| COSTA RICA Republic of Costa Rica Republica de Costa Rica Joined United Nations: 2 November 1945 Human Rights as assured by their constitution Click here Updated 11/30/10 |
| CAPITAL |
| POPULATION |
| CHIEF OF STATE |
| SELECTION PROCESS |
San Jose
4,516,220 (July 2010 est.)
President and Vice Presidents elected on the same ticket by popular
vote for a single four-year term; election last held 7 February 2010
Next scheduled election: February 2014
vote for a single four-year term; election last held 7 February 2010
Next scheduled election: February 2014
HEAD OF GOVERNMENT
SELECTION PROCESS
According to the Costa Rican Constitution, the President is both
the Chief of State and Head of Government
the Chief of State and Head of Government
| DECLARATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS |
| ETHNIC GROUPS |
White (including mestizo) 94%, black 3%, Amerindian 1%, Chinese 1%, other 1%
| RELIGIONS |
Roman Catholic 76.3%, Evangelical 13.7%, Jehovah's Witnesses 1.3%, other Protestant 0.7%, other 4.8%, none 3.2%
| GOVERNMENT STRUCTURE |
Democratic republic with 7 provinces (provincias, singular - provincia); Legal system is based on Spanish civil law system; judicial
review of legislative acts in the Supreme Court; has accepted compulsory ICJ jurisdiction
Executive: President and Vice Presidents elected on the same ticket by popular vote for a single four-year term; election last held 7
February 2010 (next to be held in February 2014)
Legislative: Unicameral Legislative Assembly or Asamblea Legislativa (57 seats; members are elected by direct, popular vote to
serve four-year terms)
elections: last held 7 February 2010 (next to be held in February 2014)
Judicial: Supreme Court or Corte Suprema (22 justices are elected for eight-year terms by the Legislative Assembly)
review of legislative acts in the Supreme Court; has accepted compulsory ICJ jurisdiction
Executive: President and Vice Presidents elected on the same ticket by popular vote for a single four-year term; election last held 7
February 2010 (next to be held in February 2014)
Legislative: Unicameral Legislative Assembly or Asamblea Legislativa (57 seats; members are elected by direct, popular vote to
serve four-year terms)
elections: last held 7 February 2010 (next to be held in February 2014)
Judicial: Supreme Court or Corte Suprema (22 justices are elected for eight-year terms by the Legislative Assembly)
| LANGUAGES |
Spanish (official), English
| BRIEF HISTORY |
In Pre-Columbian times the Indigenous people, in what is now known as Costa Rica, were part of the Intermediate Area located
between the Mesoamerican and Andean cultural regions. This has recently been updated to include the influence of the
Isthmo-Colombian area. It was the point where the Mesoamerican and South American native cultures met. The northwest of the
country, the Nicoya Peninsula, was the southernmost point of Nahuatl (named after Nitin) cultural influence when the Spanish
conquerors (conquistadores) came in the sixteenth century. The central and southern portions of the country had Chibcha influences.
However, the indigenous people have influenced modern Costa Rican culture to a relatively small degree, as most of the Indians
died from diseases such as smallpox and mistreatment by the Spaniards. In 1502, on his fourth and last voyage to the New World,
Christopher Columbus made the first European landfall in the area. European settlement of Costa Rica began in 1522. The native
peoples were conquered by Spain in the sixteenth century. Costa Rica was then the southern-most province in the Spanish territory
of New Spain. The provincial capital was in Cartago. For nearly three centuries, Spain administered the region as part of the
Captaincy General of Guatemala under a military governor. The Spanish optimistically called the country "Rich Coast". Finding little
gold or other valuable minerals in Costa Rica, however, the Spanish turned to agriculture. The small landowners' relative poverty,
the lack of a large indigenous labor force, the population's ethnic and linguistic homogeneity, and Costa Rica's isolation from the
Spanish colonial centers in Mexico and the Andes -- all contributed to the development of an autonomous and individualistic
agrarian society. Even the Governor had to farm his own crops and tend to his own garden due to the poverty that he lived in. An
egalitarian tradition also arose. This tradition survived the widened class distinctions brought on by the nineteenth century
introduction of banana and coffee cultivation and consequent accumulations of local wealth. Costa Rica joined other Central
American provinces in 1821 in a joint declaration of independence from Spain. After a brief time in the Mexican Empire of Agustín
de Iturbide (see: History of Mexico and Mexican Empire) Costa Rica became a state in the Federal Republic of Central America
(see: History of Central America) from 1823 to 1839. In 1824 the capital was moved to San José, but following a rivalry with
Cartago that was violent. Although the newly independent provinces formed a Federation, border disputes broke out among them,
adding to the region's turbulent history and conditions. Costa Rica's northern Guanacaste Province was annexed from Nicaragua in
one such regional dispute. In 1838, long after the Central American Federation ceased to function in practice, Costa Rica formally
withdrew and proclaimed itself sovereign. Following independence, Costa Rica found themselves with no regular trade routes to get
their coffee to European markets. This was compounded by transportation problems - the coffee-growing areas were on the Pacific
Coast, and before the Panama Canal was opened, ships from Europe had to sail around Cape Horn in order to get to the Pacific
Coast. This was overcome in 1843, when, with the help of William Le Lacheur, a British merchant and shipowner, a regular trade
route was established. In 1856, William Walker, an American filibuster began incursions into Central America. After landing in
Nicaragua, he proclaimed himself president of Nicaragua and re-instated slavery. He intended to expand into Costa Rica and after
entering Costa Rican soil, Costa Rica declared war. Led by Commander in Chief of the Army of Costa Rica, President Juan Rafael
Mora Porras, the filibusters were defeated and forced out of the country. Costa Rican forces followed the filibusters into Rivas,
Nicaragua, where in a final battle, William Walker and his forces were finally pushed back. Juan Santamaría, a drummer boy who
lost his life torching the filibusters' stronghold, was killed in this final battle, and is today remembered as a national hero. An era of
peaceful democracy in Costa Rica began in 1889 with elections considered the first truly free and honest ones in the country's
history. Costa Rica has avoided much of the violence that has plagued much of Central America. Since the late nineteenth century,
only two brief periods of violence have marred its democratic development. In 1917-19, Federico Tinoco Granados ruled as a
dictator, and, in 1948, José Figueres Ferrer led an armed uprising in the wake of a disputed presidential election. In 1949, José
Figueres Ferrer abolished the army; and since then, Costa Rica has been one of the few countries to operate within the democratic
system without the assistance of a military. With more than 2,000 dead, the 44-day Costa Rica Civil War resulting from this uprising
was the bloodiest event in twentieth-century Costa Rican history, but the victorious junta drafted a constitution guaranteeing free
elections with universal suffrage and the abolition of the military. Figueres became a national hero, winning the first election under the
new constitution in 1953. Since then, Costa Rica has held 12 presidential elections, the latest in 2006. Once a largely agricultural
country, the twin pillars of Costa Rica's current economy are technology and eco-tourism. Costa Rica's major source of export
income is technology based. Microsoft, Motorola, Intel and other technology related firms have established operations in Costa
Rica. Local companies create and export software as well as other computer related products. Tourism is growing at an accelerated
pace and many believe that income from this tourism may soon become the major contributor to the nation's GDP. Traditional
agriculture, particularly coffee and bananas, continues to be an important contributor to Costa Rica's export income. Land
ownership and wealth is widespread and the population enjoys a relatively high standard of living.
