan
Tsvangirai's MDC led to a power-sharing agreement in September 2008, providing for the restoration of the office of Prime Minister.
Legislative: Bicameral Parliament consists of a Senate (93 seats - 60 elected by popular vote for a five-year term, 10 provincial
governors nominated by the president, 16 traditional chiefs elected by the Council of Chiefs, 2 held by the president and deputy
president of the Council of Chiefs, and 5 appointed by the president) and a House of Assembly (210 seats - all elected by popular
vote for five-year terms)
elections: last held 28 March 2008 (next to be held in 2013)
Judicial: Supreme Court; High Court
English (official), Shona, Sindebele (the language of the Ndebele, sometimes called Ndebele), numerous but minor tribal dialects
Stone Age hunters, related to today's Khoisan people, occupied the area about 5000 years ago or earlier. They depicted scenes of
life in rock paintings across Zimbabwe; these are known as the Bushman paintings. Iron Age Bantu-speaking peoples began
migrating into the area around AD 300, eventually displacing the earlier hunters. These included the ancestors of the Shona, who
account for roughly four-fifths of the country's population today. By the Middle Ages, there was a Bantu civilisation in the region, as
evidenced by ruins at Great Zimbabwe and other smaller sites, whose outstanding achievement is a unique dry stone architecture.
Around the early 10th century, trade developed with Muslim merchants on the Indian Ocean coast, helping to develop Great
Zimbabwe in the 11th century. The state traded gold, ivory, and copper for cloth and glass. It ceased to be the leading Shona state
in the mid-15th century. In 1837-8, the Shona were conquered by the Ndebele, who arrived from south of the Limpopo and forced
them to pay tribute and concentrate in northern Zimbabwe. In 1888, British entrepreneur Cecil Rhodes extracted mining rights from
King Lobengula of the Ndebele. He used this concession to persuade the British government to grant a royal charter to his British
South Africa Company (BSAC) over Matabeleland and its subject states such as Mashonaland, and to negotiate similar
concessions covering all territory between the Limpopo River and Lake Tanganyika, referred to as 'Zambesia'. Through such
concessions and treaties, many of which were deceitful, he promoted the colonisation of the region's land, labour, and precious
metal and mineral resources. In 1895 the BSAC adopted the name 'Rhodesia' for Zambesia, after Cecil Rhodes, and in 1898
'Southern Rhodesia' was officially adopted for the part south of the Zambezi, which later became Zimbabwe. The part to the north
was administered separately by the BSAC and was later named Northern Rhodesia, now Zambia. The Shona staged unsuccessful
revolts (Chimurenga) against the encroachment on their lands in 1896 and 1897. Both the Ndebele and Shona became subject to
the Rhodes administration. This was the beginning of a larger settlement of white settlers that led to land distribution favouring
whites, displacing both the Shona and Ndebele and other black people. Southern Rhodesia became a self-governing British colony
in October 1923, following a referendum a year earlier. Rhodesians fought for the United Kingdom during World War II. Among
other contributions to the war effort were Rhodesian ground and air forces involved in the East African Campaign. This campaign
fought against the Axis forces in Italian East Africa. In 1953, in the face of African opposition, Britain joined the two parts of
Rhodesia with Nyasaland (now Malawi) in the ill-fated Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland which was dominated by Southern
Rhodesian settlers. Growing African nationalism and unrest, particularly in Nyasaland, forced Britain to dissolve it in 1963, and each
of the three countries went their separate ways. On November 11, 1965, Ian Smith made history when he unilaterally declared
independence from Britain and Southern Rhodesia dropped the designation 'Southern', becoming the Republic of Rhodesia in 1970.
After the Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI), the British government requested United Nations economic sanctions
against Rhodesia as negotiations with the Smith administration in 1966 and 1968 ended in stalemate. The Smith administration
declared itself a republic in 1970 which was recognised only by South Africa,[17][18] then governed by its apartheid
administration. Over the years, the guerrilla fighting against Smith's UDI government intensified. As a result, the Smith government
opened negotiations with the leaders of the Patriotic Fronts — Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) and the Zimbabwe
African People's Union (ZAPU). ZANU was led by Robert Mugabe and ZAPU was led by Joshua Nkomo. In March 1978, with
his regime near the brink of collapse, Smith signed an accord with three black leaders, led by Bishop Abel Muzorewa, who offered
safeguards for white civilians. As a result of the Internal Settlement, elections were held in April 1979. The United African National
Council (UANC) party won a majority in this election. On June 1, 1979, the leader of UANC, Abel Muzorewa, became the
country's Prime Minister and the country's name was changed to Zimbabwe Rhodesia. The internal settlement left control of the
country's police, security forces, civil service, and judiciary in white hands; It assured whites of about one third of the seats in
parliament. It was essentially a power-sharing arrangement which did not amount to majority rule. However, on June 12, the United
States Senate voted to end economic sanctions against Zimbabwe Rhodesia. On December 1, 1979, delegations from the British
and Rhodesian governments and the Patriotic Front met in London and signed the Lancaster House Agreement, ending the civil war.
