| BURUNDI Republic of Burundi Republique du Burundi/ Republika y'u Burundi Joined United Nations: 18 September 1962 Human Rights as assured by their constitution Click here Updated 02/10/11 |
| CAPITAL |
| POPULATION |
| CHIEF OF STATE |
| SELECTION PROCESS |
Bujumbura
9,863,117
note: estimates for this country explicitly take into account the effects of excess mortality
due to AIDS; this can result in lower life expectancy, higher infant mortality, higher death
rates, lower population growth rates, and changes in the distribution of population by age
and sex than would otherwise be expected (July 2010 est.)
note: estimates for this country explicitly take into account the effects of excess mortality
due to AIDS; this can result in lower life expectancy, higher infant mortality, higher death
rates, lower population growth rates, and changes in the distribution of population by age
and sex than would otherwise be expected (July 2010 est.)
Pierre Nkurunziza
President since 26 August 2005
President since 26 August 2005
Paramount ruler elected by and from the hereditary rulers of nine of
the states for five-year terms; election last held on 28 June 2010
Next scheduled election: 2015
the states for five-year terms; election last held on 28 June 2010
Next scheduled election: 2015
HEAD OF GOVERNMENT
According to the Burundian Constitution, the President is both the
Chief of State and Head of Government
Chief of State and Head of Government
| DECLARATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS |
| ETHNIC GROUPS |
Hutu (Bantu) 85%, Tutsi (Hamitic) 14%, Twa (Pygmy) 1%, Europeans 3,000, South Asians 2,000
| RELIGIONS |
Christian 67% (Roman Catholic 62%, Protestant 5%), indigenous beliefs 23%, Muslim 10%
| GOVERNMENT STRUCTURE |
Republic with 17 provinces; Legal system is based on German and Belgian civil codes and customary law; has not accepted
compulsory ICJ jurisdiction
Executive: The president is elected by popular vote to a five-year term (eligible for a second term); note - the constitution adopted in
February 2005 permits the post-transition president to be elected by a two-thirds majority of the parliament; elections last held 28 June
2010 (next to be held in 2015); vice presidents nominated by the president, endorsed by parliament
Legislative: Bicameral Parliament or Parlement, consists of a National Assembly or Assemblee Nationale (minimum 100 seats,
60% Hutu and 40% Tutsi with at least 30% being women; additional seats appointed by a National Independent Electoral
Commission to ensure ethnic representation; members are elected by popular vote to serve five-year terms) and a Senate (54 seats;
34 members elected by indirect vote to serve five-year terms, with remaining seats assigned to ethnic groups and former chiefs of
state)
elections: Senate - last held on 23 July 2010 (next to be held in 2015); National Assembly - last held on 23 July 2010 (next to be
held in 2015)
Judicial: Supreme Court or Cour Supreme; Constitutional Court; Courts of Appeal (there are three in separate locations);
Tribunals of First Instance (17 at the province level and 123 small local tribunals)
compulsory ICJ jurisdiction
Executive: The president is elected by popular vote to a five-year term (eligible for a second term); note - the constitution adopted in
February 2005 permits the post-transition president to be elected by a two-thirds majority of the parliament; elections last held 28 June
2010 (next to be held in 2015); vice presidents nominated by the president, endorsed by parliament
Legislative: Bicameral Parliament or Parlement, consists of a National Assembly or Assemblee Nationale (minimum 100 seats,
60% Hutu and 40% Tutsi with at least 30% being women; additional seats appointed by a National Independent Electoral
Commission to ensure ethnic representation; members are elected by popular vote to serve five-year terms) and a Senate (54 seats;
34 members elected by indirect vote to serve five-year terms, with remaining seats assigned to ethnic groups and former chiefs of
state)
elections: Senate - last held on 23 July 2010 (next to be held in 2015); National Assembly - last held on 23 July 2010 (next to be
held in 2015)
Judicial: Supreme Court or Cour Supreme; Constitutional Court; Courts of Appeal (there are three in separate locations);
Tribunals of First Instance (17 at the province level and 123 small local tribunals)
| LANGUAGES |
Kirundi (official), French (official), Swahili (along Lake Tanganyika and in the Bujumbura area)
| BRIEF HISTORY |
Origins of Burundi are known from a mix of oral history and archaeology. There are two main founding legends for Burundi. The
one most promoted today tells a tale of a Rwandan named Cambarantama founding the nation. The other version, more common in
pre-colonial Burundi, says that Cambarantama came from the southern state of Buha. The notion of Rwandan origins for the
kingdom was promoted by the European colonizers for it fit their ideals of a ruling class coming to the area from the Hamitic
northeast. The theory has continued to be the semi-official dogma of the modern Burundian state. Historians doubt the Hamitic
origins of the Tutsis, but it is still believed that their ancestors migrated from the north to what is now Burundi in the 15th century.
The first evidence of the Burundian state is from 16th century where it emerged on the eastern foothills. Over the next centuries it
expanded, annexing smaller neighbours and competing with Rwanda. Its greatest growth occurred under Ntare Rugamba, who
ruled the nation from about 1796 to 1850 and saw the kingdom double in size. The Kingdom of Burundi was characterized by a
hierarchical political authority and tributary economic exchange. The king, known as the mwami headed a princely aristocracy
(ganwa) which owned most of the land and required a tribute, or tax, from local farmers and herders. In the mid-18th century, this
Tutsi royalty consolidated authority over land, production, and distribution with the development of the ubugabire—a patron-client
relationship in which the populace received royal protection in exchange for tribute and land tenure. Although European explorers
and missionaries made brief visits to the area as early as 1856, it was not until 1899 that Burundi became a part of German East
Africa. Unlike the Rwandan monarchy which decided to accept the German advances, the Burundian king Mwezi Gisabo opposed
all European influence, refusing to wear European clothing and resisting the advance of European missionaries or administrators. The
Germans used armed force and succeeded in doing great damage, but did not destroy the king’s power. Eventually they backed
one of the king's sons-in-law Maconco in a revolt against Gisabo. Gisabo was eventually forced to concede and agreed to German
suzerainty. The Germans then helped him suppress Maconco's revolt. The smaller kingdoms along the western shore of Lake
Victoria were also attached to Burundi. Even after this the foreign presence was minimal and the kings continued to rule much as
before. The Europeans did, however, bring devastating diseases affecting both people and animals. Affecting the entire region,
Burundi was especially hard hit. A great famine hit in 1905, with others striking the entire Great Lakes region in 1914, 1923, and
1944. Between 1905 and 1914 half the population of the western plains region died. In 1916 Belgian troops conquered the area
during the First World War. In 1923, the League of Nations mandated to Belgium the territory of Ruanda-Urundi, encompassing
modern-day Rwanda and Burundi, but stripping the western kingdoms and giving them to British administered Tanganyika. The
Belgians administered the territory through indirect rule, building on the Tutsi-dominated aristocratic hierarchy. Following World
War II, Ruanda-Urundi became a United Nations Trust Territory under Belgian administrative authority. After 1948, Belgium
permitted the emergence of competing political parties. Two political parties emerged: the Union for National Progress (UPRONA),
a multi-ethnic party led by Tutsi(*) Prince Louis Rwagasore and the Christian Democratic Party (PDC) supported by Belgium. In
1961, Prince Rwagasore was assassinated following an UPRONA victory in legislative elections. Full independence was achieved
on July 1, 1962. In the context of weak democratic institutions at independence, Tutsi (*) King Mwambutsa IV established a
constitutional monarchy comprising equal numbers of Hutus and Tutsis. The 1965 assassination of the Hutu prime minister set in
motion a series of destabilizing Hutu revolts and subsequent governmental repression. In 1966, King Mwambutsa IV was deposed
by his son, Prince Ntare V, who himself was deposed by his prime minister Capt. Michel Micombero in the same year. He
abolished the monarchy and declared a republic. A de facto military regime emerged and civil unrest continued throughout the late
1960s and early 1970s. In late April 1972, a Hutu attack on a hill locality, situated in the south of the country, where most military
officers were born, triggered a military reprisal. In 1976, Colonel Jean-Baptiste Bagaza took power in a bloodless coup. Although
Bagaza led a Tutsi-dominated military regime, he encouraged land reform, electoral reform, and national reconciliation. In 1987,
Major Pierre Buyoya overthrew Col. Bagaza. He dissolved opposition parties, suspended the 1981 constitution, and instituted his
ruling Military Committee for National Salvation (CSMN). In 1991, Buyoya approved a constitution that provided for a president,
nonethnic government, and a parliament. Burundi's first Hutu president, Melchior Ndadaye, of the Hutu-dominated Front for
Democracy in Burundi (FRODEBU) Party, was elected in 1993. He was assassinated by factions of the Tutsi-dominated armed
forces in October 1993. In April 1994, President Ntaryamira and Rwandan President Juvénal Habyarimana died in a plane crash.
