| BOLIVIA Republic of Bolivia Republica de Bolivia Joined United Nations: 14 November 1945 Human Rights as assured by their constitution Click here Updated 05/25/10 |
| CAPITAL |
| POPULATION |
| CHIEF OF STATE |
| SELECTION PROCESS |
La Paz (administrative capital)
Sucre (constitutional capital)
Sucre (constitutional capital)
9,947,418 (July 2010 est.)
Juan Evo Morales Ayma
President since 22 January 2006
President since 22 January 2006
President and vice president elected on the same ticket by
popular vote for a single five-year term; election last held 6
December 2009
Next scheduled election: 2014
popular vote for a single five-year term; election last held 6
December 2009
Next scheduled election: 2014
HEAD OF GOVERNMENT
Alvaro Garcia Linera
Vice President since 22 January 2006
Vice President since 22 January 2006
The president is both chief of state and head of government
| DECLARATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS |
| ETHNIC GROUPS |
Quechua 30%, mestizo (mixed white and Amerindian ancestry) 30%, Aymara 25%, white 15%
| RELIGIONS |
Roman Catholic 95%, Protestant (Evangelical Methodist) 5%
| GOVERNMENT STRUCTURE |
Republic comprised of 9 departments (departamentos, singular - departamento); ; Legal system is based on Spanish
law and Napoleonic Code; has not accepted compulsory ICJ jurisdiction
Executive: president and vice president elected on the same ticket by popular vote for a single five-year term; election last
held 6 December 2009 (next to be held in 2014)
Legislative: bicameral National Congress or Congreso Nacional consists of Chamber of Senators or Camara de
Senadores (27 seats; members are elected by proportional representation from party lists to serve five-year terms)
and Chamber of Deputies or Camara de Diputados (130 seats; 69 are directly elected from their districts and 61 are
elected by proportional representation from party lists to serve five-year terms)
elections: Chamber of Senators and Chamber of Deputies - last held on 6 December 2009 (next to be held in 2015)
Judicial: Supreme Court or Corte Suprema (judges appointed for 10-year terms by National Congress); District
Courts (one in each department); provincial and local courts (to try minor cases)
law and Napoleonic Code; has not accepted compulsory ICJ jurisdiction
Executive: president and vice president elected on the same ticket by popular vote for a single five-year term; election last
held 6 December 2009 (next to be held in 2014)
Legislative: bicameral National Congress or Congreso Nacional consists of Chamber of Senators or Camara de
Senadores (27 seats; members are elected by proportional representation from party lists to serve five-year terms)
and Chamber of Deputies or Camara de Diputados (130 seats; 69 are directly elected from their districts and 61 are
elected by proportional representation from party lists to serve five-year terms)
elections: Chamber of Senators and Chamber of Deputies - last held on 6 December 2009 (next to be held in 2015)
Judicial: Supreme Court or Corte Suprema (judges appointed for 10-year terms by National Congress); District
Courts (one in each department); provincial and local courts (to try minor cases)
| LANGUAGES |
Spanish 60.7% (official), Quechua 21.2% (official), Aymara 14.6% (official), foreign languages 2.4%, other 1.2%
(2001 census)
(2001 census)
| BRIEF HISTORY |
| ECONOMIC OVERVIEW |
Bolivia is one of the poorest and least developed countries in Latin America. Following a disastrous economic crisis
during the early 1980s, reforms spurred private investment, stimulated economic growth, and cut poverty rates in the
1990s. The period 2003-05 was characterized by political instability, racial tensions, and violent protests against
plans - subsequently abandoned - to export Bolivia's newly discovered natural gas reserves to large northern
hemisphere markets. In 2005, the government passed a controversial hydrocarbons law that imposed significantly
higher royalties and required foreign firms then operating under risk-sharing contracts to surrender all production to
the state energy company in exchange for a predetermined service fee. After higher prices for mining and
hydrocarbons exports produced a fiscal surplus in 2008, the global recession in 2009 slowed growth. A decline in
commodity prices that began in late 2008, a lack of foreign investment in the mining and hydrocarbon sectors, a poor
infrastructure, and the suspension of trade benefits with the United States will pose challenges for the Bolivian
economy in 2010.
Source: CIA World Factbook (select Bolivia)
during the early 1980s, reforms spurred private investment, stimulated economic growth, and cut poverty rates in the
1990s. The period 2003-05 was characterized by political instability, racial tensions, and violent protests against
plans - subsequently abandoned - to export Bolivia's newly discovered natural gas reserves to large northern
hemisphere markets. In 2005, the government passed a controversial hydrocarbons law that imposed significantly
higher royalties and required foreign firms then operating under risk-sharing contracts to surrender all production to
the state energy company in exchange for a predetermined service fee. After higher prices for mining and
hydrocarbons exports produced a fiscal surplus in 2008, the global recession in 2009 slowed growth. A decline in
commodity prices that began in late 2008, a lack of foreign investment in the mining and hydrocarbon sectors, a poor
infrastructure, and the suspension of trade benefits with the United States will pose challenges for the Bolivian
economy in 2010.
Source: CIA World Factbook (select Bolivia)
| POLITICAL CLIMATE |
Bolivia's current constitution was adopted via referendum in 2009, providing for a unitary secular state.
A group of MEPs acting as election observers oversaw a constitutional referendum in Bolivia that gave more power
to indigenous peoples 25 January 2009. The tightly fought referendum laid out a number of key reforms such as
allowing President Evo Morales to stand for re-election, state control over natural gas and limits on the size of land
people can own.
The governing Movement for Socialism (Movimiento al Socialismo, MAS) is a Left-wing, Socialist political party led
by Evo Morales, founded in 1997. It has governed the country since 2006, following the first ever majority victory
by a single party in the December 2005 elections. MAS evolved out of the movement to defend the interests of coca
growers. Currently, the MAS stands as a party committed to equality, indigenous rights, agrarian land reform,
Constitutional reform as well as nationalization of key industries with an aim to redistribute the returns through
increased social spending. Among the poor, rural and indigenous population the MAS enjoys nearly unanimous
support.