[20] Following the Meeting of Commonwealth Heads of Government held in Lusaka from August 1–7 1979, the British government
invited Muzorewa and the leaders of the Patriotic Front to participate in a Constitutional Conference at Lancaster House. The
purpose of the Conference was to discuss and reach agreement on the terms of an Independence Constitution, and that elections
should be supervised under British authority to enable Rhodesia to proceed to legal independence and the parties to settle their
differences by political means. Lord Carrington, Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs of the United Kingdom,
chaired the Conference. The conference took place from 10 September–15 December 1979 with 47 plenary sessions. Britain's
Lord Soames was appointed governor to oversee the disarming of revolutionary guerrillas, the holding of elections, and the granting
of independence to an uneasy coalition government with Joshua Nkomo, head of ZAPU. In the free elections of February 1980,
Mugabe and his ZANU won a landslide victory. Mugabe has won re-election ever since. In 1982, Nkomo was ousted from his
cabinet, sparking fighting between ZAPU supporters in the Ndebele-speaking region of the country and the ruling ZANU. A peace
accord was negotiated in 1987, resulting in ZAPU's merger (1988) into the ZANU-PF. Land issues, which the liberation movement
promised to solve, re-emerged as the vital issue for the ruling party beginning in 1999. Despite majority rule, and the existence of a
"willing buyer-willing seller" land reform programme since the 1980s, ZANU (PF) claimed that whites made up less than 1% of the
population but held 70% of the country's commercially viable arable land (though these figures are disputed by many outside the
Government of Zimbabwe). Mugabe began to redistribute land to blacks in 2000 with a compulsory land redistribution; charges that
the programme as a whole is designed to reward loyal Mugabe deputies have persisted in Zimbabwe since the beginning of the
process. The legality and constitutionality of the process has regularly been challenged in the Zimbabwean High and Supreme
Courts; however, the policing agencies have rarely acted in accordance with courts' rulings on these matters. The chaotic
implementation of the land reform led to a sharp decline in agricultural exports, traditionally the country's leading export producing
sector. Mining and tourism have surpassed agriculture. As a result, Zimbabwe is experiencing a severe hard currency shortage,
which has led to hyperinflation and chronic shortages in imported fuel and consumer goods. In 2002, Zimbabwe was suspended
from the Commonwealth of Nations on charges of human rights abuses during the land redistribution and of election tampering.
Following elections in 2005, the government initiated "Operation Murambatsvina," a supposed effort to crack down on illegal
markets and homes that had seen slums emerge in towns and cities. This action has been widely condemned by opposition and
international figures, who charge that it has left a substantial section of urban poor homeless. The Zimbabwe government has
described the operation as an attempt to provide decent housing to the population although they have yet to deliver any new housing
for the forcefully removed people. Zimbabwe's current economic and food crisis, described by some observers as the country's
worst humanitarian crisis since independence, has been attributed, in varying degrees, to a drought affecting the entire region, the
HIV/AIDS epidemic, and the government's price controls and land reforms.
Source: Wikipedia: History of Zimbabwe
The government of Zimbabwe faces a wide variety of difficult economic problems. Its 1998-2002 involvement in the war in the
Democratic Republic of the Congo drained hundreds of millions of dollars from the economy. The government's land reform
program, characterized by chaos and violence, has badly damaged the commercial farming sector, the traditional source of exports
and foreign exchange and the provider of 400,000 jobs, turning Zimbabwe into a net importer of food products. The EU and the
US provide food aid on humanitarian grounds. Until early 2009, the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe routinely printed money to fund the
budget deficit, causing hyperinflation. The power-sharing government formed in February 2009 has led to some economic
improvements, including the cessation of hyperinflation by eliminating the use of the Zimbabwe dollar and removing price controls.