This act marked the beginning of the Rwandan genocide, while in Burundi, the death of Ntaryamira exacerbated the violence and
unrest, although there was no general massacre. On July 25, 1996, the government was overthrown in a coup led by Buyoya. The
civil war continued, despite the efforts of the international community to create a peace process. Progress has been made since
2001, when a power-sharing government was created, and in 2003, Domitien Ndayizeye, the Hutu vice-president, became
president as mandated by the power-sharing agreement. A series of elections, held in mid-2005 were won by the former Hutu rebel
National Council for the Defense of Democracy-Forces for the Defense of Democracy (CNDD-FDD). Former President
Ndayizeye and his political supporters were arrested in 2006 and accused of plotting a coup, but later he was acquitted by the
Supreme Court. International human rights groups claimed that the current government was framing Ndayizeye by torturing him into
false confessions of the coup plot. Along with these accusations, in December 2006 the International Crisis Group labeled Burundi’s
government with a “deteriorating” status in its treatment of human rights. The organization reported that the government had arrested
critics, muzzled the press, committed human rights abuses, and tightened its control over the economy, and that “unless it [reversed]
this authoritarian course, it risk[ed] triggering violent unrest and losing the gains of peace process.” citation. In February 2007, the U.
N. officially shut down its peacekeeping operations in Burundi and turned its attention to rebuilding the nation’s economy, which
relies heavily on tea and coffee but suffered severely during 12 years of civil war. The U.N. had deployed 5,600 peacekeepers
since 2004, and several hundred troops remained to work with the African Union in monitoring the ceasefire.
Source: Wikipedia: History of Burundi
one most promoted today tells a tale of a Rwandan named Cambarantama founding the nation. The other version, more common in
pre-colonial Burundi, says that Cambarantama came from the southern state of Buha. The notion of Rwandan origins for the
kingdom was promoted by the European colonizers for it fit their ideals of a ruling class coming to the area from the Hamitic
northeast. The theory has continued to be the semi-official dogma of the modern Burundian state. Historians doubt the Hamitic
origins of the Tutsis, but it is still believed that their ancestors migrated from the north to what is now Burundi in the 15th century.
The first evidence of the Burundian state is from 16th century where it emerged on the eastern foothills. Over the next centuries it
expanded, annexing smaller neighbours and competing with Rwanda. Its greatest growth occurred under Ntare Rugamba, who
ruled the nation from about 1796 to 1850 and saw the kingdom double in size. The Kingdom of Burundi was characterized by a
hierarchical political authority and tributary economic exchange. The king, known as the mwami headed a princely aristocracy
(ganwa) which owned most of the land and required a tribute, or tax, from local farmers and herders. In the mid-18th century, this
Tutsi royalty consolidated authority over land, production, and distribution with the development of the ubugabire—a patron-client
relationship in which the populace received royal protection in exchange for tribute and land tenure. Although European explorers
and missionaries made brief visits to the area as early as 1856, it was not until 1899 that Burundi became a part of German East
Africa. Unlike the Rwandan monarchy which decided to accept the German advances, the Burundian king Mwezi Gisabo opposed
all European influence, refusing to wear European clothing and resisting the advance of European missionaries or administrators. The
Germans used armed force and succeeded in doing great damage, but did not destroy the king’s power. Eventually they backed
one of the king's sons-in-law Maconco in a revolt against Gisabo. Gisabo was eventually forced to concede and agreed to German
suzerainty. The Germans then helped him suppress Maconco's revolt. The smaller kingdoms along the western shore of Lake
Victoria were also attached to Burundi. Even after this the foreign presence was minimal and the kings continued to rule much as
before. The Europeans did, however, bring devastating diseases affecting both people and animals. Affecting the entire region,
Burundi was especially hard hit. A great famine hit in 1905, with others striking the entire Great Lakes region in 1914, 1923, and
1944. Between 1905 and 1914 half the population of the western plains region died. In 1916 Belgian troops conquered the area
during the First World War. In 1923, the League of Nations mandated to Belgium the territory of Ruanda-Urundi, encompassing
modern-day Rwanda and Burundi, but stripping the western kingdoms and giving them to British administered Tanganyika. The
Belgians administered the territory through indirect rule, building on the Tutsi-dominated aristocratic hierarchy. Following World
War II, Ruanda-Urundi became a United Nations Trust Territory under Belgian administrative authority. After 1948, Belgium
permitted the emergence of competing political parties. Two political parties emerged: the Union for National Progress (UPRONA),
a multi-ethnic party led by Tutsi(*) Prince Louis Rwagasore and the Christian Democratic Party (PDC) supported by Belgium. In
1961, Prince Rwagasore was assassinated following an UPRONA victory in legislative elections. Full independence was achieved
on July 1, 1962. In the context of weak democratic institutions at independence, Tutsi (*) King Mwambutsa IV established a
constitutional monarchy comprising equal numbers of Hutus and Tutsis. The 1965 assassination of the Hutu prime minister set in
motion a series of destabilizing Hutu revolts and subsequent governmental repression. In 1966, King Mwambutsa IV was deposed
by his son, Prince Ntare V, who himself was deposed by his prime minister Capt. Michel Micombero in the same year. He
abolished the monarchy and declared a republic. A de facto military regime emerged and civil unrest continued throughout the late
1960s and early 1970s. In late April 1972, a Hutu attack on a hill locality, situated in the south of the country, where most military
officers were born, triggered a military reprisal. In 1976, Colonel Jean-Baptiste Bagaza took power in a bloodless coup. Although
Bagaza led a Tutsi-dominated military regime, he encouraged land reform, electoral reform, and national reconciliation. In 1987,
Major Pierre Buyoya overthrew Col. Bagaza. He dissolved opposition parties, suspended the 1981 constitution, and instituted his
ruling Military Committee for National Salvation (CSMN). In 1991, Buyoya approved a constitution that provided for a president,
nonethnic government, and a parliament. Burundi's first Hutu president, Melchior Ndadaye, of the Hutu-dominated Front for
Democracy in Burundi (FRODEBU) Party, was elected in 1993. He was assassinated by factions of the Tutsi-dominated armed
forces in October 1993. In April 1994, President Ntaryamira and Rwandan President Juvénal Habyarimana died in a plane crash.