The right-of-center opposition includes a variety of political parties. During the 2005-09 political cycle the largest of
these was PODEMOS, a successor to Nationalist Democratic Action. In the 2009 elections, several parties and
politicians united to form Plan Progreso para Bolivia – Convergencia Nacional, whose presidential candidate,
Manfred Reyes Villa and parliamentary slate came in second in the 2009 elections.
Click here to read more »
A group of MEPs acting as election observers oversaw a constitutional referendum in Bolivia that gave more power
to indigenous peoples 25 January 2009. The tightly fought referendum laid out a number of key reforms such as
allowing President Evo Morales to stand for re-election, state control over natural gas and limits on the size of land
people can own.
The governing Movement for Socialism (Movimiento al Socialismo, MAS) is a Left-wing, Socialist political party led
by Evo Morales, founded in 1997. It has governed the country since 2006, following the first ever majority victory
by a single party in the December 2005 elections. MAS evolved out of the movement to defend the interests of coca
growers. Currently, the MAS stands as a party committed to equality, indigenous rights, agrarian land reform,
Constitutional reform as well as nationalization of key industries with an aim to redistribute the returns through
increased social spending. Among the poor, rural and indigenous population the MAS enjoys nearly unanimous
support.
The right-of-center opposition includes a variety of political parties. During the 2005-09 political cycle the largest of
these was PODEMOS, a successor to Nationalist Democratic Action. In the 2009 elections, several parties and
politicians united to form Plan Progreso para Bolivia – Convergencia Nacional, whose presidential candidate,
Manfred Reyes Villa and parliamentary slate came in second in the 2009 elections.
Click here to read more »
| INTERNATIONAL DISPUTES |
Chile and Peru rebuff Bolivia's reactivated claim to restore the Atacama corridor, ceded to Chile in 1884, but Chile
offers instead unrestricted but not sovereign maritime access through Chile for Bolivian natural gas and other
commodities; an accord placed the long-disputed Isla Suarez/Ilha de Guajara-Mirim, a fluvial island on the Rio
Mamora, under Bolivian administration in 1958, but sovereignty remains in dispute
offers instead unrestricted but not sovereign maritime access through Chile for Bolivian natural gas and other
commodities; an accord placed the long-disputed Isla Suarez/Ilha de Guajara-Mirim, a fluvial island on the Rio
Mamora, under Bolivian administration in 1958, but sovereignty remains in dispute
| TRAFFICKING IN PERSONS |
None reported.
| ILLICIT DRUGS |
World's third-largest cultivator of coca (after Colombia and Peru) with an estimated 29,500 hectares under
cultivation in 2007, increased slightly when compared to 2006; third largest producer of cocaine, estimated at 120
metric tons potential pure cocaine in 2007; transit country for Peruvian and Colombian cocaine destined for Brazil,
Argentina, Chile, Paraguay, and Europe; cultivation generally increasing since 2000, despite eradication and
alternative crop programs; weak border controls; some money-laundering activity related to narcotics trade; major
cocaine consumption (2008)
cultivation in 2007, increased slightly when compared to 2006; third largest producer of cocaine, estimated at 120
metric tons potential pure cocaine in 2007; transit country for Peruvian and Colombian cocaine destined for Brazil,
Argentina, Chile, Paraguay, and Europe; cultivation generally increasing since 2000, despite eradication and
alternative crop programs; weak border controls; some money-laundering activity related to narcotics trade; major
cocaine consumption (2008)
| HUMAN RIGHTS STATEMENTS, ANALYSIS AND CRITIQUES |
2009 Human Rights Report: Bolivia
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
March 11, 2010
Bolivia is a constitutional, multiparty democracy with a population of approximately 9.7 million. On January 25, Bolivians approved
a new constitution. On December 6, in a process deemed free and fair by international observers, citizens reelected Evo Morales
Ayma, leader of the Movement Toward Socialism (MAS) party, as president. Civilian authorities generally maintained effective
control of the security forces.
While the government generally respected the human rights of its citizens, there were significant problems in a number of areas.
These included:
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
March 11, 2010
Bolivia is a constitutional, multiparty democracy with a population of approximately 9.7 million. On January 25, Bolivians approved
a new constitution. On December 6, in a process deemed free and fair by international observers, citizens reelected Evo Morales
Ayma, leader of the Movement Toward Socialism (MAS) party, as president. Civilian authorities generally maintained effective
control of the security forces.
While the government generally respected the human rights of its citizens, there were significant problems in a number of areas.
These included:
- alleged abuses by security forces;
- harsh prison conditions;
- allegations of arbitrary arrest and detention;
- an ineffective, overburdened, and corrupt judiciary;
- a "partly free" media;
- corruption and a lack of transparency in government;
- discrimination based on gender, ethnicity, and sexual orientation;
- trafficking in persons;
- child labor;
- forced or coerced labor;
- harsh working conditions in the mining sector.
16 October 2009
COMMITTEE ON THE RIGHTS OF THE CHILD
Fifty-second session
CONSIDERATION OF REPORTS SUBMITTED BY STATES PARTIES UNDER ARTICLE 44 OF THE CONVENTION
Concluding Observations: The Plurinational State of Bolivia
A. Introduction
2. The Committee welcomes the submission of the fourth periodic report as well as the written replies to its list of issues
(CRC/C/BOL/Q/4/Add.1) which gave a better understanding of the situation of children in the State party. It also appreciates the
presence of a high-level delegation and the frank and open dialogue with the delegation.
B. Follow-up measures undertaken and progress achieved by the State Party
3. The Committee welcomes a number of positive developments in the reporting period, including the adoption of legislative and
other measures taken with a view to implementing the Convention, such as:
(a) The adoption of the new Constitution in 2009, which includes a chapter on child rights;
(b) The adoption of new legislation such as the law on DNA testing in criminal cases against children, the law for search and
registration procedures for lost children as well as regulations concerning HIV and Breastfeeding;
(c) The enactment as law of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples;
C. Main areas of concern and recommendations
1. General measures of implementation
(arts. 4, 42 and 44, paragraph 6 of the Convention)
The Committee’s previous recommendations
5. The Committee notes that several concerns and recommendations made upon the consideration of the State party’s third periodic
report have been addressed, but regrets that many others have been insufficiently or only partly addressed.