The economy is registering its first growth in a decade, but will be reliant on further political improvement for greater growth.
Source: CIA World Factbook (select Zimbabwe)
The 2008–2009 Zimbabwean political negotiations between the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (led by Morgan
Tsvangirai), its small splinter group, the Movement for Democratic Change - Mutambara (led by Arthur Mutambara), and the ruling
Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front (led by Robert Mugabe) are intended to negotiate an end to the partisan
violence and human rights violations in Zimbabwe and create a framework for a power-sharing executive government between the
two parties. These negotiations followed the 2008 presidential election, in which Mugabe was controversially re-elected, as well as
the 2008 parliamentary election, in which the MDC won a majority in the House of Assembly.
Preliminary talks to set up conditions for official negotiations began between leading negotiators from both parties on July 10, and
on July 22, the three party leaders met for the first time in Harare to express their support for a negotiated settlement of disputes
arising out of the presidential and parliamentary elections. Negotiations between the parties officially began on July 25 and are
currently proceeding with very few details released from the negotiation teams in Pretoria, as coverage by the media was barred
from the premises where the negotiations took place. The talks were mediated by South African President Thabo Mbeki.
A final deal was reached on September 11, 2008, providing for Mugabe to remain President while Tsvangirai would become Prime
Minister. The deal was signed on September 15; negotiations continue regarding the composition of a new Cabinet.
Source: Wikipedia: Politics of Zimbabwe
Botswana built electric fences and South Africa has placed military along the border to stem the flow of thousands of Zimbabweans
fleeing to find work and escape political persecution; Namibia has supported, and in 2004 Zimbabwe dropped objections to, plans
between Botswana and Zambia to build a bridge over the Zambezi River, thereby de facto recognizing a short, but not clearly
delimited, Botswana-Zambia boundary in the river
REFUGEES AND INTERNALLY DISPLACED PERSONS (IDPS)
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Refugees (country of origin): 2,500 (Democratic Republic of Congo)
IDPs: 569,685 (MUGABE-led political violence, human rights violations, land reform, and economic collapse) (2007)
Transit point for cannabis and South Asian heroin, mandrax, and methamphetamines en route to South Africa
HUMAN RIGHTS STATEMENTS, ANALYSIS AND CRITIQUES
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2009 Human Rights Report: Zimbabwe
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
March 11, 2010
Zimbabwe, with a population of approximately nine million, is constitutionally a republic, but the government, dominated by President
Robert Mugabe and his Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) since independence, was not freely elected and
was authoritarian. The last four national elections--the presidential election in 2002, parliamentary elections in 2005, harmonized
presidential and parliamentary elections in March 2008, and the presidential run-off in June 2008--were not free and fair. In the March
2008 elections, two factions of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), known as MDC-T to denote Morgan
Tsvangirai's faction and MDC-M for the group aligned with Arthur Mutambara, gained a parliamentary majority. Mugabe was declared
the winner of the June 2008 run-off election after opposing candidate Tsvangirai withdrew due to ZANU-PF-directed violence that made
a free and fair election impossible. Negotiations subsequently took place between ZANU-PF and the two MDC factions on a power-
sharing government. In September 2008 the three parties signed the Global Political Agreement (GPA), a power-sharing agreement under
which Mugabe would retain the presidency and Tsvangirai would become prime minister-elect. On February 11, Tsvangirai was sworn
in as prime minister. On February 13, new cabinet ministers and deputy ministers from MDC-T, MDC-M, and ZANU-PF were sworn
in. Although the constitution allows for multiple parties, ZANU-PF, through the use of government and paramilitary forces, continued to
intimidate and commit abuses against opposition party members and supporters and obstructed their activities. The Joint Operation
Command, a group of senior security and civilian authorities, maintained control of the security forces and often used them to repress
opposition to ZANU-PF.
- Security forces, the police, and ZANU-PF-dominated elements of the government continued to engage in the pervasive and
systematic abuse of human rights.
- ZANU-PF's dominant control and manipulation of the political process through trumped-up charges and arbitrary arrest,
intimidation, and corruption effectively negated the right of citizens to change their government.
- Politically motivated, arbitrary, and unlawful killings by government agents continued.
- State-sanctioned use of excessive force continued, and security forces tortured members of the opposition, student leaders, and
civil society activists with impunity.