Source: Wikipedia: History of Costa Rica
between the Mesoamerican and Andean cultural regions. This has recently been updated to include the influence of the
Isthmo-Colombian area. It was the point where the Mesoamerican and South American native cultures met. The northwest of the
country, the Nicoya Peninsula, was the southernmost point of Nahuatl (named after Nitin) cultural influence when the Spanish
conquerors (conquistadores) came in the sixteenth century. The central and southern portions of the country had Chibcha influences.
However, the indigenous people have influenced modern Costa Rican culture to a relatively small degree, as most of the Indians
died from diseases such as smallpox and mistreatment by the Spaniards. In 1502, on his fourth and last voyage to the New World,
Christopher Columbus made the first European landfall in the area. European settlement of Costa Rica began in 1522. The native
peoples were conquered by Spain in the sixteenth century. Costa Rica was then the southern-most province in the Spanish territory
of New Spain. The provincial capital was in Cartago. For nearly three centuries, Spain administered the region as part of the
Captaincy General of Guatemala under a military governor. The Spanish optimistically called the country "Rich Coast". Finding little
gold or other valuable minerals in Costa Rica, however, the Spanish turned to agriculture. The small landowners' relative poverty,
the lack of a large indigenous labor force, the population's ethnic and linguistic homogeneity, and Costa Rica's isolation from the
Spanish colonial centers in Mexico and the Andes -- all contributed to the development of an autonomous and individualistic
agrarian society. Even the Governor had to farm his own crops and tend to his own garden due to the poverty that he lived in. An
egalitarian tradition also arose. This tradition survived the widened class distinctions brought on by the nineteenth century
introduction of banana and coffee cultivation and consequent accumulations of local wealth. Costa Rica joined other Central
American provinces in 1821 in a joint declaration of independence from Spain. After a brief time in the Mexican Empire of Agustín
de Iturbide (see: History of Mexico and Mexican Empire) Costa Rica became a state in the Federal Republic of Central America
(see: History of Central America) from 1823 to 1839. In 1824 the capital was moved to San José, but following a rivalry with
Cartago that was violent. Although the newly independent provinces formed a Federation, border disputes broke out among them,
adding to the region's turbulent history and conditions. Costa Rica's northern Guanacaste Province was annexed from Nicaragua in
one such regional dispute. In 1838, long after the Central American Federation ceased to function in practice, Costa Rica formally
withdrew and proclaimed itself sovereign. Following independence, Costa Rica found themselves with no regular trade routes to get
their coffee to European markets. This was compounded by transportation problems - the coffee-growing areas were on the Pacific
Coast, and before the Panama Canal was opened, ships from Europe had to sail around Cape Horn in order to get to the Pacific
Coast. This was overcome in 1843, when, with the help of William Le Lacheur, a British merchant and shipowner, a regular trade
route was established. In 1856, William Walker, an American filibuster began incursions into Central America. After landing in
Nicaragua, he proclaimed himself president of Nicaragua and re-instated slavery. He intended to expand into Costa Rica and after
entering Costa Rican soil, Costa Rica declared war. Led by Commander in Chief of the Army of Costa Rica, President Juan Rafael
Mora Porras, the filibusters were defeated and forced out of the country. Costa Rican forces followed the filibusters into Rivas,
Nicaragua, where in a final battle, William Walker and his forces were finally pushed back. Juan Santamaría, a drummer boy who
lost his life torching the filibusters' stronghold, was killed in this final battle, and is today remembered as a national hero. An era of
peaceful democracy in Costa Rica began in 1889 with elections considered the first truly free and honest ones in the country's
history. Costa Rica has avoided much of the violence that has plagued much of Central America. Since the late nineteenth century,
only two brief periods of violence have marred its democratic development. In 1917-19, Federico Tinoco Granados ruled as a
dictator, and, in 1948, José Figueres Ferrer led an armed uprising in the wake of a disputed presidential election. In 1949, José
Figueres Ferrer abolished the army; and since then, Costa Rica has been one of the few countries to operate within the democratic
system without the assistance of a military. With more than 2,000 dead, the 44-day Costa Rica Civil War resulting from this uprising
was the bloodiest event in twentieth-century Costa Rican history, but the victorious junta drafted a constitution guaranteeing free
elections with universal suffrage and the abolition of the military. Figueres became a national hero, winning the first election under the
new constitution in 1953. Since then, Costa Rica has held 12 presidential elections, the latest in 2006. Once a largely agricultural
country, the twin pillars of Costa Rica's current economy are technology and eco-tourism. Costa Rica's major source of export
income is technology based. Microsoft, Motorola, Intel and other technology related firms have established operations in Costa
Rica. Local companies create and export software as well as other computer related products. Tourism is growing at an accelerated
pace and many believe that income from this tourism may soon become the major contributor to the nation's GDP. Traditional
agriculture, particularly coffee and bananas, continues to be an important contributor to Costa Rica's export income. Land
ownership and wealth is widespread and the population enjoys a relatively high standard of living.