This act marked the beginning of the Rwandan genocide, while in Burundi, the death of Ntaryamira exacerbated the violence and
unrest, although there was no general massacre. On July 25, 1996, the government was overthrown in a coup led by Buyoya. The
civil war continued, despite the efforts of the international community to create a peace process. Progress has been made since
2001, when a power-sharing government was created, and in 2003, Domitien Ndayizeye, the Hutu vice-president, became
president as mandated by the power-sharing agreement. A series of elections, held in mid-2005 were won by the former Hutu rebel
National Council for the Defense of Democracy-Forces for the Defense of Democracy (CNDD-FDD). Former President
Ndayizeye and his political supporters were arrested in 2006 and accused of plotting a coup, but later he was acquitted by the
Supreme Court. International human rights groups claimed that the current government was framing Ndayizeye by torturing him into
false confessions of the coup plot. Along with these accusations, in December 2006 the International Crisis Group labeled Burundi’s
government with a “deteriorating” status in its treatment of human rights. The organization reported that the government had arrested
critics, muzzled the press, committed human rights abuses, and tightened its control over the economy, and that “unless it [reversed]
this authoritarian course, it risk[ed] triggering violent unrest and losing the gains of peace process.” citation. In February 2007, the U.
N. officially shut down its peacekeeping operations in Burundi and turned its attention to rebuilding the nation’s economy, which
relies heavily on tea and coffee but suffered severely during 12 years of civil war. The U.N. had deployed 5,600 peacekeepers
since 2004, and several hundred troops remained to work with the African Union in monitoring the ceasefire.
Source: Wikipedia: History of Burundi
| ECONOMIC OVERVIEW |
Burundi is a landlocked, resource-poor country with an underdeveloped manufacturing sector. The economy is predominantly
agricultural which accounts for about 35% of GDP and employs more than 90% of the population. Burundi's primary exports are
coffee and tea, which account for 90% of foreign exchange earnings, though exports are a relatively small share of GDP. Burundi's
export earning - and its ability to pay for imports - rests primarily on weather conditions and international coffee and tea prices. The
Tutsi minority, 14% of the population, dominates the coffee trade. An ethnic-based war that lasted for over a decade resulted in
more than 200,000 deaths, forced more than 48,000 refugees into Tanzania, and displaced 140,000 others internally. Only one in
two children go to school, and approximately one in 15 adults has HIV/AIDS. Food, medicine, and electricity remain in short
supply. Burundi's GDP grew around 4% annually in 2006-09. Political stability and the end of the civil war have improved aid flows
and economic activity has increased, but underlying weaknesses - a high poverty rate, poor education rates, a weak legal system,
and low administrative capacity - risk undermining planned economic reforms. Burundi will continue to remain heavily dependent on
aid from bilateral and multilateral donors; the delay of funds after a corruption scandal cut off bilateral aid in 2007 reduced
government's revenues and its ability to pay salaries. Burundi joined the East African Community, which should boost Burundi's
regional trade ties, and received $700 million in debt relief in 2009. Instability spilling over from eastern Congo-Kinshasa and the
ban on minerals smuggled across Burundi's border will be the main challenges to economic growth.
Source: CIA World Factbook (select Burundi)
agricultural which accounts for about 35% of GDP and employs more than 90% of the population. Burundi's primary exports are
coffee and tea, which account for 90% of foreign exchange earnings, though exports are a relatively small share of GDP. Burundi's
export earning - and its ability to pay for imports - rests primarily on weather conditions and international coffee and tea prices. The
Tutsi minority, 14% of the population, dominates the coffee trade. An ethnic-based war that lasted for over a decade resulted in
more than 200,000 deaths, forced more than 48,000 refugees into Tanzania, and displaced 140,000 others internally. Only one in
two children go to school, and approximately one in 15 adults has HIV/AIDS. Food, medicine, and electricity remain in short
supply. Burundi's GDP grew around 4% annually in 2006-09. Political stability and the end of the civil war have improved aid flows
and economic activity has increased, but underlying weaknesses - a high poverty rate, poor education rates, a weak legal system,
and low administrative capacity - risk undermining planned economic reforms. Burundi will continue to remain heavily dependent on
aid from bilateral and multilateral donors; the delay of funds after a corruption scandal cut off bilateral aid in 2007 reduced
government's revenues and its ability to pay salaries. Burundi joined the East African Community, which should boost Burundi's
regional trade ties, and received $700 million in debt relief in 2009. Instability spilling over from eastern Congo-Kinshasa and the
ban on minerals smuggled across Burundi's border will be the main challenges to economic growth.
Source: CIA World Factbook (select Burundi)
| POLITICAL CLIMATE |
The political landscape of Burundi has been dominated in recent years by the civil war and a long peace process and move to
democracy. The current President of Burundi is Pierre Nkurunziza, a former rebel leader of the Hutu National Council for the
Defense of Democracy-Forces for the Defense of Democracy who was elected unopposed as the new President of Burundi by the
parliament on 19 August 2005. Nkurunziza was the first president chosen through democratic means since the start of the civil war
in 1993 and was sworn in on 26 August, replacing transitional president Domitien Ndayizeye.
In November 1995, the presidents of Burundi, Rwanda, Uganda, and Zaire (currently Democratic Republic of Congo) announced a
regional initiative for a negotiated peace in Burundi facilitated by former Tanzanian President Julius Nyerere. In July 1996, former
Burundian President Buyoya returned to power in a bloodless coup. He declared himself president of a transitional republic, even as
he suspended the National Assembly, banned opposition groups, and imposed a nationwide curfew. Widespread condemnation of
the coup ensued, and regional countries imposed economic sanctions pending a return to a constitutional government. Buyoya
agreed in 1996 to liberalize political parties. Nonetheless, fighting between the army and Hutu militias continued. In June 1998,
Buyoya promulgated a transitional constitution and announced a partnership between the government and the opposition-led
National Assembly. After facilitator Julius Nyerere's death in October 1999, the regional leaders appointed Nelson Mandela as
Facilitator of the Arusha peace process. Under Mandela the peace process has revived and important progress has taken place.
Source: Wikipedia: Politics of Burundi
democracy. The current President of Burundi is Pierre Nkurunziza, a former rebel leader of the Hutu National Council for the
Defense of Democracy-Forces for the Defense of Democracy who was elected unopposed as the new President of Burundi by the
parliament on 19 August 2005. Nkurunziza was the first president chosen through democratic means since the start of the civil war
in 1993 and was sworn in on 26 August, replacing transitional president Domitien Ndayizeye.
In November 1995, the presidents of Burundi, Rwanda, Uganda, and Zaire (currently Democratic Republic of Congo) announced a
regional initiative for a negotiated peace in Burundi facilitated by former Tanzanian President Julius Nyerere. In July 1996, former
Burundian President Buyoya returned to power in a bloodless coup. He declared himself president of a transitional republic, even as
he suspended the National Assembly, banned opposition groups, and imposed a nationwide curfew. Widespread condemnation of
the coup ensued, and regional countries imposed economic sanctions pending a return to a constitutional government. Buyoya
agreed in 1996 to liberalize political parties. Nonetheless, fighting between the army and Hutu militias continued. In June 1998,
Buyoya promulgated a transitional constitution and announced a partnership between the government and the opposition-led
National Assembly. After facilitator Julius Nyerere's death in October 1999, the regional leaders appointed Nelson Mandela as
Facilitator of the Arusha peace process. Under Mandela the peace process has revived and important progress has taken place.
