| COTE D'IVOIRE Republic of Cote d'Ivoire Republique de Cote d'Ivoire Joined United Nations: 20 September 1960 Human Rights as assured by their constitution Click here Updated 11/16/10 |
| CAPITAL |
| POPULATION |
| CHIEF OF STATE |
| SELECTION PROCESS |
Yamoussoukro
note: although Yamoussoukro has been the official capital since 1983, Abidjan
remains the commercial and administrative center; the US, like other countries,
maintains its Embassy in Abidjan
note: although Yamoussoukro has been the official capital since 1983, Abidjan
remains the commercial and administrative center; the US, like other countries,
maintains its Embassy in Abidjan
21,058,798
note: estimates for this country explicitly take into account the effects of excess mortality
due to AIDS; this can result in lower life expectancy, higher infant mortality and death
rates, lower population and growth rates, and changes in the distribution of population by
age and sex than would otherwise be expected (July 2010 est.)
note: estimates for this country explicitly take into account the effects of excess mortality
due to AIDS; this can result in lower life expectancy, higher infant mortality and death
rates, lower population and growth rates, and changes in the distribution of population by
age and sex than would otherwise be expected (July 2010 est.)
President elected by popular vote for a five-year term (no term
limits); election last held 31 October 2010
Next scheduled election: As no clear majority was achieved by
any candidate a run off election of the two top vote recipients
with square off in a second round 28 November 2010
limits); election last held 31 October 2010
Next scheduled election: As no clear majority was achieved by
any candidate a run off election of the two top vote recipients
with square off in a second round 28 November 2010
HEAD OF GOVERNMENT
SELECTION PROCESS
Prime minister appointed by the president; Note- under the
current power-sharing agreement the prime minister and the
president share the authority to appoint ministers
Next scheduled election: 28 November 2010
current power-sharing agreement the prime minister and the
president share the authority to appoint ministers
Next scheduled election: 28 November 2010
| DECLARATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS |
| ETHNIC GROUPS |
Akan 42.1%, Voltaiques or Gur 17.6%, Northern Mandes 16.5%, Krous 11%, Southern Mandes 10%, other 2.8% (includes
130,000 Lebanese and 14,000 French) (1998)
130,000 Lebanese and 14,000 French) (1998)
| RELIGIONS |
Muslim 38.6%, Christian 32.8%, indigenous 11.9%, none 16.7% (2008 est.)
note: the majority of foreigners (migratory workers) are Muslim (70%) and Christian (20%)
note: the majority of foreigners (migratory workers) are Muslim (70%) and Christian (20%)
| GOVERNMENT STRUCTURE |
Republic; multiparty presidential regime established in 1960 with 19 regions; Legal system is based on French civil law system and
customary law; judicial review in the Constitutional Chamber of the Supreme Court; accepts compulsory ICJ jurisdiction, with
reservations; note: the government is currently operating under a power-sharing agreement mandated by international mediators
Executive: president elected by popular vote for a five-year term (no term limits); election last held 26 held 31 October 2010
Note: As no clear majority was achieved by any candidate a run off election of the two top vote recipients with square off in a
second round 28 November 2010
Legislative: Unicameral National Assembly or Assemblee Nationale (225 seats; members are elected in single- and multi-district
elections by direct popular vote to serve five-year terms)
elections: elections last held 10 December 2000 with by-elections on 14 January 2001 (next to be held by 30 November 2008 after
the government postponed the elections in 2005 and 2006); A parliamentary election is planned to be held in Côte d'Ivoire in 2011,
after the presidential election which was held in late 2010.
Judicial: Supreme Court or Cour Supreme consists of four chambers: Judicial Chamber for criminal cases, Audit Chamber for
financial cases, Constitutional Chamber for judicial review cases, and Administrative Chamber for civil cases; there is no legal limit
to the number of members
customary law; judicial review in the Constitutional Chamber of the Supreme Court; accepts compulsory ICJ jurisdiction, with
reservations; note: the government is currently operating under a power-sharing agreement mandated by international mediators
Executive: president elected by popular vote for a five-year term (no term limits); election last held 26 held 31 October 2010
Note: As no clear majority was achieved by any candidate a run off election of the two top vote recipients with square off in a
second round 28 November 2010
Legislative: Unicameral National Assembly or Assemblee Nationale (225 seats; members are elected in single- and multi-district
elections by direct popular vote to serve five-year terms)
elections: elections last held 10 December 2000 with by-elections on 14 January 2001 (next to be held by 30 November 2008 after
the government postponed the elections in 2005 and 2006); A parliamentary election is planned to be held in Côte d'Ivoire in 2011,
after the presidential election which was held in late 2010.