Source: Wikipedia: History of Costa Rica
| ECONOMIC OVERVIEW |
Prior to the global economic crisis, Costa Rica enjoyed stable economic growth. The economy contracted 1.6% in 2009. While the
traditional agricultural exports of bananas, coffee, sugar, and beef are still the backbone of commodity export trade, a variety of
industrial and specialized agricultural products have broadened export trade in recent years. High value added goods and services,
including microchips, have further bolstered exports. Tourism continues to bring in foreign exchange, as Costa Rica's impressive
biodiversity makes it a key destination for ecotourism. Foreign investors remain attracted by the country's political stability and
relatively high education levels, as well as the fiscal incentives offered in the free-trade zones; and Costa Rica has attracted one of
the highest levels of foreign direct investment per capita in Latin America. However, many business impediments, such as high levels
of bureaucracy, difficulty of enforcing contracts, and weak investor protection, remain. Poverty has remained around 15-20% for
nearly 20 years, and the strong social safety net that had been put into place by the government has eroded due to increased
financial constraints on government expenditures. Unlike the rest of Central America, Costa Rica is not highly dependent on
remittances as they only represent about 2% of GDP. Immigration from Nicaragua has increasingly become a concern for the
government. The estimated 300,000-500,000 Nicaraguans in Costa Rica legally and illegally are an important source of - mostly
unskilled - labor, but also place heavy demands on the social welfare system. Under the ARIAS administration, the government has
made strides in reducing internal and external debt - in 2007, Costa Rica had its first budget surplus in 50 years. The US-Central
American-Dominican Republic Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA-DR) entered into force on 1 January 2009, after significant delays
within the Costa Rican legislature.
Source: CIA World Factbook (select Costa Rica)
traditional agricultural exports of bananas, coffee, sugar, and beef are still the backbone of commodity export trade, a variety of
industrial and specialized agricultural products have broadened export trade in recent years. High value added goods and services,
including microchips, have further bolstered exports. Tourism continues to bring in foreign exchange, as Costa Rica's impressive
biodiversity makes it a key destination for ecotourism. Foreign investors remain attracted by the country's political stability and
relatively high education levels, as well as the fiscal incentives offered in the free-trade zones; and Costa Rica has attracted one of
the highest levels of foreign direct investment per capita in Latin America. However, many business impediments, such as high levels
of bureaucracy, difficulty of enforcing contracts, and weak investor protection, remain. Poverty has remained around 15-20% for
nearly 20 years, and the strong social safety net that had been put into place by the government has eroded due to increased
financial constraints on government expenditures. Unlike the rest of Central America, Costa Rica is not highly dependent on
remittances as they only represent about 2% of GDP. Immigration from Nicaragua has increasingly become a concern for the
government. The estimated 300,000-500,000 Nicaraguans in Costa Rica legally and illegally are an important source of - mostly
unskilled - labor, but also place heavy demands on the social welfare system. Under the ARIAS administration, the government has
made strides in reducing internal and external debt - in 2007, Costa Rica had its first budget surplus in 50 years. The US-Central
American-Dominican Republic Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA-DR) entered into force on 1 January 2009, after significant delays
within the Costa Rican legislature.
Source: CIA World Factbook (select Costa Rica)
| POLITICAL CLIMATE |
The 2006 national election was expected to be a landslide for former President (1986–1990) and PLN's candidate Óscar Arias,
but it turned out to be the closest in modern history. Although polls just a week before the election gave Arias a comfortable lead of
at least 12% (and up to 20%), preliminary election results gave him only a .4% lead over rival Ottón Solís and prompted a manual
recount of all ballots. After a month-long recount and several appeals from different parties, Arias was declared the official winner
with 40.9% of the votes against 39.8% for Solís.
Since Óscar Arias returned to office, the political debate has centered on whether to approve or reject CAFTA. Main supporters
of the approval include the President's PLN, which has established a coalition with PUSC and ML in Congress in order to approve
the implementation laws in Congress, as well as different business chambers, while the main opposition to CAFTA comes from
PAC, labor unions, environmental organizations and public universities. In April 2007, former PLN Presidential candidate and
CAFTA opponent José Miguel Corrales won a legal battle at the Supreme Electoral Tribunal, which authorized him to gather over
100 thousand signatures in order to send CAFTA to a referendum and let the people decide the fate of the controversial agreement.
As the February 28, 2008 deadline to approve or reject CAFTA loomed, Arias decided to call for the referendum himself, and it
took take place on October 7, 2007. In the intercourse, Vice President Kevin Casas quit from his position due to a compromising
memorandum he wrote.
On 7 February 2010, Laura Chinchilla was elected Costa Rica's first female president and only the sixth in all of Latin America.
Though a former vice president under Arias, she is socially more conservative and favors strong ties to the church and supports
maintaining the country's prohibition of abortion under most circumstances.
Source: Wikipedia: Politics of Costa Rica
but it turned out to be the closest in modern history. Although polls just a week before the election gave Arias a comfortable lead of
at least 12% (and up to 20%), preliminary election results gave him only a .4% lead over rival Ottón Solís and prompted a manual
recount of all ballots. After a month-long recount and several appeals from different parties, Arias was declared the official winner
with 40.9% of the votes against 39.8% for Solís.
Since Óscar Arias returned to office, the political debate has centered on whether to approve or reject CAFTA. Main supporters
of the approval include the President's PLN, which has established a coalition with PUSC and ML in Congress in order to approve
the implementation laws in Congress, as well as different business chambers, while the main opposition to CAFTA comes from
PAC, labor unions, environmental organizations and public universities. In April 2007, former PLN Presidential candidate and
CAFTA opponent José Miguel Corrales won a legal battle at the Supreme Electoral Tribunal, which authorized him to gather over
100 thousand signatures in order to send CAFTA to a referendum and let the people decide the fate of the controversial agreement.
As the February 28, 2008 deadline to approve or reject CAFTA loomed, Arias decided to call for the referendum himself, and it
took take place on October 7, 2007. In the intercourse, Vice President Kevin Casas quit from his position due to a compromising
memorandum he wrote.
On 7 February 2010, Laura Chinchilla was elected Costa Rica's first female president and only the sixth in all of Latin America.