6. The Committee urges the State party to take all necessary measures to address those recommendations from the concluding
observations on the third periodic report (CRC/C/15/Add.256) that have not yet been implemented or sufficiently implemented,
notably those related to the adoption of a national plan of action for children, the low and unequal legal minimum ages for
contracting marriage, corporal punishment, children without parental care, police brutality, juvenile justice and children deprived of
their liberty together with adults, and to provide adequate implementation and follow-up to the recommendations contained in the
present concluding observations on the fourth periodic report.
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COMMITTEE ON THE RIGHTS OF THE CHILD
Fifty-second session
CONSIDERATION OF REPORTS SUBMITTED BY STATES PARTIES UNDER ARTICLE 44 OF THE CONVENTION
Concluding Observations: The Plurinational State of Bolivia
A. Introduction
2. The Committee welcomes the submission of the fourth periodic report as well as the written replies to its list of issues
(CRC/C/BOL/Q/4/Add.1) which gave a better understanding of the situation of children in the State party. It also appreciates the
presence of a high-level delegation and the frank and open dialogue with the delegation.
B. Follow-up measures undertaken and progress achieved by the State Party
3. The Committee welcomes a number of positive developments in the reporting period, including the adoption of legislative and
other measures taken with a view to implementing the Convention, such as:
(a) The adoption of the new Constitution in 2009, which includes a chapter on child rights;
(b) The adoption of new legislation such as the law on DNA testing in criminal cases against children, the law for search and
registration procedures for lost children as well as regulations concerning HIV and Breastfeeding;
(c) The enactment as law of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples;
C. Main areas of concern and recommendations
1. General measures of implementation
(arts. 4, 42 and 44, paragraph 6 of the Convention)
The Committee’s previous recommendations
5. The Committee notes that several concerns and recommendations made upon the consideration of the State party’s third periodic
report have been addressed, but regrets that many others have been insufficiently or only partly addressed.
6. The Committee urges the State party to take all necessary measures to address those recommendations from the concluding
observations on the third periodic report (CRC/C/15/Add.256) that have not yet been implemented or sufficiently implemented,
notably those related to the adoption of a national plan of action for children, the low and unequal legal minimum ages for
contracting marriage, corporal punishment, children without parental care, police brutality, juvenile justice and children deprived of
their liberty together with adults, and to provide adequate implementation and follow-up to the recommendations contained in the
present concluding observations on the fourth periodic report.
Click here to read more »
FREEDOM IN THE WORLD REPORT- 2010
Political Rights Score: 3
Civil Liberties Score: 3
Status: Partly Free
Overview
Referendum voters approved a new constitution in January. In December, President Evo Morales was reelected by a wide margin,
while members of the ruling party garnered more than two-thirds of the seats in both houses of the legislature. Although the level of
political violence declined compared with 2008, the breakup of an alleged plot to assassinate Morales helped to keep political
polarization sharp throughout the year.
Polarization remained acute throughout 2009, but the overall level of violence decreased. In the year’s most serious incident, police
in April killed three men and detained two others at a Santa Cruz hotel who had stockpiled weapons and were allegedly conspiring
to assassinate Morales and other leaders. All elements of the episode, including the nature of the plot, the circumstances of the
deaths, the government’s adherence to due process rights, and the extent of lowland elites’ involvement in the alleged conspiracy,
remained in dispute for the rest of the year. Following incriminating testimony by supposed plot participants, several prominent
Santa Cruz business and political leaders were among those placed under investigation or charged, fueling opposition complaints
that the case was devolving into a witch hunt.
A transitional electoral law was passed in April, and the CNE was charged with producing a new, biometrically based electoral roll;
the ensuing process vastly exceeded expectations in both efficiency and comprehensiveness. Despite scattered instances of
violence, the run-up to the December balloting was largely calm. The main opposition party, the Progressive Plan for Bolivia (PPB),
selected former Cochabamba city mayor and department prefect Manfred Reyes Villa as its presidential candidate. He ran on an anti-
MAS platform, signified by his choice of Fernandez, the jailed former prefect of Pando, as his running mate. Reyes Villa was also
hampered by a history of corruption allegations and the fallout from the alleged assassination plot, while Morales’s popularity was
bolstered by continuing economic growth. Morales was reelected with 64 percent of the vote amid a record 95 percent turnout.
The MAS also captured 26 of 36 Senate seats and 90 of 130 seats in the Chamber of Deputies. Five departments overwhelmingly
approved autonomy statutes, joining the four that had already done so.
Opposition electoral complaints centered on the abuse of state resources and a flurry of criminal charges brought against opposition
politicians, including Reyes Villa, who was barred from leaving the country during the campaign as multiple corruption-related
investigations proceeded. Monitors from the European Union characterized the elections as generally free and fair, but they also
confirmed the misuse of state resources and noted that the judiciary’s paralysis left those facing criminal charges with inadequate
legal recourse. After the elections, Reyes Villa fled to the United States.
Bolivia’s relations with the United States remained poor in 2009 after a sharp deterioration in 2008. That year, the two countries had
expelled each other’s ambassadors and markedly reduced cooperation on aid, trade, and counternarcotics due to disagreements
over issues including coca eradication and alleged U.S. meddling. The two sides held talks on a new bilateral accord during 2009,
but no agreement was finalized by year’s end.
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Political Rights Score: 3
Civil Liberties Score: 3
Status: Partly Free
Overview
Referendum voters approved a new constitution in January. In December, President Evo Morales was reelected by a wide margin,
while members of the ruling party garnered more than two-thirds of the seats in both houses of the legislature. Although the level of
political violence declined compared with 2008, the breakup of an alleged plot to assassinate Morales helped to keep political
polarization sharp throughout the year.
Polarization remained acute throughout 2009, but the overall level of violence decreased. In the year’s most serious incident, police
in April killed three men and detained two others at a Santa Cruz hotel who had stockpiled weapons and were allegedly conspiring
to assassinate Morales and other leaders. All elements of the episode, including the nature of the plot, the circumstances of the
deaths, the government’s adherence to due process rights, and the extent of lowland elites’ involvement in the alleged conspiracy,
remained in dispute for the rest of the year. Following incriminating testimony by supposed plot participants, several prominent
Santa Cruz business and political leaders were among those placed under investigation or charged, fueling opposition complaints
that the case was devolving into a witch hunt.