Judicial: Supreme Court or Cour Supreme consists of four chambers: Judicial Chamber for criminal cases, Audit Chamber for
financial cases, Constitutional Chamber for judicial review cases, and Administrative Chamber for civil cases; there is no legal limit
to the number of members
| LANGUAGES |
French (official), 60 native dialects with Dioula the most widely spoken
| BRIEF HISTORY |
The early history of Côte d'Ivoire is virtually unknown, although it is thought that a neolithic culture existed there. France made its
initial contact with Côte d'Ivoire in 1637, when missionaries landed at Assinie near the Gold Coast (now Ghana) border. Early
contacts were limited to a few missionaries because of the inhospitable coastline and settlers' fear of the inhabitants. In the 18th
century, the country was invaded by two related Akan groups - the Agnis, who occupied the southeast, and the Baoulés, who
settled in the central section. In 1843-1844, French Admiral Bouët-Willaumez signed treaties with the kings of the Grand Bassam
and Assinie regions, placing their territories under a French protectorate. French explorers, missionaries, trading companies, and
soldiers gradually extended the area under French control inland from the lagoon region. However, pacification was not
accomplished until 1915. Côte d'Ivoire officially became a French colony on March 10, 1893. Louis Gustave Binger, who had
explored the Gold Coast frontier, was named the first governor. He negotiated boundary treaties with Liberia and the United
Kingdom (for the Gold Coast) and later started the campaign against Almany Samory, a Malinké chief, who fought against the
French until 1898. From 1904 to 1958, Côte d'Ivoire was a constituent unit of the Federation of French West Africa. It was a
colony and an overseas territory under the Third Republic. Until the period following World War II, governmental affairs in French
West Africa were administered from Paris. France's policy in West Africa was reflected mainly in its philosophy of "association",
meaning that all Africans in Côte d'Ivoire were officially French "subjects" without rights to representation in Africa or France. In
World War II, the Vichy regime remained in control until 1943, when members of Gen. Charles De Gaulle's provisional government
assumed control of all French West Africa. The Brazzaville conference in 1944, the first Constituent Assembly of the Fourth
Republic in 1946, and France's gratitude for African loyalty during World War II led to far-reaching governmental reforms in 1946.
French citizenship was granted to all African "subjects," the right to organize politically was recognized, and various forms of forced
labor were abolished. A turning point in relations with France was reached with the 1956 Overseas Reform Act (Loi Cadre ),
which transferred a number of powers from Paris to elected territorial governments in French West Africa and also removed
remaining voting inequalities. In December 1958, Côte d'Ivoire became an autonomous republic within the French Community as a
result of a referendum that brought community status to all members of the old Federation of French West Africa except Guinea,
which had voted against association. Côte d'Ivoire became independent on August 7, 1960, and permitted its community
membership to lapse. It established the commercial city Abidjan as its capital. Côte d'Ivoire's contemporary political history is
closely associated with the career of Félix Houphouët-Boigny, President of the republic and leader of the Parti Démocratique de la
Côte d'Ivoire (PDCI) until his death on December 7, 1993. He was one of the founders of the Rassemblement Démocratique
Africain (RDA), the leading pre-independence inter-territorial political party for all of the French West African territories except
Mauritania. Houphouët-Boigny first came to political prominence in 1944 as founder of the Syndicat Agricole Africain, an
organization that won improved conditions for African farmers and formed a nucleus for the PDCI. After World War II, he was
elected by a narrow margin to the first Constituent Assembly. Representing Côte d'Ivoire in the French National Assembly from
1946 to 1959, he devoted much of his effort to inter-territorial political organization and further amelioration of labor conditions.
After his thirteen-year service in the French National Assembly, including almost three years as a minister in the French
Government, he became Côte d'Ivoire's first prime minister in April 1959, and the following year was elected its first president. In
May 1959, Houphouët-Boigny reinforced his position as a dominant figure in West Africa by leading Côte d'Ivoire, Niger, Upper
Volta (Burkina), and Dahomey (Benin) into the Council of the Entente, a regional organization promoting economic development.