Though a former vice president under Arias, she is socially more conservative and favors strong ties to the church and supports
maintaining the country's prohibition of abortion under most circumstances.
Source: Wikipedia: Politics of Costa Rica
| INTERNATIONAL DISPUTES |
The ICJ has given Costa Rica until January 2008 to reply and Nicaragua until July 2008 to rejoin before rendering its decision on
the navigation, security, and commercial rights of Costa Rican vessels on the Río San Juan over which Nicaragua retains sovereignty
the navigation, security, and commercial rights of Costa Rican vessels on the Río San Juan over which Nicaragua retains sovereignty
| REFUGEES AND INTERNALLY DISPLACED PERSONS (IDPS) |
Refugees (country of origin): 9,699-11,500 (Colombia) (2007)
| ILLICIT DRUGS |
Transshipment country for cocaine and heroin from South America; illicit production of cannabis in remote areas; domestic
cocaine consumption, particularly crack cocaine, is rising; significant consumption of amphetamines; seizures of smuggled cash in
Costa Rica and at the main border crossing to enter Costa Rica from Nicaragua have risen in recent years (2008)
cocaine consumption, particularly crack cocaine, is rising; significant consumption of amphetamines; seizures of smuggled cash in
Costa Rica and at the main border crossing to enter Costa Rica from Nicaragua have risen in recent years (2008)
| HUMAN RIGHTS STATEMENTS, ANALYSIS AND CRITIQUES |
2009 Human Rights Report: Costa Rica
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
March 11, 2010
Costa Rica, a constitutional democracy with a population of approximately 4.5 million, is governed by a president and the unicameral
Legislative Assembly, whose members are directly elected in multiparty elections every four years. In 2006 Oscar Arias Sanchez of the
National Liberation Party (PLN) won the presidency in elections that were generally considered free and fair. Civilian authorities generally
maintained effective control of the security forces.
While the government generally respected the human rights of its citizens, the following human rights problems were reported:
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
March 11, 2010
Costa Rica, a constitutional democracy with a population of approximately 4.5 million, is governed by a president and the unicameral
Legislative Assembly, whose members are directly elected in multiparty elections every four years. In 2006 Oscar Arias Sanchez of the
National Liberation Party (PLN) won the presidency in elections that were generally considered free and fair. Civilian authorities generally
maintained effective control of the security forces.
While the government generally respected the human rights of its citizens, the following human rights problems were reported:
- substantial judicial process delays, particularly in pretrial detention and civil,
- criminal, and labor cases;
- excessive penalties for violations of libel laws;
- domestic violence against women and children;
- child prostitution;
- trafficking in persons;
- child labor.
7 July 2008
COMMITTEE AGAINST TORTURE
Fortieth session
28 April-18 May 2008
CONSIDERATION OF REPORTS SUBMITTED BY STATES PARTIES UNDER ARTICLE 19 OF THE CONVENTION
Conclusions and recommendations of the Committee against Torture
COSTA RICA
Introduction
2. The Committee notes with satisfaction the presentation of the second periodic report of Costa Rica, welcomes the sincere and open
dialogue with the delegation from the State party and expresses appreciation for the written replies to the list of issues
(CAT/C/CRI/Q/2/Add.1 and 2), which facilitated the discussions between the delegation and the Committee members. The Committee
also thanks the delegation for the replies given to the questions posed and the concerns expressed during consideration of the report.
Positive aspects
3. The Committee notes with appreciation that during the period since the initial report was considered, the State party has ratified the
Optional Protocol to the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment and the Optional Protocol to the
Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, as well as the Rome Statute of the International Criminal
Court.
Principal areas of concern and recommendations
Pretrial detention
5. The Committee endorses the concerns expressed by the Human Rights Committee (CCPR/C/CRI/CO/5) regarding the duration of
pretrial detention and the legally authorized regime of incommunicado detention. It also expresses its concern at the high number of
persons held in pretrial detention owing to a general increase in violence in the country, as the State party has acknowledged (art. 2).
The State party should take prompt steps to restrict the use of pretrial detention, as well as its duration, using alternative methods
whenever possible when the accused does not represent a danger to society.
Click here to read more »
COMMITTEE AGAINST TORTURE
Fortieth session
28 April-18 May 2008
CONSIDERATION OF REPORTS SUBMITTED BY STATES PARTIES UNDER ARTICLE 19 OF THE CONVENTION
Conclusions and recommendations of the Committee against Torture
COSTA RICA
Introduction
2. The Committee notes with satisfaction the presentation of the second periodic report of Costa Rica, welcomes the sincere and open
dialogue with the delegation from the State party and expresses appreciation for the written replies to the list of issues
(CAT/C/CRI/Q/2/Add.1 and 2), which facilitated the discussions between the delegation and the Committee members. The Committee
also thanks the delegation for the replies given to the questions posed and the concerns expressed during consideration of the report.
Positive aspects
3. The Committee notes with appreciation that during the period since the initial report was considered, the State party has ratified the
Optional Protocol to the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment and the Optional Protocol to the
Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, as well as the Rome Statute of the International Criminal
Court.
Principal areas of concern and recommendations
Pretrial detention
5. The Committee endorses the concerns expressed by the Human Rights Committee (CCPR/C/CRI/CO/5) regarding the duration of
pretrial detention and the legally authorized regime of incommunicado detention. It also expresses its concern at the high number of
persons held in pretrial detention owing to a general increase in violence in the country, as the State party has acknowledged (art. 2).
The State party should take prompt steps to restrict the use of pretrial detention, as well as its duration, using alternative methods
whenever possible when the accused does not represent a danger to society.
Click here to read more »
Freedom In The World 2010 Report
Political Rights Score: 1
Civil Liberties Score: 1
Status: Free
Overview
Former president and 2010 presidential candidate Rafael Angel Calderon was convicted of corruption in October 2009 and sentenced to
five years in prison related to kickbacks obtained during his first presidency. Public perception of crime and insecurity rose unabated in
2009, as did the incidence of the warehousing and transportation of cocaine destined for the United States. President Oscar Arias
introduced emergency measures to mitigate the effects of the global economic crisis on Costa Rica’s most vulnerable populations.