- Security forces continued to refuse to document cases of political violence committed by ruling party loyalists against members
of the opposition.
- Prison conditions improved but remained harsh and life threatening.
- Security forces, who regularly acted with impunity, arbitrarily arrested and detained the opposition, members of civil society,
labor leaders, journalists, demonstrators, and religious leaders;
- lengthy pretrial detention was a problem.
- Executive influence and interference in the judiciary continued.
- The government continued to use repressive laws to suppress freedom of speech, press, assembly, association, and movement.
- The government restricted academic freedom.
- Government corruption remained widespread.
- High-ranking government officials made numerous public threats of violence against demonstrators and members of the
opposition.
- The government continued to evict citizens and to demolish homes and informal marketplaces.
- Thousands of citizens were displaced in the wake of increasingly violent farm invasions, and the government impeded
nongovernmental organization (NGO) efforts to assist the displaced and other vulnerable populations.
- The following human rights violations also continued:
- violence and discrimination against women;
- trafficking of women and children;
- discrimination against persons with disabilities, ethnic minorities, the lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) community,
and persons with HIV/AIDS;
- harassment and interference with labor organizations critical of government policies;
- child labor;
- and forced labor, including by children.
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19 April 2000
COMMITTEE ON THE ELIMINATION OF RACIAL DISCRIMINATION
Fifty-sixth session 6-24 March 2000
CONSIDERATION OF REPORTS SUBMITTED BY STATES PARTIES UNDER ARTICLE 9 OF THE CONVENTION
Concluding observations of the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination
Zimbabwe
Introduction
2. The Committee welcomes the submission of the report of Zimbabwe which followed the general guidelines for the presentation of
States parties' reports. The Committee expresses its appreciation for the additional information provided in the core document
(HRI/CORE/1/Add.55) and orally by the delegation. The Committee is encouraged by the constructive, open and frank dialogue it had
with the delegation and welcomes the positive reactions to the suggestions and recommendations made during the discussion.
Positive aspects
4 The Committee notes the efforts made by the State party within the educational system to reduce racial segregation, introduce the use
of minority languages and incorporate human rights education into the curricula through innovative methods.
5. The Committee welcomes Zimbabwe's recent enactment of the Prevention of Discrimination Act which, inter alia, prohibits
"discrimination on the ground of race, tribe, place of origin, national or ethnic origin, political opinions, colour, creed or gender" and the
1997 amendment to the Ombudsman's Act which broadens the mandate to include investigation of any violations of human rights
committed by members of the defence and police forces and the prison service.
C. Factors and difficulties impeding the implementation of the Convention
3. The Committee notes that prior to 1980, the legislation and policies implemented by the white minority regime in Zimbabwe led to
racial segregation and discrimination in the country. The continuing effects of Zimbabwe's social and political history, together with the
burden of the external debt and other economic concerns, have impeded full implementation of the Convention.
Principal areas of concern and recommendations
8. The Committee is concerned that the Ombudsman is restricted in her powers to investigating the actions of public officials in fields
relating to racial discrimination. There is also concern that article 4 of the amendment to the Ombudsman Act limits access to the
complaints process. It is recommended that the State party take appropriate measures to enable the Ombudsman to monitor public
officials and their powers.
9. The Committee notes that the Ministry of Education has encountered problems in addressing the racial segregation created by the
parallel system of public and private schools. It is recommended that the State party, in its next periodic report, provide additional
quantitative and qualitative information on racial segregation in schools.
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FREEDOM IN THE WORLD 2010 REPORT
Political Rights Score: 6
Civil Liberties Score: 6
Status: Not Free
Ratings Change
Zimbabwe’s political rights rating improved from 7 to 6 due to the formation of a national unity government and the swearing
in of opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai as prime minister.
Overview
In keeping with a power-sharing agreement that followed flawed elections and political violence in 2008, opposition leader Morgan
Tsvangirai was sworn in as prime minister of a national unity government in February 2009. The new government took steps to ease
Zimbabwe’s dire economic situation, and foreign donors provided an influx of aid. However, allies of President Robert Mugabe
continued to persecute supporters of Tsvangirai’s Movement for Democratic Change party during the year, and little progress was made
on fundamental reforms envisioned in the power-sharing deal.
Political violence continued even after the election. According to international and domestic human rights organizations, some 200 MDC
activists and supporters were killed over the course of 2008, about 5,000 were tortured by security forces or militias, and more than
10,000 required medical treatment for injuries.