He maintained that the road to African solidarity was through step-by-step economic and political cooperation, recognizing the
principle of non-intervention in the internal affairs of other African states. Houphouët-Boigny was considerably more conservative
than most African leaders of the post-colonial period, maintaining close ties to the west and rejecting the leftist and anti-western
stance of many leaders at the time. This contributed to the country's economic and political stability. The first multiparty presidential
elections were held in October 1990 and Houphouët-Boigny won convincingly. Houphouët-Boigny died on December 7, 1993,
and was succeeded by his deputy Henri Konan Bédié who was the President of the Parliament. He was overthrown on December
24, 1999 by General Robert Guéï, a former army commander sacked by Bédié. This was the first coup d'état in the history of Côte
d'Ivoire. An economic downturn followed, and the junta promised to return the country to democratic rule in 2000. Guéï allowed
elections to be held the following year, but when these were won by Laurent Gbagbo he at first refused to accept his defeat. But
street protests forced him to step down, and Gbagbo became president on October 26, 2000. On September 19, 2002 a rebellion
in the North and the West came up and the country became divided in three parts. Mass murders occurred, notably in Abidjan from
the 25 to 27th of March, when government forces killed more than 200 protesters, and on the 20 and 21st of June in Bouaké and
Korhogo, where purges led to the execution of more than 100 people. A reconciliation process under international auspices started
in 2003. Several thousand French and West African troops remained in Côte d'Ivoire to maintain peace and help implement the
peace accords. A disarmament was supposed to take place on October 15, 2004, but was a failure. Côte d'Ivoire is now divided
between the rebel leader Guillaume Soro and president Laurent Gbagbo who has blocked the diplomatic advances made in
Marcoussis and Accra—of the laws related to political reforms promised by Gbagbo in Accra, only two out of ten have been voted
on so far. The Rebel side has not held its promises either, which results in a state of quasi–civil war. Frustration is now a dominant
sentiment in the population, especially since the overall quality of life has dropped since the Félix Houphouët-Boigny era.
Responsibility for the worsening of the situation is widely attributed to the Northern people, though the quality of life under
Houphouët-Boigny was mainly due to the sponsoring through the "Françafrique" system (designed to consolidate the influence of
France in Africa), and the economy worked mainly thanks to a low-paid Burkinabé working class and immigrants from Mali. The
debt of the country has now risen, civil unrest is occurring daily, and political life has turned into personal struggles for interests. To
answer these problems, the concept of "ivoirité" was born, a racist term which aims mainly at denying political and economic rights
to the Northern immigrants. New laws about eligibility, nationality and property are due to be adopted to address this issue, but if
they are delayed, inscription of electors will be impossible before the next elections. This might lead to a dangerous situation where
the government would stick to power, which the rebellion would likely not accept. Tensions between Côte d'Ivoire and France
increased on November 6, 2004, after Ivorian air strikes killed 9 French peacekeepers and an aid worker. In response, French
forces attacked the airport at Yamoussoukro, destroying all airplanes in the Ivorian Air Force. Violent protests erupted in both
Abidjan and Yamoussoukro, and were marked by violence between Ivorians and French peacekeepers. Thousands of foreigners,
especially French nationals, evacuated the two cities.
Source: Wikipedia: History of Cote d'Ivoire
initial contact with Côte d'Ivoire in 1637, when missionaries landed at Assinie near the Gold Coast (now Ghana) border. Early
contacts were limited to a few missionaries because of the inhospitable coastline and settlers' fear of the inhabitants. In the 18th
century, the country was invaded by two related Akan groups - the Agnis, who occupied the southeast, and the Baoulés, who
settled in the central section. In 1843-1844, French Admiral Bouët-Willaumez signed treaties with the kings of the Grand Bassam
and Assinie regions, placing their territories under a French protectorate. French explorers, missionaries, trading companies, and
soldiers gradually extended the area under French control inland from the lagoon region. However, pacification was not
accomplished until 1915. Côte d'Ivoire officially became a French colony on March 10, 1893. Louis Gustave Binger, who had
explored the Gold Coast frontier, was named the first governor. He negotiated boundary treaties with Liberia and the United
Kingdom (for the Gold Coast) and later started the campaign against Almany Samory, a Malinké chief, who fought against the
French until 1898. From 1904 to 1958, Côte d'Ivoire was a constituent unit of the Federation of French West Africa. It was a
colony and an overseas territory under the Third Republic. Until the period following World War II, governmental affairs in French
West Africa were administered from Paris. France's policy in West Africa was reflected mainly in its philosophy of "association",
meaning that all Africans in Côte d'Ivoire were officially French "subjects" without rights to representation in Africa or France. In
World War II, the Vichy regime remained in control until 1943, when members of Gen. Charles De Gaulle's provisional government
assumed control of all French West Africa. The Brazzaville conference in 1944, the first Constituent Assembly of the Fourth
Republic in 1946, and France's gratitude for African loyalty during World War II led to far-reaching governmental reforms in 1946.