Source: Wikipedia: Politics of Burundi
| INTERNATIONAL DISPUTES |
Burundi and Rwanda dispute sections of border on the Akanyaru/Kanyaru and the Kagera/Nyabarongo rivers, which have changed
course since the 1960s, when the boundary was delimited; cross-border conflicts among Tutsi, Hutu, other ethnic groups,
associated political rebels, armed gangs, and various government forces persist in the Great Lakes region
course since the 1960s, when the boundary was delimited; cross-border conflicts among Tutsi, Hutu, other ethnic groups,
associated political rebels, armed gangs, and various government forces persist in the Great Lakes region
| REFUGEES AND INTERNALLY DISPLACED PERSONS (IDPS) |
Refugees (country of origin): 9,849 (Democratic Republic of the Congo)
IDPs: 100,000 (armed conflict between government and rebels; most IDPs in northern and western Burundi) (2007)
IDPs: 100,000 (armed conflict between government and rebels; most IDPs in northern and western Burundi) (2007)
| ILLICIT DRUGS |
None reported.
| HUMAN RIGHTS STATEMENTS, ANALYSIS AND CRITIQUES |
2009 Human Rights Report: Burundi
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
March 11, 2010
Burundi is a constitutional republic with an elected government and a population of 8.3 million. In 2005, following local and
parliamentary elections, the two houses of parliament indirectly elected as president Pierre Nkurunziza, a member of the National Council
for the Defense of Democracy–Forces for the Defense of Democracy (CNDD-FDD) political party. International observers reported
that the elections, which ended a four-year transitional process under the Arusha Peace and Reconciliation Agreement, were generally
free and fair. The CNDD-FDD party dominated parliament and the government, although other major parties, notably the Burundian
Front for Democracy (FRODEBU) and the Union for National Progress (UPRONA) were also represented. In December 2008 President
Nkurunziza signed the Declaration on the Burundi Peace Process with the last active rebel group, PALIPEHUTU-National Liberation
Forces(FNL), represented by leader Agathon Rwasa. This began the demobilization, disarmament, and reintegration of the FNL, which
continued during the year. On April 18, Rwasa renounced armed struggle, and on April 21, after it dropped "PALIPEHUTU" (Party for
the liberation of the Hutu People) from its name, the government registered the FNL as a political party. (The constitution prohibits
ethnic references in political party names.) While civilian authorities generally maintained effective control of security forces, there were
numerous instances when elements of the security forces acted independently.
The government's human rights record remained poor.
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
March 11, 2010
Burundi is a constitutional republic with an elected government and a population of 8.3 million. In 2005, following local and
parliamentary elections, the two houses of parliament indirectly elected as president Pierre Nkurunziza, a member of the National Council
for the Defense of Democracy–Forces for the Defense of Democracy (CNDD-FDD) political party. International observers reported
that the elections, which ended a four-year transitional process under the Arusha Peace and Reconciliation Agreement, were generally
free and fair. The CNDD-FDD party dominated parliament and the government, although other major parties, notably the Burundian
Front for Democracy (FRODEBU) and the Union for National Progress (UPRONA) were also represented. In December 2008 President
Nkurunziza signed the Declaration on the Burundi Peace Process with the last active rebel group, PALIPEHUTU-National Liberation
Forces(FNL), represented by leader Agathon Rwasa. This began the demobilization, disarmament, and reintegration of the FNL, which
continued during the year. On April 18, Rwasa renounced armed struggle, and on April 21, after it dropped "PALIPEHUTU" (Party for
the liberation of the Hutu People) from its name, the government registered the FNL as a political party. (The constitution prohibits
ethnic references in political party names.) While civilian authorities generally maintained effective control of security forces, there were
numerous instances when elements of the security forces acted independently.
The government's human rights record remained poor.
- Government security forces continued to commit numerous serious human rights abuses, including killings and beatings of
civilians and detainees with widespread impunity. - Human rights problems also included vigilante abuse and personal score-settling;
- rape of women and girls;
- harsh, life-threatening prison and detention center conditions;
- prolonged pretrial detention and arbitrary arrest and detention;
- lack of judicial independence and efficiency, and judicial corruption;
- detention and imprisonment of political prisoners and political detainees;
- restrictions on freedom of speech, assembly, and association, especially for political parties.
- Domestic and sexual violence and discrimination against women remained problems.
1 October 2010
Committee on the Rights of the Child
Fifty-fifth session
1 September – 13 October 2010
Consideration of reports submitted by States parties under article 44 of the convention
Concluding Observations: Burundi
A. Introduction
2. The Committee welcomes the submission of the second periodic report as well as the written replies to its list of issues
(CRC/C/BDI/Q/2/Add.1) and commends the frank and self-critical nature of both the report and the replies to the list of issues. The
Committee also welcomes the constructive dialogue with a high-level delegation at a senior level, which allowed a better understanding of
the situation of children in the State party.
B. Follow-up measures and progress achieved by the State party
3. The Committee welcomes the adoption of the new Burundian Penal Code in 2009 increasing the minimum age of criminal
responsibility from 13 to 15 years old.
4. The Committee welcomes the ratification by the State Party to the following instruments:
(a) The Optional Protocols to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the Sale of Children, Child Prostitution and Child
Pornography (2007) and on the Involvement of Children in Armed Conflict (2008);
C. Factors or difficulties impeding the implementation of the Convention
6. The Committee notes that years of war and armed conflict continue to have a negative impact on the situation of children and
hamper progress in the effective implementation of the rights enshrined in the Convention.
D. Main areas of concern and recommendations
1. General measures of implementation (arts. 4, 42 and 44, paragraph 6 of the Convention)
The Committee’s previous recommendations
7. The Committee welcomes efforts by the State party to implement the Committee’s concluding observations on the State party’s
initial report in 2000 (CRC/C/15/Add.133). Nevertheless, the Committee notes with regret that many of these recommendations have not
been significantly addressed.
8. The Committee urges the State party to take all necessary measures to address those recommendations from the concluding
observations of the initial report that have not yet been implemented or not sufficiently implemented. These issues include those related to
the monitoring mechanisms, birth registration, discrimination against the Batwa minority and juvenile justice.
Click here to read more »
Committee on the Rights of the Child
Fifty-fifth session
1 September – 13 October 2010
Consideration of reports submitted by States parties under article 44 of the convention
Concluding Observations: Burundi
A. Introduction
2. The Committee welcomes the submission of the second periodic report as well as the written replies to its list of issues
(CRC/C/BDI/Q/2/Add.1) and commends the frank and self-critical nature of both the report and the replies to the list of issues. The
Committee also welcomes the constructive dialogue with a high-level delegation at a senior level, which allowed a better understanding of
the situation of children in the State party.
B. Follow-up measures and progress achieved by the State party
3. The Committee welcomes the adoption of the new Burundian Penal Code in 2009 increasing the minimum age of criminal
responsibility from 13 to 15 years old.