A transitional electoral law was passed in April, and the CNE was charged with producing a new, biometrically based electoral roll;
the ensuing process vastly exceeded expectations in both efficiency and comprehensiveness. Despite scattered instances of
violence, the run-up to the December balloting was largely calm. The main opposition party, the Progressive Plan for Bolivia (PPB),
selected former Cochabamba city mayor and department prefect Manfred Reyes Villa as its presidential candidate. He ran on an anti-
MAS platform, signified by his choice of Fernandez, the jailed former prefect of Pando, as his running mate. Reyes Villa was also
hampered by a history of corruption allegations and the fallout from the alleged assassination plot, while Morales’s popularity was
bolstered by continuing economic growth. Morales was reelected with 64 percent of the vote amid a record 95 percent turnout.
The MAS also captured 26 of 36 Senate seats and 90 of 130 seats in the Chamber of Deputies. Five departments overwhelmingly
approved autonomy statutes, joining the four that had already done so.
Opposition electoral complaints centered on the abuse of state resources and a flurry of criminal charges brought against opposition
politicians, including Reyes Villa, who was barred from leaving the country during the campaign as multiple corruption-related
investigations proceeded. Monitors from the European Union characterized the elections as generally free and fair, but they also
confirmed the misuse of state resources and noted that the judiciary’s paralysis left those facing criminal charges with inadequate
legal recourse. After the elections, Reyes Villa fled to the United States.
Bolivia’s relations with the United States remained poor in 2009 after a sharp deterioration in 2008. That year, the two countries had
expelled each other’s ambassadors and markedly reduced cooperation on aid, trade, and counternarcotics due to disagreements
over issues including coca eradication and alleged U.S. meddling. The two sides held talks on a new bilateral accord during 2009,
but no agreement was finalized by year’s end.
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Document - Bolivia: Amnesty International presents an Open Letter to the new Plurinational Legislative Assembly
AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL
PUBLIC STATEMENT
26 February 2010
On the eve of the debate of several key legislative proposals for reforming the justice system in Bolivia, Amnesty International has
written to the new Plurinational Legislative Assembly asking for human rights to be at the core of all discussions. As a contribution
to the debate around the reforms, the letter is being made public today.
In its letter, Amnesty International recognizes that Bolivia needs to make structural changes to its justice system in order to improve
full access to justice and put an end to a longstanding culture of impunity. In its recent report to the United Nations Human Rights
Council, the organization welcomed the intention to implement proposals that promote equality and social justice in order to
radically change a history based on discrimination.
In its letter, Amnesty International says that implementation of the plurinational justice system presents challenges that need to be
carefully addressed. It stresses how important it is for the reforms endorsed by the Plurinational Assembly to safeguard principles
such as full independence for the judiciary, due process and non-discrimination and equality before the law.
Amnesty International also underlines the key role that bodies within the executive have in ensuring that human rights principles are
included in any proposals they make to the legislature, thereby complying with the international human rights obligations incumbent
on the Bolivian State.
“Bolivia cannot waste the opportunity it has before it to ensure that reforms serve to strengthen the justice system. The success of
the changes will depend on the ability of the Bolivian authorities to incorporate internationally-recognized human rights standards
into the new legislation”, said Louise Finer, Amnesty International’s researcher on Bolivia.
The organization is therefore encouraging legislators to make sure that the debate on the proposals is open and transparent so that
the legislation is strengthened.
“It is time for the Bolivian authorities to take concrete steps to ensure that the promised improvements with regard to human rights
are put into practice,” Louise Finer said.
Click here to read more »
AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL
PUBLIC STATEMENT
26 February 2010
On the eve of the debate of several key legislative proposals for reforming the justice system in Bolivia, Amnesty International has
written to the new Plurinational Legislative Assembly asking for human rights to be at the core of all discussions. As a contribution
to the debate around the reforms, the letter is being made public today.
In its letter, Amnesty International recognizes that Bolivia needs to make structural changes to its justice system in order to improve
full access to justice and put an end to a longstanding culture of impunity. In its recent report to the United Nations Human Rights
Council, the organization welcomed the intention to implement proposals that promote equality and social justice in order to
radically change a history based on discrimination.
In its letter, Amnesty International says that implementation of the plurinational justice system presents challenges that need to be
carefully addressed. It stresses how important it is for the reforms endorsed by the Plurinational Assembly to safeguard principles
such as full independence for the judiciary, due process and non-discrimination and equality before the law.
Amnesty International also underlines the key role that bodies within the executive have in ensuring that human rights principles are
included in any proposals they make to the legislature, thereby complying with the international human rights obligations incumbent
on the Bolivian State.
“Bolivia cannot waste the opportunity it has before it to ensure that reforms serve to strengthen the justice system. The success of
the changes will depend on the ability of the Bolivian authorities to incorporate internationally-recognized human rights standards
into the new legislation”, said Louise Finer, Amnesty International’s researcher on Bolivia.
The organization is therefore encouraging legislators to make sure that the debate on the proposals is open and transparent so that
the legislation is strengthened.
“It is time for the Bolivian authorities to take concrete steps to ensure that the promised improvements with regard to human rights
are put into practice,” Louise Finer said.
Click here to read more »
Bolivia: Amend Laws for Trials of Ex-Leaders
New and Proposed Legislation Should Respect Due Process Rights
May 4, 2010
(Washington, DC) – Bolivia should modify its legal framework for prosecuting and putting on trial former heads of state to ensure
that it protects basic due process guarantees, Human Rights Watch said today.
The Bolivian Legislative Assembly has recently approved two laws, and is debating a third, establishing norms that do not meet the
basic right to a fair trial, Human Rights Watch said. The new and proposed laws undermine the prohibitions in international law on
the retroactive application of the criminal law, the right to be present during trial, and the right to appeal a conviction. There are also
questions about the independence or perceived independence of the tribunal that will prosecute the cases.
“No one is above the law, and former heads of state should be held accountable if they commit crimes while in office,” said José
Miguel Vivanco, Americas director at Human Rights Watch. “But they are entitled to the same due process guarantees that the
Constitution and international law provide for everyone else.”