French citizenship was granted to all African "subjects," the right to organize politically was recognized, and various forms of forced
labor were abolished. A turning point in relations with France was reached with the 1956 Overseas Reform Act (Loi Cadre ),
which transferred a number of powers from Paris to elected territorial governments in French West Africa and also removed
remaining voting inequalities. In December 1958, Côte d'Ivoire became an autonomous republic within the French Community as a
result of a referendum that brought community status to all members of the old Federation of French West Africa except Guinea,
which had voted against association. Côte d'Ivoire became independent on August 7, 1960, and permitted its community
membership to lapse. It established the commercial city Abidjan as its capital. Côte d'Ivoire's contemporary political history is
closely associated with the career of Félix Houphouët-Boigny, President of the republic and leader of the Parti Démocratique de la
Côte d'Ivoire (PDCI) until his death on December 7, 1993. He was one of the founders of the Rassemblement Démocratique
Africain (RDA), the leading pre-independence inter-territorial political party for all of the French West African territories except
Mauritania. Houphouët-Boigny first came to political prominence in 1944 as founder of the Syndicat Agricole Africain, an
organization that won improved conditions for African farmers and formed a nucleus for the PDCI. After World War II, he was
elected by a narrow margin to the first Constituent Assembly. Representing Côte d'Ivoire in the French National Assembly from
1946 to 1959, he devoted much of his effort to inter-territorial political organization and further amelioration of labor conditions.
After his thirteen-year service in the French National Assembly, including almost three years as a minister in the French
Government, he became Côte d'Ivoire's first prime minister in April 1959, and the following year was elected its first president. In
May 1959, Houphouët-Boigny reinforced his position as a dominant figure in West Africa by leading Côte d'Ivoire, Niger, Upper
Volta (Burkina), and Dahomey (Benin) into the Council of the Entente, a regional organization promoting economic development.
He maintained that the road to African solidarity was through step-by-step economic and political cooperation, recognizing the
principle of non-intervention in the internal affairs of other African states. Houphouët-Boigny was considerably more conservative
than most African leaders of the post-colonial period, maintaining close ties to the west and rejecting the leftist and anti-western
stance of many leaders at the time. This contributed to the country's economic and political stability. The first multiparty presidential
elections were held in October 1990 and Houphouët-Boigny won convincingly. Houphouët-Boigny died on December 7, 1993,
and was succeeded by his deputy Henri Konan Bédié who was the President of the Parliament. He was overthrown on December
24, 1999 by General Robert Guéï, a former army commander sacked by Bédié. This was the first coup d'état in the history of Côte
d'Ivoire. An economic downturn followed, and the junta promised to return the country to democratic rule in 2000. Guéï allowed
elections to be held the following year, but when these were won by Laurent Gbagbo he at first refused to accept his defeat. But
street protests forced him to step down, and Gbagbo became president on October 26, 2000. On September 19, 2002 a rebellion
in the North and the West came up and the country became divided in three parts. Mass murders occurred, notably in Abidjan from
the 25 to 27th of March, when government forces killed more than 200 protesters, and on the 20 and 21st of June in Bouaké and
Korhogo, where purges led to the execution of more than 100 people. A reconciliation process under international auspices started
in 2003. Several thousand French and West African troops remained in Côte d'Ivoire to maintain peace and help implement the
peace accords. A disarmament was supposed to take place on October 15, 2004, but was a failure. Côte d'Ivoire is now divided
between the rebel leader Guillaume Soro and president Laurent Gbagbo who has blocked the diplomatic advances made in
Marcoussis and Accra—of the laws related to political reforms promised by Gbagbo in Accra, only two out of ten have been voted
on so far. The Rebel side has not held its promises either, which results in a state of quasi–civil war. Frustration is now a dominant
sentiment in the population, especially since the overall quality of life has dropped since the Félix Houphouët-Boigny era.