Candidates for the February 2010 general elections began campaigning in 2009, including former vice president Laura Chinchilla of the
PLN—who is backed by President Arias—PAC candidate Otton Solis, and the PML’s Otto Guevara. The PUSC’s popularity was further
damaged in October when candidate and former president Rafael Angel Calderon was sentenced to five years in jail on corruption
charges. With Calderon unexpectedly withdrawing from the race, Guevara was poised to capture many of the PUSC votes. Meanwhile,
in anticipation of the 2010 elections, Costa Rica in August approved new reforms to its electoral law, including the prohibition of
anonymous and foreign campaign donations, revised regulations surrounding government financing of political parties, and new quotas
designed to promote women’s leadership roles within political parties.
Concerns about public security, crime, and narcotics trafficking continued to grow in 2009. A January 2009poll conducted by the
company Unimer revealed that 27 percent of Costa Ricans surveyed cited security as a major concern. This fear has manifested itself in
a move towards public armament in a country with no standing army; the number of gun licenses issued increased by 73 percent in
2008. The spread of violent crime is closely tied to drug trafficking, as Costa Rica is increasingly being used as a storage and
transportation route. Organized criminal networks are also suspected of having infiltrated police and political institutions. In September,
ten Costa Rican police officers were arrested for aiding Colombian drug traffickers, including the former head of the antidrug program in
the country’s central Pacific region. About 1,500 police corruption cases remained open at year’s end, but fewer than 200 officers have
been discharged on corruption allegations in the past six years.
While quality of life in Costa Rica is relatively high for the region, economic growth is hampered by the national debt, inflation, and a
rising cost of living. The global economic crisis has further threatened economic stability in the country, causing President Arias in
January to announce a 23-point plan to mitigate the effects of the global downturn on the country’s most vulnerable populations. The
plan includes a 15 percent increase in welfare payments for the poorest sectors of society and mortgage debt forgiveness for
approximately 2,100 families facing foreclosure. The Dominican Republic–Central America Free Trade Agreement (DR-CAFTA) with
the United States—narrowly approved by voters in a 2007 referendum—went into effect on January 1, 2009, though its impact is yet to
be seen.
Click here to read more »
Political Rights Score: 1
Civil Liberties Score: 1
Status: Free
Overview
Former president and 2010 presidential candidate Rafael Angel Calderon was convicted of corruption in October 2009 and sentenced to
five years in prison related to kickbacks obtained during his first presidency. Public perception of crime and insecurity rose unabated in
2009, as did the incidence of the warehousing and transportation of cocaine destined for the United States. President Oscar Arias
introduced emergency measures to mitigate the effects of the global economic crisis on Costa Rica’s most vulnerable populations.
Candidates for the February 2010 general elections began campaigning in 2009, including former vice president Laura Chinchilla of the
PLN—who is backed by President Arias—PAC candidate Otton Solis, and the PML’s Otto Guevara. The PUSC’s popularity was further
damaged in October when candidate and former president Rafael Angel Calderon was sentenced to five years in jail on corruption
charges. With Calderon unexpectedly withdrawing from the race, Guevara was poised to capture many of the PUSC votes. Meanwhile,
in anticipation of the 2010 elections, Costa Rica in August approved new reforms to its electoral law, including the prohibition of
anonymous and foreign campaign donations, revised regulations surrounding government financing of political parties, and new quotas
designed to promote women’s leadership roles within political parties.
Concerns about public security, crime, and narcotics trafficking continued to grow in 2009. A January 2009poll conducted by the
company Unimer revealed that 27 percent of Costa Ricans surveyed cited security as a major concern. This fear has manifested itself in
a move towards public armament in a country with no standing army; the number of gun licenses issued increased by 73 percent in
2008. The spread of violent crime is closely tied to drug trafficking, as Costa Rica is increasingly being used as a storage and
transportation route. Organized criminal networks are also suspected of having infiltrated police and political institutions. In September,
ten Costa Rican police officers were arrested for aiding Colombian drug traffickers, including the former head of the antidrug program in
the country’s central Pacific region. About 1,500 police corruption cases remained open at year’s end, but fewer than 200 officers have
been discharged on corruption allegations in the past six years.
While quality of life in Costa Rica is relatively high for the region, economic growth is hampered by the national debt, inflation, and a
rising cost of living. The global economic crisis has further threatened economic stability in the country, causing President Arias in
January to announce a 23-point plan to mitigate the effects of the global downturn on the country’s most vulnerable populations. The
plan includes a 15 percent increase in welfare payments for the poorest sectors of society and mortgage debt forgiveness for
approximately 2,100 families facing foreclosure. The Dominican Republic–Central America Free Trade Agreement (DR-CAFTA) with
the United States—narrowly approved by voters in a 2007 referendum—went into effect on January 1, 2009, though its impact is yet to
be seen.
Click here to read more »
30 September 2009
Suggested recommendations to states considered in the sixth round of Universal Periodic Review, November-December 2009
Recommendations to the government of Costa Rica
International Criminal Court
*To implement the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, ratified on 7 June 2001, in national law;
*To ratify the Agreement on the Privileges and Immunities of the International Criminal Court, signed on 16 September 2002, and
implement it in national law.
Click here to read more »
Suggested recommendations to states considered in the sixth round of Universal Periodic Review, November-December 2009
Recommendations to the government of Costa Rica
International Criminal Court
*To implement the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, ratified on 7 June 2001, in national law;
*To ratify the Agreement on the Privileges and Immunities of the International Criminal Court, signed on 16 September 2002, and
implement it in national law.
Click here to read more »
Making Kampala Count
May 10, 2010
I. Summary
From May 31 to June 11, 2010, an extraordinary gathering in support of the global fight against impunity will take place at the first ever
review conference of the International Criminal Court (ICC). High-level representatives from the court’s soon-to-be 111 states parties
will meet in Kampala, Uganda, joined by court officials, representatives of non-states parties, the United Nations, and other
intergovernmental and regional organizations, and civil society activists from every region of the world. In two weeks of debate and
discussion, the growing ICC community will affirm the importance of a collective commitment to bringing to justice those responsible
for the worst violations of international criminal law.
Twelve years after the signing of the Rome Statute that established the ICC, and as its predecessor international ad hoc tribunals begin to
wind down, that affirmation is needed now more than ever.