The right to trial by an independent tribunal
President Evo Morales, who as a legislator accused three former presidents and a former vice president of committing several
crimes, has recently appointed the justices who will preside over their trials. One former president is accused of treason, while the
rest face corruption charges. After the Legislative Assembly passed a law in February 2010 authorizing Morales to appoint judges
personally to vacant positions in high-level courts, Morales appointed 5 out of 12 justices to the Supreme Court. The appointed
justices will remain in office until December, when an election will be held to fill the vacant seats.
International treaties that are binding on Bolivia, such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the
American Convention on Human Rights (ACHR), require that individuals be tried by “independent and impartial tribunals.”
According to the United Nations Basic Principles on the Independence of the Judiciary, “[i]t is the duty of all governmental and
other institutions to respect and observe the independence of the judiciary,” and the judiciary “shall decide matters before them
impartially, on the basis of facts and in accordance with the law, without any restrictions, improper influences, inducements,
pressures, threats or interferences, direct or indirect, from any quarter or for any reason.”
Click here to read more »
New and Proposed Legislation Should Respect Due Process Rights
May 4, 2010
(Washington, DC) – Bolivia should modify its legal framework for prosecuting and putting on trial former heads of state to ensure
that it protects basic due process guarantees, Human Rights Watch said today.
The Bolivian Legislative Assembly has recently approved two laws, and is debating a third, establishing norms that do not meet the
basic right to a fair trial, Human Rights Watch said. The new and proposed laws undermine the prohibitions in international law on
the retroactive application of the criminal law, the right to be present during trial, and the right to appeal a conviction. There are also
questions about the independence or perceived independence of the tribunal that will prosecute the cases.
“No one is above the law, and former heads of state should be held accountable if they commit crimes while in office,” said José
Miguel Vivanco, Americas director at Human Rights Watch. “But they are entitled to the same due process guarantees that the
Constitution and international law provide for everyone else.”
The right to trial by an independent tribunal
President Evo Morales, who as a legislator accused three former presidents and a former vice president of committing several
crimes, has recently appointed the justices who will preside over their trials. One former president is accused of treason, while the
rest face corruption charges. After the Legislative Assembly passed a law in February 2010 authorizing Morales to appoint judges
personally to vacant positions in high-level courts, Morales appointed 5 out of 12 justices to the Supreme Court. The appointed
justices will remain in office until December, when an election will be held to fill the vacant seats.
International treaties that are binding on Bolivia, such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the
American Convention on Human Rights (ACHR), require that individuals be tried by “independent and impartial tribunals.”
According to the United Nations Basic Principles on the Independence of the Judiciary, “[i]t is the duty of all governmental and
other institutions to respect and observe the independence of the judiciary,” and the judiciary “shall decide matters before them
impartially, on the basis of facts and in accordance with the law, without any restrictions, improper influences, inducements,
pressures, threats or interferences, direct or indirect, from any quarter or for any reason.”
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Bolivian President Blames Capitalism for Global Warming
COCHABAMBA, Bolivia, April 20, 2010
Bolivian President Evo Morales said capitalism is to blame for global warming and the accelerated deterioration of the planetary
ecosystem in a speech today opening an international conference on climate change and the "rights of Mother Earth."
More than 20,000 indigenous, environmental and civil society delegates from 129 countries were in attendance as President Morales
welcomed them to the conference at a soccer stadium in the village of Tiquipaya on the outskirts of the city of Cochabamba.
"The main cause of the destruction of the planet Earth is capitalism and in the towns where we have lived, where we respected this
Mother Earth, we all have the ethics and the moral right to say here that the central enemy of Mother Earth is capitalism," said
Morales, who is Bolivia's first fully indigenous head of state in the 470 years since the Spanish invasion.
Morales is the leader of a political party called Movimiento al Socialismo, the Movement for Socialism, which aims to give more
power to the country's indigenous and poor communities by means of land reforms and redistribution of wealth from natural
resources such as gas.
"The capitalist system looks to obtain the maximum possible gain, promoting unlimited growth on a finite planet," said Morales.
"Capitalism is the source of asymmetries and imbalance in the world."
Named "World Hero of Mother Earth" by the United Nations General Assembly last October, today, President Morales warned of dire
consequences if a strong legally-binding agreement to limit greenhouse gas emissions is not reached.
A new agreement is needed to govern greenhouse gas emissions after the first commitment period of the Kyoto Protocol expires at the
end of 2012. This year's round of international negotiations towards an agreement began earlier this month in Bonn, Germany, and the
next annual United Nations climate conference is scheduled for Cancun, Mexico from November 29.
"Global food production will be reduced by approximately 40 percent and that will increase the number of hungry people in the world,
which already exceeds a billion people," Morales warned. "Between 20 and 30 percent of all animal and plant species could disappear."
Global warming will cause the melting of the polar ice caps and the glaciers of the Andes and the Himalayas, and several islands will
disappear under the ocean," he warned.
Click here to read more »
COCHABAMBA, Bolivia, April 20, 2010
Bolivian President Evo Morales said capitalism is to blame for global warming and the accelerated deterioration of the planetary
ecosystem in a speech today opening an international conference on climate change and the "rights of Mother Earth."
More than 20,000 indigenous, environmental and civil society delegates from 129 countries were in attendance as President Morales
welcomed them to the conference at a soccer stadium in the village of Tiquipaya on the outskirts of the city of Cochabamba.
"The main cause of the destruction of the planet Earth is capitalism and in the towns where we have lived, where we respected this
Mother Earth, we all have the ethics and the moral right to say here that the central enemy of Mother Earth is capitalism," said
Morales, who is Bolivia's first fully indigenous head of state in the 470 years since the Spanish invasion.
Morales is the leader of a political party called Movimiento al Socialismo, the Movement for Socialism, which aims to give more
power to the country's indigenous and poor communities by means of land reforms and redistribution of wealth from natural
resources such as gas.
"The capitalist system looks to obtain the maximum possible gain, promoting unlimited growth on a finite planet," said Morales.
"Capitalism is the source of asymmetries and imbalance in the world."
Named "World Hero of Mother Earth" by the United Nations General Assembly last October, today, President Morales warned of dire
consequences if a strong legally-binding agreement to limit greenhouse gas emissions is not reached.
A new agreement is needed to govern greenhouse gas emissions after the first commitment period of the Kyoto Protocol expires at the
end of 2012. This year's round of international negotiations towards an agreement began earlier this month in Bonn, Germany, and the
next annual United Nations climate conference is scheduled for Cancun, Mexico from November 29.