In September 2008, ZANU-PF and the MDC reached a power-sharing agreement brokered by the Southern African Development
Community (SADC) that allowed Mugabe to remain president, created the post of prime minister for Tsvangirai, and distributed
ministries to ZANU-PF (14, including defense, state security, and justice), Tsvangirai’s MDC faction (13, including finance, health, and
constitutional and parliamentary affairs), and Mutambara’s faction (3). The fate of the Home Affairs Ministry, which controls the police,
was left to subsequent negotiations, and the issue—along with the abduction and detention of at least 20 MDC activists and officials by
state security forces—nearly derailed the agreement on a number of occasions. A constitutional amendment creating the post of prime
minister was enacted in February 2009, and the new government was sworn in that month. The cabinet included two home affairs
ministers, one from ZANU-PF and one from the MDC.
The survival of the unity government remained in doubt throughout 2009. In April, Mugabe ordered the ZANU-PF-controlled Transport
Ministry to take over the MDC-controlled Information Ministry, leaving an MDC member as deputy minister. Mugabe also refused to
swear in MDC provincial governors and failed to consult the MDC in appointing loyalists as central bank governor and attorney general.
MDC activists and supporters continued to suffer from violent attacks by security forces and militias, and invasions of white-owned
farms picked up in the middle of the year. A group of 18 prominent human rights and political activists who had recently been released
from jail were indicted on terrorism charges in May, and in June an MDC cabinet minister reported that party officials were receiving
death threats on a near-daily basis. In October, an audit revealed that over 10,000 ZANU-PF youth militia members were on the payroll
of the Youth Development Ministry. Citing the ongoing crackdown, as well as the rearrest of MDC stalwart Roy Bennett on terrorism
and other charges, Tsvangirai announced that the MDC would not cooperate with the national unity government, but SADC-brokered
talks led the party to reverse its move in November.
Also in 2009, the new government began to repair Zimbabwe’s devastated economy. In January, it formally abandoned the Zimbabwean
dollar—whose inflation rate had reached an astounding 13 billion percent in 2008—in favor of South African and U.S. currencies,
leading to the first positive economic growth rates in nine years. The country also received an influx of international aid during the year.
In December, the finance ministry cited improved revenues and forecast a seven percent growth rate in 2010. Nevertheless,
unemployment in 2009 was estimated at over 90 percent.
The economic collapse of recent years, which had been accelerated by the government’s seizure of most white-owned farmland
beginning in 2000, fueled the emigration of as many as three million residents and led to a serious breakdown in public services,
including heath care and sanitation. An outbreak of cholera that ran from 2008 to mid-2009 infected over 100,000 people and killed more
than 4,200, according to Doctors Without Borders.
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Zimbabwe court acquits LGBT activist
17 December 2010
Amnesty International has welcomed a Zimbabwe court's decision to acquit a lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) rights
activist charged with possession of pornographic materials.
Ellen Chademana, an administrative assistant at the prominent NGO Gays and Lesbians of Zimbabwe (GALZ), was acquitted by a
magistrate's court in Harare on Thursday.
The charges followed an armed police raid on the GALZ offices in Milton Park Harare in May. Ellen Chademana was arrested and
detained for six days in Harare Central Police Station with a colleague, Ignatius Mhambi. Both were released on bail while the police
investigation continued. Ignatius Mhambi was acquitted of his charges in July.
"Ellen Chademana and other staff members of GALZ have faced repeated harassment for carrying out legitimate work to protect the
rights of Zimbabwe's LGBT community," said Michelle Kagari of Amnesty International
"Though delighted with her acquittal we continue to urge the unity government and police to end the persistent harassment of human
rights defenders in Zimbabwe."
Ellen Chademana told Amnesty International that she was happy with the judgement but that she was now worried about her security.
On Wednesday evening before the court judgement, police visited the GALZ offices and demanded entry by threatening the security
personnel with arrest.
"This was obviously an act of intimidation by the police and an abuse of their authority," said Michelle Kagari.
“The police must acknowledge the role of all LGBT rights defenders by putting an end to their harassment and ensuring their protection
and security.”