Responsibility for the worsening of the situation is widely attributed to the Northern people, though the quality of life under
Houphouët-Boigny was mainly due to the sponsoring through the "Françafrique" system (designed to consolidate the influence of
France in Africa), and the economy worked mainly thanks to a low-paid Burkinabé working class and immigrants from Mali. The
debt of the country has now risen, civil unrest is occurring daily, and political life has turned into personal struggles for interests. To
answer these problems, the concept of "ivoirité" was born, a racist term which aims mainly at denying political and economic rights
to the Northern immigrants. New laws about eligibility, nationality and property are due to be adopted to address this issue, but if
they are delayed, inscription of electors will be impossible before the next elections. This might lead to a dangerous situation where
the government would stick to power, which the rebellion would likely not accept. Tensions between Côte d'Ivoire and France
increased on November 6, 2004, after Ivorian air strikes killed 9 French peacekeepers and an aid worker. In response, French
forces attacked the airport at Yamoussoukro, destroying all airplanes in the Ivorian Air Force. Violent protests erupted in both
Abidjan and Yamoussoukro, and were marked by violence between Ivorians and French peacekeepers. Thousands of foreigners,
especially French nationals, evacuated the two cities.
Source: Wikipedia: History of Cote d'Ivoire
| ECONOMIC OVERVIEW |
Cote d'Ivoire is the world's largest producer and exporter of cocoa beans and a significant producer and exporter of coffee and
palm oil. Consequently, the economy is highly sensitive to fluctuations in international prices for these products, and, to a lesser
extent, in climatic conditions. Despite government attempts to diversify the economy, it is still heavily dependent on agriculture and
related activities, engaging roughly 68% of the population. Since 2006, oil and gas production have become more important engines
of economic activity than cocoa. According to IMF statistics, earnings from oil and refined products were $1.3 billion in 2006,
while cocoa-related revenues were $1 billion during the same period. Cote d'Ivoire's offshore oil and gas production has resulted in
substantial crude oil exports and provides sufficient natural gas to fuel electricity exports to Ghana, Togo, Benin, Mali and Burkina
Faso. Oil exploration by a number of consortiums of private companies continues offshore, and President GBAGBO has expressed
hope that crude output could reach 200,000 barrels per day by the end of the decade. Since the end of the civil war in 2003,
political turmoil has continued to damage the economy, resulting in the loss of foreign investment and slow economic growth. GDP
grew by more than 2% in 2008 and nearly 4% in 2009. Per capita income has declined by 15% since 1999.
Source: CIA World Factbook (select Cote d'Ivoire)
palm oil. Consequently, the economy is highly sensitive to fluctuations in international prices for these products, and, to a lesser
extent, in climatic conditions. Despite government attempts to diversify the economy, it is still heavily dependent on agriculture and
related activities, engaging roughly 68% of the population. Since 2006, oil and gas production have become more important engines
of economic activity than cocoa. According to IMF statistics, earnings from oil and refined products were $1.3 billion in 2006,
while cocoa-related revenues were $1 billion during the same period. Cote d'Ivoire's offshore oil and gas production has resulted in
substantial crude oil exports and provides sufficient natural gas to fuel electricity exports to Ghana, Togo, Benin, Mali and Burkina
Faso. Oil exploration by a number of consortiums of private companies continues offshore, and President GBAGBO has expressed
hope that crude output could reach 200,000 barrels per day by the end of the decade. Since the end of the civil war in 2003,
political turmoil has continued to damage the economy, resulting in the loss of foreign investment and slow economic growth. GDP
grew by more than 2% in 2008 and nearly 4% in 2009. Per capita income has declined by 15% since 1999.
Source: CIA World Factbook (select Cote d'Ivoire)
| POLITICAL CLIMATE |
Côte d'Ivoire's 1959 constitution provides for strong presidency within the framework of a separation of powers. The executive is
personified in the president, elected for a five-year term. The president is commander in chief of the armed forces, may negotiate
and ratify certain treaties, and may submit a bill to a national referendum or to the National Assembly. According to the constitution,
the President of the National Assembly assumes the presidency in the event of a vacancy, and he completes the remainder of the
deceased president's term. The cabinet is selected by and is responsible to the president. Changes are being proposed to some of
these provisions, to extend term of office to 7 years, establish a senate, and make president of the senate interim successor to the
president.