4. The Committee welcomes the ratification by the State Party to the following instruments:
(a) The Optional Protocols to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the Sale of Children, Child Prostitution and Child
Pornography (2007) and on the Involvement of Children in Armed Conflict (2008);
C. Factors or difficulties impeding the implementation of the Convention
6. The Committee notes that years of war and armed conflict continue to have a negative impact on the situation of children and
hamper progress in the effective implementation of the rights enshrined in the Convention.
D. Main areas of concern and recommendations
1. General measures of implementation (arts. 4, 42 and 44, paragraph 6 of the Convention)
The Committee’s previous recommendations
7. The Committee welcomes efforts by the State party to implement the Committee’s concluding observations on the State party’s
initial report in 2000 (CRC/C/15/Add.133). Nevertheless, the Committee notes with regret that many of these recommendations have not
been significantly addressed.
8. The Committee urges the State party to take all necessary measures to address those recommendations from the concluding
observations of the initial report that have not yet been implemented or not sufficiently implemented. These issues include those related to
the monitoring mechanisms, birth registration, discrimination against the Batwa minority and juvenile justice.
Click here to read more »
Freedom in the World 2011: The Authoritarian Challenge to Democracy
Washington, D.C
January 13, 2011
Global freedom suffered its fifth consecutive year of decline in 2010, according to Freedom in the World 2011, Freedom House’s annual
assessment of political rights and civil liberties around the world. This represents the longest continuous period of decline in the nearly
40-year history of the survey. The year featured drops in the number of Free countries and the number of electoral democracies, as well
as an overall deterioration for freedom in the Middle East and North Africa region.
A total of 25 countries showed significant declines in 2010, more than double the 11 countries exhibiting noteworthy gains. The number
of countries designated as Free fell from 89 to 87, and the number of electoral democracies dropped to 115, far below the 2005 figure of
123. In addition, authoritarian regimes like those in China, Egypt, Iran, Russia, and Venezuela continued to step up repressive measures
with little significant resistance from the democratic world.
“This should be a wake-up call for all of the world’s democracies,” said David J. Kramer, executive director of Freedom House. “Our
adversaries are not just engaging in widespread repression, they are doing so with unprecedented aggressiveness and self-confidence,
and the democratic community is not rising to the challenge.”
Published annually since 1972, Freedom in the World examines the ability of individuals to exercise their political and civil rights in 194
countries and 14 territories around the world. The latest edition analyzes developments that occurred in 2010 and assigns each country a
freedom status—Free, Partly Free, or Not Free—based on a scoring of performance on key democracy indicators.
Key global findings:
Electoral Democracies:
The number of electoral democracies dropped from 116 to 115, the lowest number since 1995. Three countries—the Philippines,
Tanzania, and Tonga—achieved electoral democracy status after conducting elections that were regarded as improvements over earlier
polls. Declines in Burundi, Guinea-Bissau, Haiti, and Sri Lanka triggered their removal from the list of electoral democracies.
Key regional findings:
Sub-Saharan Africa:
Major declines were recorded in Ethiopia and Djibouti, both of which dropped from Partly Free to Not Free. In addition, declines were
noted in Burundi, Côte d’Ivoire, Guinea-Bissau, Madagascar, Rwanda, Swaziland, and Zambia. Improvements were noted in Kenya,
Nigeria, Somaliland, and Tanzania, as well as in Guinea, which received an improvement in status from Not Free to Partly Free.
Click here to read more »
Washington, D.C
January 13, 2011
Global freedom suffered its fifth consecutive year of decline in 2010, according to Freedom in the World 2011, Freedom House’s annual
assessment of political rights and civil liberties around the world. This represents the longest continuous period of decline in the nearly
40-year history of the survey. The year featured drops in the number of Free countries and the number of electoral democracies, as well
as an overall deterioration for freedom in the Middle East and North Africa region.
A total of 25 countries showed significant declines in 2010, more than double the 11 countries exhibiting noteworthy gains. The number
of countries designated as Free fell from 89 to 87, and the number of electoral democracies dropped to 115, far below the 2005 figure of
123. In addition, authoritarian regimes like those in China, Egypt, Iran, Russia, and Venezuela continued to step up repressive measures
with little significant resistance from the democratic world.
“This should be a wake-up call for all of the world’s democracies,” said David J. Kramer, executive director of Freedom House. “Our
adversaries are not just engaging in widespread repression, they are doing so with unprecedented aggressiveness and self-confidence,
and the democratic community is not rising to the challenge.”
Published annually since 1972, Freedom in the World examines the ability of individuals to exercise their political and civil rights in 194
countries and 14 territories around the world. The latest edition analyzes developments that occurred in 2010 and assigns each country a
freedom status—Free, Partly Free, or Not Free—based on a scoring of performance on key democracy indicators.
Key global findings:
Electoral Democracies:
The number of electoral democracies dropped from 116 to 115, the lowest number since 1995. Three countries—the Philippines,
Tanzania, and Tonga—achieved electoral democracy status after conducting elections that were regarded as improvements over earlier
polls. Declines in Burundi, Guinea-Bissau, Haiti, and Sri Lanka triggered their removal from the list of electoral democracies.
Key regional findings:
Sub-Saharan Africa:
Major declines were recorded in Ethiopia and Djibouti, both of which dropped from Partly Free to Not Free. In addition, declines were
noted in Burundi, Côte d’Ivoire, Guinea-Bissau, Madagascar, Rwanda, Swaziland, and Zambia. Improvements were noted in Kenya,
Nigeria, Somaliland, and Tanzania, as well as in Guinea, which received an improvement in status from Not Free to Partly Free.
Click here to read more »
Burundi: Activists write in solidarity on the Ernest Manirumva campaign
AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL
18 January 2011
Amnesty International activists from around the world are today calling on the Burundian authorities to bring to justice all those
responsible for the killing of Ernest Manirumva, an anti-corruption advocate stabbed to death in April 2009.
Ernest Manirumva was vice president of the Burundian civil society organization Anti-corruption and Economic Malpractice Observatory
(OLUCOME) and vice president of an official body that regulates public procurement. Shortly before his death, according to his
colleagues and friends, Ernest Manirumva had been investigating cases of police corruption and police attempts to purchase firearms
illegally from Malaysia.
A trial started at the Bujumbura Court of Appeal in Burundi on 14 July 2010. There are a dozen suspects in total, including police,
civilians and demobilized combatants. The date for the next hearing was repeatedly delayed on the grounds that summons to detainees
not in custody had not been delivered. On 15 December 2010, OLUCOME stated that the trial is now scheduled for 19 January at the
Appeals Court in Bujumbura.
Members of civil society organizations who have publicly denounced the killing and the failings of the judicial inquiries into the case have
themselves received threats. Both Pierre Claver Mbonimpa, president of the Association for the Protection of Human Rights and Detained
Persons (APRODH), and Gabriel Rufyiri, president of OLUCOME, received a tip from an informant in March 2010 that state agents
were preparing to assassinate one of them by orchestrating a car accident. In November 2009, Pacifique Nininahazwe of the Forum for
the Strengthening of Civil Society (FORSC) received warning of a plot to assassinate him.