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Kimberley Process: Demand End to Abuses in Diamond Trade
Real Progress Needed in Zimbabwe Marange Fields Before Exports Proceed
November 1, 2010
(Jerusalem) - The Kimberley Process Certification Scheme should not allow further exports from the Marange diamond fields in
Zimbabwe until the government makes clear progress in ending abuses and smuggling, Human Rights Watch said today. Participants in
the scheme, an international body that oversees the diamond trade, are scheduled to meet in Jerusalem from November 1 to 4, 2010.
Human Rights Watch research from July through September established that large parts of the fields remain under the control of the
Zimbabwe Defence Forces soldiers, who harass and intimidate the local community and engage in widespread diamond smuggling.
In November 2009, the government of Zimbabwe and the Kimberley Process agreed to a joint work plan, in which Zimbabwe committed
to a phased withdrawal of the armed forces from the diamond fields, and for a monitor to examine and certify that all shipments of
diamonds from Marange met Kimberley Process standards.
"The government made a lot of promises, but soldiers still control most diamond fields and are involved in illicit mining and smuggling,"
said Rona Peligal, Africa director at Human Rights Watch. "Zimbabwe should mine its diamonds without relying on an abusive military
that preys on the local population."
Human Rights Watch has repeatedly called on Kimberley Process members to address human rights abuses in Marange and recognize
human rights issues as a fundamental element of the Kimberley Process Certification Scheme mandate.
At a special meeting in St Petersburg, Russia, in July, Kimberley Process members agreed to permit Zimbabwe to export two shipments
of diamonds under supervision of the body's monitors, on condition that the body would investigate conditions in the Marange fields.
The agreement also tied all future exports of diamonds to clear and measurable progress in ending smuggling and abuses, and allowed
for local civil society groups to participate in monitoring progress in the fields.
Human Rights Watch learned that the Kimberley Process team sent in to review conditions in the fields in August was routinely
obstructed by government officials from conducting its activities and was unable to gather crucial information about conditions in the
majority of diamond fields.
In recent investigations in Zimbabwe, Human Rights Watch researchers found that while violence had decreased in the fields, the army
and police continued to commit abuses, which put Zimbabwe in violation of the minimum standards required for membership in the
Kimberley Process:
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STATEMENT BY HIS EXCELLENCY CDE R G MUGABE-PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF ZIMBABWE
TO THE 65th SESSION OF THE UNITED NATIONS GENERAL ASSEMBLY
NEW YORK
24 SEPTEMBER 2010
Mr President,
We are meeting today to reaffirm our commitment to the United Nations and, in particular, to its comprehensive agenda for the
promotion of peace and security, sustainable development and human rights. We are, however, concerned that the world today
continues to witness unbridled acts of aggression, wars, conflicts, terrorism and rising levels of poverty. We are also alarmed that
powerful states, which daily preach peace and good governance continue to trample with impunity upon the sovereignty of poor and
weak nations. Zimbabwe yearns for a community of nations that recognises and respects the sovereign equality of all nations, big and
small, in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations. We all have positive roles to play in promoting peace and development for
the benefit of present and future generations.
As members of the United Nations, we have recognised the pressing need to reform our Organisation to make it better able to carry out
its various mandates. Zimbabwe stands ready to work closely with you, as well as with other Member States, to ensure that the reform
process is speeded up and carried out on the basis of consensus and democratic participation. Most immediately, we must find ways and
means to re-establish and assert the pre-eminent role of the United Nations in advancing peace and security, development and the
achievement of internationally agreed goals, particularly the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). Why are the developed Western
Countries, especially those permanent members with the veto, resisting the democratisation of the United Nations organs, especially the
Security Council? Aren’t they the ones who talk glibly about democracy in regard to our developing countries. Or are they sanctimonious
hypocrites whose actions contradict their sermons to us.
Zimbabwe strongly condemns the use of unilateral economic sanctions and other coercive measures in international relations. Such
measures are completely at cross-purposes with the principles of international co-operation as enshrined in the Charter of the United
Nations. I say this because my country continues to be a victim of illegal sanctions imposed by the European Union and the United States
of America without any reference to the United Nations with the evil intention of causing regime change. These illegal sanctions have
caused untold suffering among Zimbabweans, who alone should be the deciders of regime change
Mr President, we urge those who imposed these iniquitous sanctions to heed the call by the international community to unconditionally
remove them. The people of Zimbabwe should, like every other sovereign state, be left to freely chart their own destiny.
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19 November 2010
Makorokoto! Amhlope! Congratulations!