"Global food production will be reduced by approximately 40 percent and that will increase the number of hungry people in the world,
which already exceeds a billion people," Morales warned. "Between 20 and 30 percent of all animal and plant species could disappear."
Global warming will cause the melting of the polar ice caps and the glaciers of the Andes and the Himalayas, and several islands will
disappear under the ocean," he warned.
Click here to read more »
Morales and Bolivia’s Unions: Is the Romance Over?
04 May 2010
Readers:
Since the first arrival of Evo Morales to the Bolivian presidency in 2005 with a lopsided and historic majority, one of the ongoing
questions has been – Who will genuinely challenge him?
In the early stages that challenge came from the anemic remaining national opposition let by PODEMOS and his 2005 opponent,
former President Jorge Quiroga, but with little impact on the Morales/MAS juggernaut. Then opposition to Morales jelled together
in a serious way in the hands of six opposition governors and Morales adversaries in the nation’s east, enough to almost scuttle the
Constituent Assembly. But when Morales called the governors’ bluff and held an August 2008 referendum, two of the main
opposition governors were tossed out of office and Morales was returned with a mandate even stronger than before.
Now, following another huge Morales ballot triumph in his reelection last December and MAS control over a majority of the
governorships, it seemed like he would begin his second term almost unchallenged.
Tens of thousands of marchers in downtown Cochabamba this morning turned that into a political myth. These were not
Manfredistas or other remnants of the political right. These marchers came from the core of what has been, up till now, a key
element in Morales’ political base – the powerful Centro Obrero Boliviana (COB), the labor organization that has toppled more than
one Bolivian president. The issue is the demand by the workers, both public and private sector, for a substantial pay hike, and
efforts by Morales to stick to a smaller one.
But there is far more at stake here than the difference between one percentage raise vs. another. On display this week, in
Cochabamba, in La Paz and elsewhere in the country, is the face of a new challenge, a powerful one, to Morales. Here’s a special
report from Jessica Camille Aguirre and Aldo Orellana of the Democracy Center.
Click here to read more »
04 May 2010
Readers:
Since the first arrival of Evo Morales to the Bolivian presidency in 2005 with a lopsided and historic majority, one of the ongoing
questions has been – Who will genuinely challenge him?
In the early stages that challenge came from the anemic remaining national opposition let by PODEMOS and his 2005 opponent,
former President Jorge Quiroga, but with little impact on the Morales/MAS juggernaut. Then opposition to Morales jelled together
in a serious way in the hands of six opposition governors and Morales adversaries in the nation’s east, enough to almost scuttle the
Constituent Assembly. But when Morales called the governors’ bluff and held an August 2008 referendum, two of the main
opposition governors were tossed out of office and Morales was returned with a mandate even stronger than before.
Now, following another huge Morales ballot triumph in his reelection last December and MAS control over a majority of the
governorships, it seemed like he would begin his second term almost unchallenged.
Tens of thousands of marchers in downtown Cochabamba this morning turned that into a political myth. These were not
Manfredistas or other remnants of the political right. These marchers came from the core of what has been, up till now, a key
element in Morales’ political base – the powerful Centro Obrero Boliviana (COB), the labor organization that has toppled more than
one Bolivian president. The issue is the demand by the workers, both public and private sector, for a substantial pay hike, and
efforts by Morales to stick to a smaller one.
But there is far more at stake here than the difference between one percentage raise vs. another. On display this week, in
Cochabamba, in La Paz and elsewhere in the country, is the face of a new challenge, a powerful one, to Morales. Here’s a special
report from Jessica Camille Aguirre and Aldo Orellana of the Democracy Center.
Click here to read more »
TRANSLATED FROM SPANISH BY GOOGLE TRANSLATE
May 17, 2010
Cochabamba: Report of the Ombudsman concludes with positive results by: Cochabamba Departmental Representation
Violation of fundamental rights of women in prostitution: Report of the Ombudsman's resolution culminates with the
National Court of Journalistic Ethics.
Violation of fundamental rights of women in prostitution:
WITHDRAWAL OF Ombudsman culminated POSITIVE RESULTS
Departmental Representation Office of the Ombudsman in Cochabamba, as of February 5, 2010 received a complaint from a group
of women in prostitution. Channeling it to the relevant jurisdiction and position generated the pronouncement of the National
Journalistic Ethics through the issuance of Resolution 01/2010, the first since the self-regulatory organization began operating in
February 2010.
The intervention of the Ombudsman under its authority and dignity and protection of other fundamental rights of individuals,
providing concrete results history reflects the fact, however, also shows that there is urgent need to work intensively in relation to
the work of media, journalistic work and treatment information.
"The National Court of Journalistic Ethics (PNET) issued Resolution 01/2010 on the complaint lodged by the Cochabamba
Departmental Representative of the Ombudsman's Office, contrary to various media outlets for violation of fundamental rights of
women at prostitution.
The complaint, dated March 5 refers to that on the morning of February 5 Events and Shows officials of the Municipal Mayor of
Cochabamba with reporters and photojournalists entered a room where the latter, filmed and photographed the faces of women
who were at the site, images that were broadcast on several channels and print media, a fact that, according to those affected has
caused them harm in their private and public life.
Under this circumstance, the PNET, in strict compliance with Article 17 of the Rules, ordered the notice of termination to the
media in question, in order that they can give their version of the facts reported. The only way that responded and expressed their
views, through its National Head of Press, was the Red Bolivision attached to its response to the images corresponding to the note
issued in which it was shown that at no time exposed person's face incurred in any particular identification by the public. Other
media despite the legal notice did not respond to the complaint.
Click here to read more »
May 17, 2010
Cochabamba: Report of the Ombudsman concludes with positive results by: Cochabamba Departmental Representation
Violation of fundamental rights of women in prostitution: Report of the Ombudsman's resolution culminates with the
National Court of Journalistic Ethics.
Violation of fundamental rights of women in prostitution:
WITHDRAWAL OF Ombudsman culminated POSITIVE RESULTS
Departmental Representation Office of the Ombudsman in Cochabamba, as of February 5, 2010 received a complaint from a group
of women in prostitution. Channeling it to the relevant jurisdiction and position generated the pronouncement of the National
Journalistic Ethics through the issuance of Resolution 01/2010, the first since the self-regulatory organization began operating in
February 2010.