While the court has opened investigations in five countries and begun its first trials, this is just a start. In too many places—from Congo
to Burma, Yemen to Afghanistan—crimes that shock the world’s conscience continue. Relief from renewed cycles of violence and high
expectations for justice, raised in part as the system of international criminal justice has taken shape, demand a robust response from the
international community.
And yet, new priorities—including the global economic crisis, terrorism, and climate change—have displaced the mid-1990s’ sense of
urgency that gave birth to the ICC following genocide in Rwanda and other mass atrocities. Limits on the reach of international justice, a
perception of double standards in its application, and the inevitable cost and length of proceedings have tested the commitment of even
the court’s strongest supporters and provided succor to its critics.
In Kampala, the world community has the opportunity to re-engage the fight against impunity. Doing so will require high-level attendance
and strong public support by states parties for the ICC’s mission and recognition of the steady progress made by the court in realizing its
founders’ aspirations. It will also require, through substantive discussions of key challenges, the identification of critical next steps to
advance the fight against impunity, including building enhanced capacity for prosecutions at the national level. The latter can energize the
practice of international justice and attract new support. Because the review conference will be held in Kampala, stronger links with
communities affected by crimes within the court’s jurisdiction can be forged at the same time.
In preparations over the past months, a number of states parties have shown recognition of this unprecedented opportunity. The Bureau
of the Assembly of States Parties (ASP), which had already appointed two facilitators for the review conference (currently Brazil and
Kenya), appointed additional country focal points to prepare stocktaking exercises addressing cooperation (Costa Rica and Ireland),
complementarity (Denmark and South Africa), the impact of the Rome Statute system on victims and affected communities (Chile and
Finland), and peace and justice (Argentina, Democratic Republic of Congo, and Switzerland). Strong progress has been made in
developing frameworks for these discussions.
Click here to read more »
May 10, 2010
I. Summary
From May 31 to June 11, 2010, an extraordinary gathering in support of the global fight against impunity will take place at the first ever
review conference of the International Criminal Court (ICC). High-level representatives from the court’s soon-to-be 111 states parties
will meet in Kampala, Uganda, joined by court officials, representatives of non-states parties, the United Nations, and other
intergovernmental and regional organizations, and civil society activists from every region of the world. In two weeks of debate and
discussion, the growing ICC community will affirm the importance of a collective commitment to bringing to justice those responsible
for the worst violations of international criminal law.
Twelve years after the signing of the Rome Statute that established the ICC, and as its predecessor international ad hoc tribunals begin to
wind down, that affirmation is needed now more than ever.
While the court has opened investigations in five countries and begun its first trials, this is just a start. In too many places—from Congo
to Burma, Yemen to Afghanistan—crimes that shock the world’s conscience continue. Relief from renewed cycles of violence and high
expectations for justice, raised in part as the system of international criminal justice has taken shape, demand a robust response from the
international community.
And yet, new priorities—including the global economic crisis, terrorism, and climate change—have displaced the mid-1990s’ sense of
urgency that gave birth to the ICC following genocide in Rwanda and other mass atrocities. Limits on the reach of international justice, a
perception of double standards in its application, and the inevitable cost and length of proceedings have tested the commitment of even
the court’s strongest supporters and provided succor to its critics.
In Kampala, the world community has the opportunity to re-engage the fight against impunity. Doing so will require high-level attendance
and strong public support by states parties for the ICC’s mission and recognition of the steady progress made by the court in realizing its
founders’ aspirations. It will also require, through substantive discussions of key challenges, the identification of critical next steps to
advance the fight against impunity, including building enhanced capacity for prosecutions at the national level. The latter can energize the
practice of international justice and attract new support. Because the review conference will be held in Kampala, stronger links with
communities affected by crimes within the court’s jurisdiction can be forged at the same time.
In preparations over the past months, a number of states parties have shown recognition of this unprecedented opportunity. The Bureau
of the Assembly of States Parties (ASP), which had already appointed two facilitators for the review conference (currently Brazil and
Kenya), appointed additional country focal points to prepare stocktaking exercises addressing cooperation (Costa Rica and Ireland),
complementarity (Denmark and South Africa), the impact of the Rome Statute system on victims and affected communities (Chile and
Finland), and peace and justice (Argentina, Democratic Republic of Congo, and Switzerland). Strong progress has been made in
developing frameworks for these discussions.
Click here to read more »
General Debate
Sixty-fifth session of the United Nations General Assembly
STATEMENT BY Laura Chinchilla Miranda, President of the Republic of Costa Rica
New York, September 23, 2010
Mr. President:
When we comment on the United Nations and global governance, as you have suggested, we must remember that good global
governance starts with good national government. But, at the same time, the success of our local administration depends upon a fair
international system, efficient, open and responsible, and also capable to undertake the great challenges of our time.
As a President submitted to the constant scrutiny of my people, from whom I come from and to whom I owe myself, I am aware that
the best preaching arises from the example
Because of this, my Government makes its utmost to represent the values, promote the development and increase the integral welfare of
all Costa Ricans. We are convinced that success on this task depends upon respect to individual freedoms and to social rights, as well as
solidarity, juridical security, transparency, accountability and free and permanent public debate, essence of Democracy.
We promote economic growth and free trade, environmental responsibility and political transparency in a frame of public liberties. Such
is a course of action rooted in our history. It took us to introduce free and obligatory primary education in 1870, banish the death penalty
in 1877, abolish the Army in 1949, preserve 25% of our territory in the sixties, and universalize the access to health in the mid seventies.
My Government stands upon that legacy in order to act in the present and to construct the future. We work for the attention and early
stimulation of our children and the care of elderly adults. We fight against inequality, and strive to provide quality education and health,
and foster an economic development increasingly based upon clean energy, sustainable economy and creative intelligences.
I refer to all these as a national humble experience, not as a pretentious global lesson.
I propose to empower furthermore the concepts, organisms and instruments for the promotion and protection of human rights. Here lies
our interest to participate constructively, as members, in the activities of the Human Rights Council. Here also lies our adherence to the
main Covenants and Protocols on the matter, our insistence on the responsibility to protect civilians and our commitment to human
security.