Laurent Gbagbo took power following a popular overthrow of the interim leader Gen. Robert Guéï who had claimed a dubious
victory in presidential elections; Gen. Guéï himself had assumed power on 25 December 1999, following a military coup against the
government of former President Henri Konan Bédié. Gbagbo was elected president in 2000 in an election boycotted by many
oppositional forces. The president is elected by popular vote for a five-year term; election last held 26 October 2000. The prime
minister is usually appointed by the president. The present prime minister is appointed by the international community (South African
President Thabo Mbeki, Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo and Niger President Mamadu Tandja.) as transitional Prime
Minister following a resolution of the UN Security Council and a resolution of the African Union.
After five years of delays, new elections were finally held in 2010. The first round of elections were held peacefully, and widely
hailed as free and fair. Runoffs are scheduled for November 28, 2010, after being delayed one week from the original date of
November 21. Laurent Gbagbo will defend his post as president against former Prime Minister Alassane Ouattara.
Source: Wikipedia: Politics of Cote d'Ivoire
personified in the president, elected for a five-year term. The president is commander in chief of the armed forces, may negotiate
and ratify certain treaties, and may submit a bill to a national referendum or to the National Assembly. According to the constitution,
the President of the National Assembly assumes the presidency in the event of a vacancy, and he completes the remainder of the
deceased president's term. The cabinet is selected by and is responsible to the president. Changes are being proposed to some of
these provisions, to extend term of office to 7 years, establish a senate, and make president of the senate interim successor to the
president.
Laurent Gbagbo took power following a popular overthrow of the interim leader Gen. Robert Guéï who had claimed a dubious
victory in presidential elections; Gen. Guéï himself had assumed power on 25 December 1999, following a military coup against the
government of former President Henri Konan Bédié. Gbagbo was elected president in 2000 in an election boycotted by many
oppositional forces. The president is elected by popular vote for a five-year term; election last held 26 October 2000. The prime
minister is usually appointed by the president. The present prime minister is appointed by the international community (South African
President Thabo Mbeki, Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo and Niger President Mamadu Tandja.) as transitional Prime
Minister following a resolution of the UN Security Council and a resolution of the African Union.
After five years of delays, new elections were finally held in 2010. The first round of elections were held peacefully, and widely
hailed as free and fair. Runoffs are scheduled for November 28, 2010, after being delayed one week from the original date of
November 21. Laurent Gbagbo will defend his post as president against former Prime Minister Alassane Ouattara.
Source: Wikipedia: Politics of Cote d'Ivoire
| INTERNATIONAL DISPUTES |
Despite the presence of over 9,000 UN forces (UNOCI) in Cote d'Ivoire since 2004, ethnic conflict still leaves displaced hundreds
of thousands of Ivorians in and out of the country as well as driven out migrants from neighboring states who worked in Ivorian
cocoa plantations; the March 2007 peace deal between Ivorian rebels and the government brought significant numbers of rebels out
of hiding in neighboring states
of thousands of Ivorians in and out of the country as well as driven out migrants from neighboring states who worked in Ivorian
cocoa plantations; the March 2007 peace deal between Ivorian rebels and the government brought significant numbers of rebels out
of hiding in neighboring states
| REFUGEES AND INTERNALLY DISPLACED PERSONS (IDPS) |
Refugees (country of origin): 25,615 (Liberia)
IDPs: 709,000 (2002 coup; most IDPs are in western regions) (2007)
IDPs: 709,000 (2002 coup; most IDPs are in western regions) (2007)
| ILLICIT DRUGS |
illicit producer of cannabis, mostly for local consumption; utility as a narcotic transshipment point to Europe reduced by ongoing
political instability; while rampant corruption and inadequate supervision leave the banking system vulnerable to money laundering,
the lack of a developed financial system limits the country's utility as a major money-laundering center (2008)
political instability; while rampant corruption and inadequate supervision leave the banking system vulnerable to money laundering,
the lack of a developed financial system limits the country's utility as a major money-laundering center (2008)
| HUMAN RIGHTS STATEMENTS, ANALYSIS AND CRITIQUES |
2009 Human Rights Report: Cote d'Ivoire
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
March 11, 2010
Cote d'Ivoire is a democratic republic with an estimated population of 21 million. Laurent Gbagbo, candidate of the Ivoirian People's
Front (FPI), became the country's third president in 2000. The 2000 presidential election, which excluded two of the major political
parties, the Democratic Party of Cote d'Ivoire (PDCI) and the Rally for Republicans (RDR), was marred by significant violence and
irregularities.