The intervention of the Ombudsman under its authority and dignity and protection of other fundamental rights of individuals,
providing concrete results history reflects the fact, however, also shows that there is urgent need to work intensively in relation to
the work of media, journalistic work and treatment information.
"The National Court of Journalistic Ethics (PNET) issued Resolution 01/2010 on the complaint lodged by the Cochabamba
Departmental Representative of the Ombudsman's Office, contrary to various media outlets for violation of fundamental rights of
women at prostitution.
The complaint, dated March 5 refers to that on the morning of February 5 Events and Shows officials of the Municipal Mayor of
Cochabamba with reporters and photojournalists entered a room where the latter, filmed and photographed the faces of women
who were at the site, images that were broadcast on several channels and print media, a fact that, according to those affected has
caused them harm in their private and public life.
Under this circumstance, the PNET, in strict compliance with Article 17 of the Rules, ordered the notice of termination to the
media in question, in order that they can give their version of the facts reported. The only way that responded and expressed their
views, through its National Head of Press, was the Red Bolivision attached to its response to the images corresponding to the note
issued in which it was shown that at no time exposed person's face incurred in any particular identification by the public. Other
media despite the legal notice did not respond to the complaint.
Click here to read more »
The Bolivian highlands, permanently settled for at least 21,000 years, were part of the culture of Andean South
America before the arrival of the Spaniards. The records are fragmentary but suggest that agriculture started about
3000 BC. and that the production of metal, especially copper, began 1,500 years later. The Andean region probably
has been inhabited for some 20,000 years. Beginning about the second century BC, the Tiwanakan culture
developed at the southern end of Lake Titicaca. The collapse of Tiwanakan influence resulted in the rise of seven
regional kingdoms of the Aymara, the most powerful states located in the densely populated area around Lake
Titicaca. The Aymara, however, were not able to contain the expansion of the Quechua, the third major ethnic
group. After the collapse of the Tiahuanacan Empire, a Quechua-speaking state emerged in the area around Cuzco
became known as the Incas when they adopted the name of their rulers, were the most powerful group in the
northern highlands. Francisco Pizarro, Diego de Almagro, and Hernando de Luque led the Spanish discovery and
conquest of the Inca Empire. They first sailed south in 1524 along the Pacific coast from Panama to confirm the
legendary existence of a land of gold called "Biru" (later altered to Peru). Because the rapidly expanding Inca Empire
was internally weak, the conquest was remarkably easy. During most of the Spanish colonial period, this territory
was called "Upper Peru" or "Charcas" and was under the authority of the Viceroy of Lima. Local government came
from the Audiencia de Charcas located in Chuquisaca (La Plata — modern Sucre). Bolivian silver mines produced
much of the Spanish empire's wealth, and Potosí, site of the famed Cerro Rico — "Rich Mountain" — was, for many
years, the largest city in the Western Hemisphere. In the late 18th century, Spain undertook an administrative reform
to increase revenues of the crown and to eliminate a number of abuses. Increasing Indian discontent with colonial rule
sparked the great rebellion of Túpac Amaru II. Born José Gabriel Condorcanqui, this educated, Spanish-speaking
Native American took the name of his ancestor, Túpac Amaru. As Spanish royal authority weakened during the
Napoleonic wars, sentiment against colonial rule grew. Independence was proclaimed in 1809, but 16 years of
struggle followed before the establishment of the republic, named for Simón Bolívar, on August 6, 1825. The
Constitution under which the republic is now governed dates from 28 October, 1880, and aims at a unitarian
republican polity." During the presidency of Mariscal Andres de Santa Cruz, Bolivia enjoyed the most glorious
period of her history with great social and economic advancement. Different wars against almost all its neighbors
were fought during this period with sound victories against its enemies but maybe the turning point took place on the
fields of Paucarpata where the Confederacion Peru-Boliviana lead by the Mariscal Santa Cruz forced the Chilean
and Peruvian rebel armies to sign the peace treaty know as the Paucarpata Treaty which included their unconditional
surrender; later this treaty was discarded by the Chilean parliament. Living conditions of the indigenous peoples, who
constitute more than half of the population, remained deplorable. Forced to work under primitive conditions in the
mines and in nearly feudal status on large estates, they were denied access to education, economic opportunity, or
political participation. Bolivia's defeat by Paraguay in the Chaco War (1932-1935) marked a turning point. Great
loss of life and territory discredited the traditional ruling classes, while service in the army produced stirrings of
political awareness among the indigenous people. In 1936 the Standard Oil was nationalized and the state-owned
firm Yacimientos Petroliferos Fiscales Bolivianos (YPFB) created. From the end of the Chaco War until the 1952
revolution, the emergence of contending ideologies and the demands of new groups convulsed Bolivian politics.
Standing alongside the Mexican Revolution, the Bolivian National Revolution is one of the most significant socio-
political events to occur in Latin America during the 20th century. The Revolutionary Nationalist Movement (MNR)
emerged from the ashes of the Chaco War in 1941 as a middle-class political coalition eschewing marxism for a
vague nationalist ideology better suited to Bolivia's social reality. Twelve more tumultuous years of national reform
left the country bitterly divided and in 1964, a military junta overthrew President Paz Estenssoro at the outset of his
third term; an event that many assert brought an end to the National Revolution and marked the beginning of nearly
20 years of military rule in Bolivia. After a military rebellion forced out García Meza in 1981, three other military
governments in 14 months struggled with Bolivia's growing problems. Hyperinflation had reached an annual rate of
24,000%. Social unrest, chronic strikes, and unchecked drug trafficking were widespread. The 1993 elections
continued the tradition of open, honest elections and peaceful democratic transitions of power. Between January and
April 2000, a series of anti-privatization protests took place in Cochabamba against the privatization of the municipal
water supply that was being pushed through on the recommendation of the World Bank and the International
Monetary Fund. The Bolivian government declared martial law, killing several people, arresting protest leaders and
shutting down radio stations, but after continued disturbances and civic pressure, the government finally rolled back
the privatization on April 10. Several days before Bolivians went to the voting booths, the U.S. ambassador, Manuel
Rocha, warned the Bolivian electorate that, if they voted for Morales, the US would cut off foreign aid and close its
markets to the country. Morales nonetheless received nearly 21% of the vote, putting him only a couple points
behind Sánchez de Lozada. In recent years, an increasingly divisive conflict has been the Bolivian Gas War; a dispute
over the exploitation of Bolivia's large natural gas reserves in the south of the country. The deterioration of the
political system contributed towards the rise of a loose confederation of indigenous social movements (MAS) with
Evo Morales as leader. In the elections of December 2005 Evo Morales and MAS obtained a comfortable victory
reaching 54% of the electorate's votes, becoming the first Native Bolivian president in history.