FORSC was then banned by an ordinance issued by the Interior Minister, who cited alleged technical problems with the forum’s official
registration documents from 2006. Though the minister subsequently “suspended” the ordinance, FORSC’s legal status has not yet been
clarified. On two occasions in 2009, Burundian organizations were forbidden by government officials from organizing a march in the
capital, Bujumbura, to call for justice for Manirumva. When civil society organizations made statements in late 2009 suggesting that the
government investigatory commission was not pursuing all leads, Interior Minister Edouard Nduwimana summoned them to his office
and accused them of “interfering with the work of the justice system.”
The trial has inspired Amnesty International members and other civil society activists from around the world to write messages of
solidarity to four human rights defenders spearheading the “Justice for Ernest Manirumva” campaign. The messages were addressed to
four human rights defenders who have been harassed and intimidated because of their work on the Ernest Manirumva campaign,
including Pierre Claver Mbonimpa of APRODH, Gabriel Rufyiri of OLUCOME and Pacifique Nininahazwe and Solange Habonimana of
FORSC. The messages offered strong support to the human rights defenders and encouraged the Burundian authorities to guarantee that
civil society activists can operate freely and independently without risking their lives or security.
Click here to read more »
AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL
18 January 2011
Amnesty International activists from around the world are today calling on the Burundian authorities to bring to justice all those
responsible for the killing of Ernest Manirumva, an anti-corruption advocate stabbed to death in April 2009.
Ernest Manirumva was vice president of the Burundian civil society organization Anti-corruption and Economic Malpractice Observatory
(OLUCOME) and vice president of an official body that regulates public procurement. Shortly before his death, according to his
colleagues and friends, Ernest Manirumva had been investigating cases of police corruption and police attempts to purchase firearms
illegally from Malaysia.
A trial started at the Bujumbura Court of Appeal in Burundi on 14 July 2010. There are a dozen suspects in total, including police,
civilians and demobilized combatants. The date for the next hearing was repeatedly delayed on the grounds that summons to detainees
not in custody had not been delivered. On 15 December 2010, OLUCOME stated that the trial is now scheduled for 19 January at the
Appeals Court in Bujumbura.
Members of civil society organizations who have publicly denounced the killing and the failings of the judicial inquiries into the case have
themselves received threats. Both Pierre Claver Mbonimpa, president of the Association for the Protection of Human Rights and Detained
Persons (APRODH), and Gabriel Rufyiri, president of OLUCOME, received a tip from an informant in March 2010 that state agents
were preparing to assassinate one of them by orchestrating a car accident. In November 2009, Pacifique Nininahazwe of the Forum for
the Strengthening of Civil Society (FORSC) received warning of a plot to assassinate him.
FORSC was then banned by an ordinance issued by the Interior Minister, who cited alleged technical problems with the forum’s official
registration documents from 2006. Though the minister subsequently “suspended” the ordinance, FORSC’s legal status has not yet been
clarified. On two occasions in 2009, Burundian organizations were forbidden by government officials from organizing a march in the
capital, Bujumbura, to call for justice for Manirumva. When civil society organizations made statements in late 2009 suggesting that the
government investigatory commission was not pursuing all leads, Interior Minister Edouard Nduwimana summoned them to his office
and accused them of “interfering with the work of the justice system.”
The trial has inspired Amnesty International members and other civil society activists from around the world to write messages of
solidarity to four human rights defenders spearheading the “Justice for Ernest Manirumva” campaign. The messages were addressed to
four human rights defenders who have been harassed and intimidated because of their work on the Ernest Manirumva campaign,
including Pierre Claver Mbonimpa of APRODH, Gabriel Rufyiri of OLUCOME and Pacifique Nininahazwe and Solange Habonimana of
FORSC. The messages offered strong support to the human rights defenders and encouraged the Burundian authorities to guarantee that
civil society activists can operate freely and independently without risking their lives or security.
Click here to read more »
Burundi: Lifting Ban on Activist Group a Positive Step
Government Should Do More to Promote Freedom of Association
February 1, 2011
(Nairobi) - Burundi's decision to restore legal status to a prominent activist group banned in 2009 is a positive step and should prompt
further government actions to engage with civil society, Human Rights Watch said today.
On January 28, 2011, Interior Minister Edouard Nduwimana reversed a November 2009 order that had banned the Forum for the
Strengthening of Civil Society (Forum pour le Renforcement de la Société Civile, FORSC). FORSC is an umbrella organization that
coordinates initiatives by Burundian civil society groups and has often criticized human rights violations by the government. Human
Rights Watch and other Burundian and international organizations had denounced the 2009 ban as a violation of the right to freedom of
association.
"Burundi has taken a positive step for freedom of association by ending the ban on FORSC," said Daniel Bekele, Africa director at
Human Rights Watch. "We hope this means that the government will stop regarding civil society as an enemy and instead recognize the
contributions of groups like FORSC and engage with them."
FORSC is one of Burundi's most outspoken organizations. It has worked on a range of issues including good governance, transitional
justice, and the need to protect human rights defenders. The government ban was announced soon after FORSC president Pacifique
Nininahazwe publicly condemned alleged government involvement in the killings of Ernest Manirumva, an anti-corruption activist, and
Salvator Nsabiraho, a young man beaten to death by police. Interior Minister Nduwimana claimed at the time that the ban was linked to
technical problems with the organization's membership.
The ban was lifted after the government responded positively to FORSC's efforts to reengage in dialogue, following several months of
tense relations between government and civil society organizations. Five journalists and media workers were arrested in 2010; two of
them, Jean Claude Kavumbagu and Faustin Ndikumana, remain jailed on apparently politically motivated charges. FORSC's Nininahazwe
and other activists reported being subjected to surveillance in late 2010. Relations between activists and the government have been
particularly tense since the unsolved killing of Manirumva in April 2009. Several organizations have publicly accused police officials of
involvement in the killing and have criticized the judicial system's failure to pursue high-ranking suspects. In response, government
officials have warned activists against speaking out on sensitive security and justice issues.
Click here to read more »
Government Should Do More to Promote Freedom of Association
February 1, 2011
(Nairobi) - Burundi's decision to restore legal status to a prominent activist group banned in 2009 is a positive step and should prompt
further government actions to engage with civil society, Human Rights Watch said today.
On January 28, 2011, Interior Minister Edouard Nduwimana reversed a November 2009 order that had banned the Forum for the
Strengthening of Civil Society (Forum pour le Renforcement de la Société Civile, FORSC). FORSC is an umbrella organization that
coordinates initiatives by Burundian civil society groups and has often criticized human rights violations by the government. Human
Rights Watch and other Burundian and international organizations had denounced the 2009 ban as a violation of the right to freedom of
association.
"Burundi has taken a positive step for freedom of association by ending the ban on FORSC," said Daniel Bekele, Africa director at
Human Rights Watch. "We hope this means that the government will stop regarding civil society as an enemy and instead recognize the
contributions of groups like FORSC and engage with them."
FORSC is one of Burundi's most outspoken organizations. It has worked on a range of issues including good governance, transitional
justice, and the need to protect human rights defenders. The government ban was announced soon after FORSC president Pacifique
Nininahazwe publicly condemned alleged government involvement in the killings of Ernest Manirumva, an anti-corruption activist, and
Salvator Nsabiraho, a young man beaten to death by police. Interior Minister Nduwimana claimed at the time that the ban was linked to
technical problems with the organization's membership.