Zimbabwe Election Support Network's 10th anniversary
The Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum (the Forum) joins other civil society organisations in congratulating the Zimbabwe Election
Support Network (ZESN) on its 10th Anniversary.
The Forum is honoured to be associated with ZESN as it endeavours to promote democracy, good governance and free and fair
elections in Zimbabwe. Elections are an important ingredient in the democratisation process and as such the success of any democracy is
dependant upon a conducive environment for free and fair elections. The Forum acknowledges the role played by ZESN in contributing
to the promotion of democratic electoral processes in Zimbabwe and its resilience in pursuing this mandate despite the challenges and
dangers it has encountered in the past and the current politically-charged environment.
The Forum urges ZESN to continue advocating for electoral reforms as a vital prelude to any future election in the country and in
promoting the enhancement of citizen participation in good governance and democracy.
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Judicial harassment against Ms. Ellen Chademana and Mr. Ignatius Muhambi
28 May 2010
The Observatory has been informed by reliable sources, including Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights (ZLHR) and the Zimbabwe
Human Rights Association (ZimRights), about the arbitrary arrest and judicial harassment against Ms. Ellen Chademana and Mr. Ignatius
Muhambi, two employees of Gays and Lesbians of Zimbabwe (GALZ), an association that defends the rights of sexual minorities in
Zimbabwe, as well as about the police raid to the house of Mr. Chesterfield Samba, Director of GALZ. The Observatory for the
Protection of Human Rights Defenders, a joint programme of the World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT) and the International
Federation for Human Rights (FIDH), requests your urgent intervention in the following situation in Zimbabwe.
According to the information received, on May 21, 2010, nine police officers from the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) of the
Zimbabwe Republic Police (ZRP) entered GALZ offices in Milton Park, Harare, with a warrant to search for dangerous drugs and
pornographic material, citing contravention of Section 157 (1) of the Criminal Law (Codification and Reform) Act, Chapter 9:23, and
Section 32 (1) of the Censorship and Entertainment Control Act, Chapter 10:04. During the raid, the officers arrested Ms. Ellen
Chademana, the receptionist, and Mr. Ignatius Muhambi, the accountant, and took them to the Harare Central Police Station. The police
also confiscated computers, records and banners from GALZ offices, and purport to have seized pornographic material, which they
claim to be holding as evidence for the case.
The Observatory expresses its deepest concern about the above-mentioned acts of harassment against GALZ members, which seem to
merely aim at sanctioning their human rights activities, in particular their work in favour of the rights of the sexual minorities in
Zimbabwe, and urges the Zimbabwean authorities to put an end to the police harassment against them.
Actions requested:
Please write to the authorities of Zimbabwe asking them to:
· Mrs. Chanetsa, Office of the Ombudsman Fax: + 263 4 70 41 19;
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Robert Gabriel Mugabe
Executive President since 31 December 1987
Current situation: Zimbabwe is a source, transit, and destination country for men, women, and children trafficked for the purposes
of forced labor and sexual exploitation; large scale migration of Zimbabweans to surrounding countries - as they flee a progressively
more desperate situation at home - has increased; rural Zimbabwean men, women, and children are trafficked internally to farms for
agricultural labor and domestic servitude and to cities for domestic labor and commercial sexual exploitation; NGOs believe internal
trafficking increased during the year, largely due to the closure of schools, worsening political violence, and a faltering economy;
young men and boys are trafficked to South Africa for farm work, often laboring for months in South Africa without pay before
"employers" have them arrested and deported as illegal immigrants; young women and girls are lured abroad with false employment
offers that result in involuntary domestic servitude or commercial sexual exploitation; men, women, and children from neighboring
states are trafficked through Zimbabwe en route to South Africa
Tier rating: the Government of Zimbabwe does not fully comply with the minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking and is
not making significant efforts to do so; the government made minimal progress in combating trafficking in 2008, and members of its
military and the former ruling party's youth militias perpetrated acts of trafficking on local populations; anti-trafficking efforts were
further weakened as it failed to address Zimbabwe's economic and social problems during the reporting period, thus increasing the
population's vulnerability to trafficking within and outside of the country (2009)





Joyce Mujuru
Vice President since 6 December 2004
Morgan Richard Tsvangirai
Prime Minister since 11 February 2009
Arthur Guseni Oliver Mutambara
Deputy Prime Minister since 11 February 2009