Costa Rica, besides hosting the conference which approved the American Convention of Human Rights in 1969, was the first Country to
ratify it, and the one that houses the Inter-American Court of Human Rights.
I am convinced that respect of human rights lies, to a great measure, upon international justice. Its most recent and innovative
dimension, arisen from the Treaty of Rome, is the International Criminal Court, to which we reiterate our support after a decade of
contributions. To actively use the weapons of the law is another unavoidable responsibility of global governance.
Click here to read more »
Sixty-fifth session of the United Nations General Assembly
STATEMENT BY Laura Chinchilla Miranda, President of the Republic of Costa Rica
New York, September 23, 2010
Mr. President:
When we comment on the United Nations and global governance, as you have suggested, we must remember that good global
governance starts with good national government. But, at the same time, the success of our local administration depends upon a fair
international system, efficient, open and responsible, and also capable to undertake the great challenges of our time.
As a President submitted to the constant scrutiny of my people, from whom I come from and to whom I owe myself, I am aware that
the best preaching arises from the example
Because of this, my Government makes its utmost to represent the values, promote the development and increase the integral welfare of
all Costa Ricans. We are convinced that success on this task depends upon respect to individual freedoms and to social rights, as well as
solidarity, juridical security, transparency, accountability and free and permanent public debate, essence of Democracy.
We promote economic growth and free trade, environmental responsibility and political transparency in a frame of public liberties. Such
is a course of action rooted in our history. It took us to introduce free and obligatory primary education in 1870, banish the death penalty
in 1877, abolish the Army in 1949, preserve 25% of our territory in the sixties, and universalize the access to health in the mid seventies.
My Government stands upon that legacy in order to act in the present and to construct the future. We work for the attention and early
stimulation of our children and the care of elderly adults. We fight against inequality, and strive to provide quality education and health,
and foster an economic development increasingly based upon clean energy, sustainable economy and creative intelligences.
I refer to all these as a national humble experience, not as a pretentious global lesson.
I propose to empower furthermore the concepts, organisms and instruments for the promotion and protection of human rights. Here lies
our interest to participate constructively, as members, in the activities of the Human Rights Council. Here also lies our adherence to the
main Covenants and Protocols on the matter, our insistence on the responsibility to protect civilians and our commitment to human
security.
Costa Rica, besides hosting the conference which approved the American Convention of Human Rights in 1969, was the first Country to
ratify it, and the one that houses the Inter-American Court of Human Rights.
I am convinced that respect of human rights lies, to a great measure, upon international justice. Its most recent and innovative
dimension, arisen from the Treaty of Rome, is the International Criminal Court, to which we reiterate our support after a decade of
contributions. To actively use the weapons of the law is another unavoidable responsibility of global governance.
Click here to read more »
TRANSLATED FROM SPANISH BY GOOGLE TRANSLATE
Speech by Mrs Defender of the People,
Ofelia Taitelbaum Yoselewich
Presentation
Sixteenth Report of the State of the Nation
November 2010
Recently, in reading the scope of study offered to us today, the paper of the report of the State of the Nation, I thought that the only safe
vehicle to reach that dream Costa Rica, is the Constancia. Being consistent means delivering firmness and perseverance to go forward
with the purposes and actions. Is to visualize the goals and do what needed to achieve them, including passing the obstacles and
difficulties inherent provided to major projects.
Well said Seneca, nothing is more contrary to healing, which frequently changing choice ... therefore not necessarily be constant is
change the recipe is actually persevere in the road as a country we have set, without rest, recoilless, but without ignoring the alarms and
proper settings on the course, who travels a long journey with many difficulties.
In Latin America, for example, we have succeeded in consolidating democratic regimes, but we have much to do still more to achieve
full citizenship without the economic and social imbalances that so overwhelm us as a region. And to change this reality, we must
persevere in the workplace and be consistent, because unequal societies are necessarily mutually exclusive, or as Amartya Sen would
say, are companies with a listing in the inequality, where human rights are not shelter and dignity to all fragmented human seems to have
the most fancy among the detriment of those who have little or simply lack of absolutely everything.
Our region has moved from untenable state failure that many called "fed up" and ineffective as possible, to narrow and weak state in
recent decades ... and between these extremes and ups and downs we get caught in a political process and a development model, which
highlighted the difficulties and to build roads shortcomings of social inclusion, development and real democracy in our villages.
In Costa Rica, the tone was no different. We have faced these problems and like some of our sister countries, unfortunately, still not all
we managed to get ahead, even while knowing that the task of building a country from the paradigms of democracy, human rights,
social inclusion and human development, it is always unfinished and requires constant effort, if we really want, as would the philosopher
Hannah Arendt achieve full citizenship, as is our right.
Today, reading the results offered by the Sixteenth Report of the State of the Nation, we must not fall into total pessimism, but also in
absolute joy. Certainly, there are some reasons for satisfaction, but are more aimed at the reflection, caution and certainly immediate
action.
Click here to read more »
Speech by Mrs Defender of the People,
Ofelia Taitelbaum Yoselewich
Presentation
Sixteenth Report of the State of the Nation
November 2010
Recently, in reading the scope of study offered to us today, the paper of the report of the State of the Nation, I thought that the only safe
vehicle to reach that dream Costa Rica, is the Constancia. Being consistent means delivering firmness and perseverance to go forward
with the purposes and actions. Is to visualize the goals and do what needed to achieve them, including passing the obstacles and
difficulties inherent provided to major projects.
Well said Seneca, nothing is more contrary to healing, which frequently changing choice ... therefore not necessarily be constant is
change the recipe is actually persevere in the road as a country we have set, without rest, recoilless, but without ignoring the alarms and
proper settings on the course, who travels a long journey with many difficulties.
In Latin America, for example, we have succeeded in consolidating democratic regimes, but we have much to do still more to achieve
full citizenship without the economic and social imbalances that so overwhelm us as a region. And to change this reality, we must
persevere in the workplace and be consistent, because unequal societies are necessarily mutually exclusive, or as Amartya Sen would
say, are companies with a listing in the inequality, where human rights are not shelter and dignity to all fragmented human seems to have
the most fancy among the detriment of those who have little or simply lack of absolutely everything.