The ban was lifted after the government responded positively to FORSC's efforts to reengage in dialogue, following several months of
tense relations between government and civil society organizations. Five journalists and media workers were arrested in 2010; two of
them, Jean Claude Kavumbagu and Faustin Ndikumana, remain jailed on apparently politically motivated charges. FORSC's Nininahazwe
and other activists reported being subjected to surveillance in late 2010. Relations between activists and the government have been
particularly tense since the unsolved killing of Manirumva in April 2009. Several organizations have publicly accused police officials of
involvement in the killing and have criticized the judicial system's failure to pursue high-ranking suspects. In response, government
officials have warned activists against speaking out on sensitive security and justice issues.
Click here to read more »
TRANSLATED FROM FRENCH BY GOOGLE TRANSLATE
Burundi / Politics: - Commemorating the 20th anniversary of the Charter of National Unity
Today, February 5, 2011
Burundians have commemorated the 20th anniversary of the Charter of National Unity. In Bujumbura, on the hill Vugizo, ceremonies
have been enhanced by the presence of the Head of State HE Pierre Nkurunziza. After the ecumenical prayer, their Excellencies the
President of the Republic and his wife proceeded to deposit wreaths of flowers at the monument of national unity followed by
representatives of the diplomatic corps accredited in Bujumbura.
In his speech, the President of the Republic of Burundi has welcomed Senator Pierre Buyoya, former President of the Republic and
proponent of the policy of the Charter of National Unity. The President of the Republic has shown that the unit has always existed as it
was felt through the behavior of our ancestors marked by unity and work in everyday life. Today, we are given the opportunity to take
stock of what we are actually doing to promote this unity, he stressed.
The President of the Republic is then returned to the beauty of our country and its wealth in minerals. According to research findings on
the situation of nickel Musongati discovered only this pool is full of high capacity nickel could be exploited for more than eighty years.
With this wealth, the country could save two billion dollars per year. He also recalled that Burundi will not be found on the list of poor
countries in the next ten years.
Before concluding, the President of the Republic has provided advice to the Burundian people by emphasizing the patriotism, hard work,
changing behavior and demographic control. The ceremonies were closed with the hymn singing of the national unity together.
Remember that this event was commemorated throughout the country where senior officials had gone to support the local population .-
Click here to read more »
Burundi / Politics: - Commemorating the 20th anniversary of the Charter of National Unity
Today, February 5, 2011
Burundians have commemorated the 20th anniversary of the Charter of National Unity. In Bujumbura, on the hill Vugizo, ceremonies
have been enhanced by the presence of the Head of State HE Pierre Nkurunziza. After the ecumenical prayer, their Excellencies the
President of the Republic and his wife proceeded to deposit wreaths of flowers at the monument of national unity followed by
representatives of the diplomatic corps accredited in Bujumbura.
In his speech, the President of the Republic of Burundi has welcomed Senator Pierre Buyoya, former President of the Republic and
proponent of the policy of the Charter of National Unity. The President of the Republic has shown that the unit has always existed as it
was felt through the behavior of our ancestors marked by unity and work in everyday life. Today, we are given the opportunity to take
stock of what we are actually doing to promote this unity, he stressed.
The President of the Republic is then returned to the beauty of our country and its wealth in minerals. According to research findings on
the situation of nickel Musongati discovered only this pool is full of high capacity nickel could be exploited for more than eighty years.
With this wealth, the country could save two billion dollars per year. He also recalled that Burundi will not be found on the list of poor
countries in the next ten years.
Before concluding, the President of the Republic has provided advice to the Burundian people by emphasizing the patriotism, hard work,
changing behavior and demographic control. The ceremonies were closed with the hymn singing of the national unity together.
Remember that this event was commemorated throughout the country where senior officials had gone to support the local population .-
Click here to read more »
9 December 2010
Burundi’s Transformation to Stability Still Fragile, Reversible, despite Progress,
Secretary-General’s Executive Representative Tells Security Council
‘New Chapter’ Takes Centre Stage after Electoral Cycle,
Says Chair of Peacebuilding Commission’s Country-specific Configuration
Meeting this morning to consider the situation in Burundi, the Security Council had before it the seventh report of the Secretary-General
on the United Nations Integrated Office in Burundi (BINUB), which provides an update of developments in the country since his last
report (document S/2009/611) of 30 November 2009, and outlines proposals on the mandate and structure if a post-BINUB presence.
The report (document S/2010/608) says Burundi has made significant progress over the past year in moving away from its violent past
towards a future of peace, stability and development, though security, food, human rights and sexual violence remain matters of
concern. Among the advances cited are the holding of five consecutive elections (communal, presidential, legislative, senatorial and
local), even though some of them were boycotted by opposition parties. For the first time since 1993, the authorities successfully took
on the challenge entirely on their own in a country that was for decades torn by largely ethnic violence in which hundreds of thousands
of people perished.
“Despite the deep divide among political actors over the elections and the fact that a single party will dominate the political landscape for
the next five years,” the report says, “it is remarkable that neither of those factors has led to the return of large-scale violence, as had
been widely feared. “I believe that the fact that confrontation has remained predominantly confined to the political realm is a testament
to the maturing of the political class of Burundi, the vibrant role played by its increasingly strong and independent civil society, and,
above all, the population’s desire for lasting peace and development.”
However, the Secretary-General adds: “I am deeply concerned about signs of a returning climate of impunity, the resurgence of acts of
torture, intimidation, extrajudicial executions and arrests of opposition members, as well as restrictions on the freedom of expression and
assembly.” With BINUB’s mandate expiring at the end of the year, he proposes its replacement by a scaled-down mission to be known
as the United Nations Office in Burundi (BNUB) as of 1 January 2011, for an initial period of one year, to complement the various
agencies of the Organization working in the country.
The mandate of the proposed new Office will include monitoring key indicators on democracy and governance, providing advice on the
security sector and strengthening human rights and justice institutions, the report states. BNUB is likely to be substantially smaller than
BINUB, in accordance with the Government’s request, it notes, recalling that the scaling down of the former United Nations Operation in
Burundi (ONUB) to BINUB in 2006 created significant tension among national staff, with one group of former staff members still
demanding reparations for wrongful dismissal, staging demonstrations, destroying United Nations property and threatening to kidnap
staff. “To reduce the risk of a similar reaction, I urge the Government of Burundi to work closely with the United Nations to assist
BINUB national staff in their transition to either the public or the private sector,” the Secretary-General writes.
According to the report, the security situation, although relatively stable over the past year, remains a concern, with a high incidence of
criminal activities such as armed robbery, killings and sexual violence. There has also been a “significant increase in human rights
violations”, including severe restrictions on the freedom of expression and association, and the jailing of opposition party members. The
report cites an increase in extrajudicial and/or politically motivated killings from 27 in 2009 to 29 recorded so far this year, noting that
BINUB confirmed 18 cases of torture while none were reported in 2009.
“Sexual and gender-based violence continues to be a major challenge,” the Secretary-General reports, noting that between January and
October, the Ministry of Human Rights and Gender registered 1,727 rape cases. He stresses United Nations efforts to combat sexual
and gender violence, and generally to promote human rights and civilian protection by regularly reporting violations, briefing the
diplomatic community and organizing awareness programmes for State employees and youth groups. But he also notes that women are
represented in the National Assembly at a rate of 32 per cent, above the 30 per cent rate required by the Constitution, and their
representation in the Senate is 46 per cent, the highest proportion in Africa and second in the world at this level.