Sources: Wikipedia: History of Bolivia
America before the arrival of the Spaniards. The records are fragmentary but suggest that agriculture started about
3000 BC. and that the production of metal, especially copper, began 1,500 years later. The Andean region probably
has been inhabited for some 20,000 years. Beginning about the second century BC, the Tiwanakan culture
developed at the southern end of Lake Titicaca. The collapse of Tiwanakan influence resulted in the rise of seven
regional kingdoms of the Aymara, the most powerful states located in the densely populated area around Lake
Titicaca. The Aymara, however, were not able to contain the expansion of the Quechua, the third major ethnic
group. After the collapse of the Tiahuanacan Empire, a Quechua-speaking state emerged in the area around Cuzco
became known as the Incas when they adopted the name of their rulers, were the most powerful group in the
northern highlands. Francisco Pizarro, Diego de Almagro, and Hernando de Luque led the Spanish discovery and
conquest of the Inca Empire. They first sailed south in 1524 along the Pacific coast from Panama to confirm the
legendary existence of a land of gold called "Biru" (later altered to Peru). Because the rapidly expanding Inca Empire
was internally weak, the conquest was remarkably easy. During most of the Spanish colonial period, this territory
was called "Upper Peru" or "Charcas" and was under the authority of the Viceroy of Lima. Local government came
from the Audiencia de Charcas located in Chuquisaca (La Plata — modern Sucre). Bolivian silver mines produced
much of the Spanish empire's wealth, and Potosí, site of the famed Cerro Rico — "Rich Mountain" — was, for many
years, the largest city in the Western Hemisphere. In the late 18th century, Spain undertook an administrative reform
to increase revenues of the crown and to eliminate a number of abuses. Increasing Indian discontent with colonial rule
sparked the great rebellion of Túpac Amaru II. Born José Gabriel Condorcanqui, this educated, Spanish-speaking
Native American took the name of his ancestor, Túpac Amaru. As Spanish royal authority weakened during the
Napoleonic wars, sentiment against colonial rule grew. Independence was proclaimed in 1809, but 16 years of
struggle followed before the establishment of the republic, named for Simón Bolívar, on August 6, 1825. The
Constitution under which the republic is now governed dates from 28 October, 1880, and aims at a unitarian
republican polity." During the presidency of Mariscal Andres de Santa Cruz, Bolivia enjoyed the most glorious
period of her history with great social and economic advancement. Different wars against almost all its neighbors
were fought during this period with sound victories against its enemies but maybe the turning point took place on the
fields of Paucarpata where the Confederacion Peru-Boliviana lead by the Mariscal Santa Cruz forced the Chilean
and Peruvian rebel armies to sign the peace treaty know as the Paucarpata Treaty which included their unconditional
surrender; later this treaty was discarded by the Chilean parliament. Living conditions of the indigenous peoples, who
constitute more than half of the population, remained deplorable. Forced to work under primitive conditions in the
mines and in nearly feudal status on large estates, they were denied access to education, economic opportunity, or
political participation. Bolivia's defeat by Paraguay in the Chaco War (1932-1935) marked a turning point. Great
loss of life and territory discredited the traditional ruling classes, while service in the army produced stirrings of
political awareness among the indigenous people. In 1936 the Standard Oil was nationalized and the state-owned
firm Yacimientos Petroliferos Fiscales Bolivianos (YPFB) created. From the end of the Chaco War until the 1952
revolution, the emergence of contending ideologies and the demands of new groups convulsed Bolivian politics.
Standing alongside the Mexican Revolution, the Bolivian National Revolution is one of the most significant socio-
political events to occur in Latin America during the 20th century. The Revolutionary Nationalist Movement (MNR)
emerged from the ashes of the Chaco War in 1941 as a middle-class political coalition eschewing marxism for a
vague nationalist ideology better suited to Bolivia's social reality. Twelve more tumultuous years of national reform
left the country bitterly divided and in 1964, a military junta overthrew President Paz Estenssoro at the outset of his
third term; an event that many assert brought an end to the National Revolution and marked the beginning of nearly
20 years of military rule in Bolivia. After a military rebellion forced out García Meza in 1981, three other military
governments in 14 months struggled with Bolivia's growing problems. Hyperinflation had reached an annual rate of
24,000%. Social unrest, chronic strikes, and unchecked drug trafficking were widespread. The 1993 elections
continued the tradition of open, honest elections and peaceful democratic transitions of power. Between January and
April 2000, a series of anti-privatization protests took place in Cochabamba against the privatization of the municipal
water supply that was being pushed through on the recommendation of the World Bank and the International
Monetary Fund. The Bolivian government declared martial law, killing several people, arresting protest leaders and
shutting down radio stations, but after continued disturbances and civic pressure, the government finally rolled back
the privatization on April 10. Several days before Bolivians went to the voting booths, the U.S. ambassador, Manuel
Rocha, warned the Bolivian electorate that, if they voted for Morales, the US would cut off foreign aid and close its
markets to the country. Morales nonetheless received nearly 21% of the vote, putting him only a couple points
behind Sánchez de Lozada. In recent years, an increasingly divisive conflict has been the Bolivian Gas War; a dispute
over the exploitation of Bolivia's large natural gas reserves in the south of the country. The deterioration of the
political system contributed towards the rise of a loose confederation of indigenous social movements (MAS) with
Evo Morales as leader. In the elections of December 2005 Evo Morales and MAS obtained a comfortable victory
reaching 54% of the electorate's votes, becoming the first Native Bolivian president in history.
Sources: Wikipedia: History of Bolivia
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| INTERNALLY DISPLACED PERSONS (IDPs) |
None reported.