Our region has moved from untenable state failure that many called "fed up" and ineffective as possible, to narrow and weak state in
recent decades ... and between these extremes and ups and downs we get caught in a political process and a development model, which
highlighted the difficulties and to build roads shortcomings of social inclusion, development and real democracy in our villages.
In Costa Rica, the tone was no different. We have faced these problems and like some of our sister countries, unfortunately, still not all
we managed to get ahead, even while knowing that the task of building a country from the paradigms of democracy, human rights,
social inclusion and human development, it is always unfinished and requires constant effort, if we really want, as would the philosopher
Hannah Arendt achieve full citizenship, as is our right.
Today, reading the results offered by the Sixteenth Report of the State of the Nation, we must not fall into total pessimism, but also in
absolute joy. Certainly, there are some reasons for satisfaction, but are more aimed at the reflection, caution and certainly immediate
action.
Click here to read more »
TRANSLATED FROM SPANISH BY GOOGLE TRANSLATE
July 4, 2010
Costa Rica: Abbott Hetero, with the Lives of PLWHA in Play
By Richard Stern *
In the past six weeks, a product representative for Abbott Laboratories HIV has made contacts with several persons living with HIV /
AIDS (PLWHA) in Costa Rica, urging them to take part in a trial in the Supreme Court of Costa Rica . This is file a lawsuit alleging that
the original version of the drug Kaletra (Lopinavir / Ritanovir) from Abbott, which is being produced by Indian pharmaceutical Hetero
drugs, is not secure and therefore should not be used in Costa Rica.
In February this year the supply of pharmaceutical drugs Hetero won a competitive tender and the Ministry of Health of Costa Rica
approved the purchase of medicine that is already in the country. By encouraging PLWHA to take part in the lawsuit, Abbott tries to
block the distribution of this drug. Unless the court issues a ruling that prevents it, when stocks of Kaletra is manufactured by Abbott
last, the health system will begin to use the generic version
The set price for Kaletra by Abbott annual treatment per patient is approximately $ 2.808, and sales have reached two million. In a
telephone interview this writer maintained by Dirk van Eeden, director of international affairs at Abbott, in Singapore on 29 June, he
declined to say how much of this figure is the profit of the company. Abbott's policy is to negotiate individually with middle-income
high, as Costa Rica, but middle-income countries under sell the product at $ 1,000 per year, and low-income country, is selling the same
product at the price $ 400. That is the price in Costa Rica is 7 times higher than the price in many other countries.
However, the version of the drug purchased Hetero would cost about $ 2.140, which is still very expensive, even if it behaves for the
Ministry of Health of Costa Rica (providing Kaletra some 750 PLHIV) a saving of $ 450.000 approx.
Interviews with PLWHA
Interviewed several persons living with HIV / AIDS (whose names are not revealed out of respect for confidentiality), they confirmed
that, indeed, had received the call from Abbott product representative urging them to attend a meeting at the offices of a lawyer in Costa
Rica, responsible for bringing the case before the Supreme Court. Although a local manager of Abbott has repeatedly denied these facts,
some of the consulted PLWHA provided specific details about the content of these conversations.
Guillermo Murillo, the Costa Rican first publicly revealed their status as a person living with HIV / AIDS 14 years ago (and authorizing
the publication of his name in this story), also confirmed he had spoken with a number of PLWHA who had received a call from Abbott
requesting their attendance at the meeting with the lawyer.
Click here to read more>>
July 4, 2010
Costa Rica: Abbott Hetero, with the Lives of PLWHA in Play
By Richard Stern *
In the past six weeks, a product representative for Abbott Laboratories HIV has made contacts with several persons living with HIV /
AIDS (PLWHA) in Costa Rica, urging them to take part in a trial in the Supreme Court of Costa Rica . This is file a lawsuit alleging that
the original version of the drug Kaletra (Lopinavir / Ritanovir) from Abbott, which is being produced by Indian pharmaceutical Hetero
drugs, is not secure and therefore should not be used in Costa Rica.
In February this year the supply of pharmaceutical drugs Hetero won a competitive tender and the Ministry of Health of Costa Rica
approved the purchase of medicine that is already in the country. By encouraging PLWHA to take part in the lawsuit, Abbott tries to
block the distribution of this drug. Unless the court issues a ruling that prevents it, when stocks of Kaletra is manufactured by Abbott
last, the health system will begin to use the generic version
The set price for Kaletra by Abbott annual treatment per patient is approximately $ 2.808, and sales have reached two million. In a
telephone interview this writer maintained by Dirk van Eeden, director of international affairs at Abbott, in Singapore on 29 June, he
declined to say how much of this figure is the profit of the company. Abbott's policy is to negotiate individually with middle-income
high, as Costa Rica, but middle-income countries under sell the product at $ 1,000 per year, and low-income country, is selling the same
product at the price $ 400. That is the price in Costa Rica is 7 times higher than the price in many other countries.
However, the version of the drug purchased Hetero would cost about $ 2.140, which is still very expensive, even if it behaves for the
Ministry of Health of Costa Rica (providing Kaletra some 750 PLHIV) a saving of $ 450.000 approx.
Interviews with PLWHA
Interviewed several persons living with HIV / AIDS (whose names are not revealed out of respect for confidentiality), they confirmed
that, indeed, had received the call from Abbott product representative urging them to attend a meeting at the offices of a lawyer in Costa
Rica, responsible for bringing the case before the Supreme Court. Although a local manager of Abbott has repeatedly denied these facts,
some of the consulted PLWHA provided specific details about the content of these conversations.
Guillermo Murillo, the Costa Rican first publicly revealed their status as a person living with HIV / AIDS 14 years ago (and authorizing
the publication of his name in this story), also confirmed he had spoken with a number of PLWHA who had received a call from Abbott
requesting their attendance at the meeting with the lawyer.
Click here to read more>>
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Laura Chinchilla Miranda
President since 8 May 2010
President since 8 May 2010
Alfio Piva Mesen
First Vice President since 08 May 2010
First Vice President since 08 May 2010
| TRAFFICKING IN PERSONS |
None reported.
Luis Liberman Ginsburg
Second Vice President since 08 May 2010
Second Vice President since 08 May 2010
Laura Chinchilla Miranda
President since 8 May 2010
President since 8 May 2010