Click here to read more »
Burundi’s Transformation to Stability Still Fragile, Reversible, despite Progress,
Secretary-General’s Executive Representative Tells Security Council
‘New Chapter’ Takes Centre Stage after Electoral Cycle,
Says Chair of Peacebuilding Commission’s Country-specific Configuration
Meeting this morning to consider the situation in Burundi, the Security Council had before it the seventh report of the Secretary-General
on the United Nations Integrated Office in Burundi (BINUB), which provides an update of developments in the country since his last
report (document S/2009/611) of 30 November 2009, and outlines proposals on the mandate and structure if a post-BINUB presence.
The report (document S/2010/608) says Burundi has made significant progress over the past year in moving away from its violent past
towards a future of peace, stability and development, though security, food, human rights and sexual violence remain matters of
concern. Among the advances cited are the holding of five consecutive elections (communal, presidential, legislative, senatorial and
local), even though some of them were boycotted by opposition parties. For the first time since 1993, the authorities successfully took
on the challenge entirely on their own in a country that was for decades torn by largely ethnic violence in which hundreds of thousands
of people perished.
“Despite the deep divide among political actors over the elections and the fact that a single party will dominate the political landscape for
the next five years,” the report says, “it is remarkable that neither of those factors has led to the return of large-scale violence, as had
been widely feared. “I believe that the fact that confrontation has remained predominantly confined to the political realm is a testament
to the maturing of the political class of Burundi, the vibrant role played by its increasingly strong and independent civil society, and,
above all, the population’s desire for lasting peace and development.”
However, the Secretary-General adds: “I am deeply concerned about signs of a returning climate of impunity, the resurgence of acts of
torture, intimidation, extrajudicial executions and arrests of opposition members, as well as restrictions on the freedom of expression and
assembly.” With BINUB’s mandate expiring at the end of the year, he proposes its replacement by a scaled-down mission to be known
as the United Nations Office in Burundi (BNUB) as of 1 January 2011, for an initial period of one year, to complement the various
agencies of the Organization working in the country.
The mandate of the proposed new Office will include monitoring key indicators on democracy and governance, providing advice on the
security sector and strengthening human rights and justice institutions, the report states. BNUB is likely to be substantially smaller than
BINUB, in accordance with the Government’s request, it notes, recalling that the scaling down of the former United Nations Operation in
Burundi (ONUB) to BINUB in 2006 created significant tension among national staff, with one group of former staff members still
demanding reparations for wrongful dismissal, staging demonstrations, destroying United Nations property and threatening to kidnap
staff. “To reduce the risk of a similar reaction, I urge the Government of Burundi to work closely with the United Nations to assist
BINUB national staff in their transition to either the public or the private sector,” the Secretary-General writes.
According to the report, the security situation, although relatively stable over the past year, remains a concern, with a high incidence of
criminal activities such as armed robbery, killings and sexual violence. There has also been a “significant increase in human rights
violations”, including severe restrictions on the freedom of expression and association, and the jailing of opposition party members. The
report cites an increase in extrajudicial and/or politically motivated killings from 27 in 2009 to 29 recorded so far this year, noting that
BINUB confirmed 18 cases of torture while none were reported in 2009.
“Sexual and gender-based violence continues to be a major challenge,” the Secretary-General reports, noting that between January and
October, the Ministry of Human Rights and Gender registered 1,727 rape cases. He stresses United Nations efforts to combat sexual
and gender violence, and generally to promote human rights and civilian protection by regularly reporting violations, briefing the
diplomatic community and organizing awareness programmes for State employees and youth groups. But he also notes that women are
represented in the National Assembly at a rate of 32 per cent, above the 30 per cent rate required by the Constitution, and their
representation in the Senate is 46 per cent, the highest proportion in Africa and second in the world at this level.
Click here to read more »
TRANSLATED FROM FRENCH BY GOOGLE TRANSLATE
January 28, 2011
The non-stakeholder consultation in the work of the Government Commission, the economic impacts of the measure vis-à-vis
the teacher, the frustrations and their consequences on the quality of education, the criteria adopted by the Redevelopment
Commission
The teachers' unions, representatives of parents, those of civil society and political parties that participated in this first edition of the
Tribune recommend including the suspension of the redeployment policy during this school year, the organization states general
education, to consider the redeployment of the logic of the elementary school and avoid the coinage of recruitment in accordance with
Article 88 of the Public Service Regulations.
According to the unionists, the eligibility criteria for the redeployment of teachers have hidden faces. These criteria, set by the chairman
of the committee in charge of the redeployment exercise are among others the burden weekly schedule, marital status, health status,
seniority in the career, be a substitute or holder and the personal file of the teacher.
Among these criteria, there are those who violate the personal liberty of the individual. This is particularly vital for the teacher. Burundian
law does not force any individual to marry. It's a choice the individual makes. We can not force someone to marry, the state would
BURUNDI the exception. Also, what is the role of single mothers?
The same source indicates that the issue of seniority is ambiguous. A teacher may be old in the new career and be in an institution. The
unions complain that the provincial directorate of the Municipality is to cram spirited former officials in the schools of Bujumbura at this
direction is excluded transfers and recruitments for this year. But do not they will be in new facilities for reinstatement?, Question
unionists.
The other criterion which has concerns with the unions, is the hourly load in high school. In 2003, they say the redeployment failed
because the government and the unions had not agreed on standards to be considered in class. International standards recognize a class
of 45 students.
However, the unions point out, in most schools within the urban centers, the numbers greatly exceed 100 students per class.
Click here to read more>>
January 28, 2011
The non-stakeholder consultation in the work of the Government Commission, the economic impacts of the measure vis-à-vis
the teacher, the frustrations and their consequences on the quality of education, the criteria adopted by the Redevelopment
Commission
The teachers' unions, representatives of parents, those of civil society and political parties that participated in this first edition of the
Tribune recommend including the suspension of the redeployment policy during this school year, the organization states general
education, to consider the redeployment of the logic of the elementary school and avoid the coinage of recruitment in accordance with
Article 88 of the Public Service Regulations.
According to the unionists, the eligibility criteria for the redeployment of teachers have hidden faces. These criteria, set by the chairman
of the committee in charge of the redeployment exercise are among others the burden weekly schedule, marital status, health status,
seniority in the career, be a substitute or holder and the personal file of the teacher.
Among these criteria, there are those who violate the personal liberty of the individual. This is particularly vital for the teacher. Burundian
law does not force any individual to marry. It's a choice the individual makes. We can not force someone to marry, the state would
BURUNDI the exception. Also, what is the role of single mothers?
The same source indicates that the issue of seniority is ambiguous. A teacher may be old in the new career and be in an institution. The
unions complain that the provincial directorate of the Municipality is to cram spirited former officials in the schools of Bujumbura at this
direction is excluded transfers and recruitments for this year. But do not they will be in new facilities for reinstatement?, Question
unionists.
The other criterion which has concerns with the unions, is the hourly load in high school. In 2003, they say the redeployment failed
because the government and the unions had not agreed on standards to be considered in class. International standards recognize a class
of 45 students.
However, the unions point out, in most schools within the urban centers, the numbers greatly exceed 100 students per class.
Click here to read more>>
| Click map for larger view |
| Click flag for Country Report |
Therence Sinunguruza (Tutsi)
First Vice President since 29 August 2010
First Vice President since 29 August 2010
| TRAFFICKING IN PERSONS |
None reported.
Gervais Rufyikiri (Hutu)
Second Vice President since 29 August 2010
Second Vice President since 29 August 2010