In 2002 a failed coup attempt evolved into a rebellion, which split control of the country between the rebel New Forces (FN) in the north
and the government in the south. The failure of subsequent peace accords resulted in the 2004 deployment of 6,000 peacekeepers under
the UN Operation in Cote d'Ivoire (UNOCI), who joined the 4,000-member French Operation Licorne peacekeeping force already in the
country. Approximately 7,200 UNOCI and 900 Licorne peacekeepers remained in the country to support the ongoing peace process.
Civilian authorities generally maintained effective control of the security forces in government-controlled zones; however, FN military
authorities generally did not maintain effective control of the security forces in FN-controlled zones.
In 2007 President Gbagbo and FN rebel leader Guillaume Soro signed the Ouagadougou Political Agreement (OPA), which mandated
elections, determination of citizenship, disarmament of armed factions, and the reunification of the north and south. In 2008 the zone of
confidence separating the north from the south was dismantled. Elections scheduled for November were postponed, and there was little
progress on disarmament and other key tenets of the OPA during the year. On determination of citizenship, however, more than 6.5
million persons registered during the nine-month identification and voter registration process, which ended on June 30. With data
collected during this process, the Independent Electoral Commission (CEI) prepared a provisional electoral list of registered voters.
The following human rights abuses were reported in areas under effective government control:
In areas under the effective control of the FN, there were reports of:
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
March 11, 2010
Cote d'Ivoire is a democratic republic with an estimated population of 21 million. Laurent Gbagbo, candidate of the Ivoirian People's
Front (FPI), became the country's third president in 2000. The 2000 presidential election, which excluded two of the major political
parties, the Democratic Party of Cote d'Ivoire (PDCI) and the Rally for Republicans (RDR), was marred by significant violence and
irregularities.
In 2002 a failed coup attempt evolved into a rebellion, which split control of the country between the rebel New Forces (FN) in the north
and the government in the south. The failure of subsequent peace accords resulted in the 2004 deployment of 6,000 peacekeepers under
the UN Operation in Cote d'Ivoire (UNOCI), who joined the 4,000-member French Operation Licorne peacekeeping force already in the
country. Approximately 7,200 UNOCI and 900 Licorne peacekeepers remained in the country to support the ongoing peace process.
Civilian authorities generally maintained effective control of the security forces in government-controlled zones; however, FN military
authorities generally did not maintain effective control of the security forces in FN-controlled zones.
In 2007 President Gbagbo and FN rebel leader Guillaume Soro signed the Ouagadougou Political Agreement (OPA), which mandated
elections, determination of citizenship, disarmament of armed factions, and the reunification of the north and south. In 2008 the zone of
confidence separating the north from the south was dismantled. Elections scheduled for November were postponed, and there was little
progress on disarmament and other key tenets of the OPA during the year. On determination of citizenship, however, more than 6.5
million persons registered during the nine-month identification and voter registration process, which ended on June 30. With data
collected during this process, the Independent Electoral Commission (CEI) prepared a provisional electoral list of registered voters.
The following human rights abuses were reported in areas under effective government control:
- restriction of citizens' right to change their government;
- arbitrary and unlawful killings, including summary executions;
- torture and other cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment and punishment;
- rape of civilians;
- life-threatening prison and detention center conditions;
- official impunity;
- arbitrary arrest and detention;
- denial of fair public trial;
- arbitrary interference with privacy, family, home, and correspondence;
- police harassment and abuse of noncitizen Africans;
- use of excessive force and other abuses in internal conflicts;
- restrictions on freedoms of speech, press, peaceful assembly, association, and movement;
- official corruption;
- discrimination and violence against women, including female genital mutilation (FGM);
- child abuse and exploitation, including forced and hazardous labor;
- forced labor;
- trafficking in persons.
In areas under the effective control of the FN, there were reports of:
- extrajudicial killings;
- torture and other cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment and punishment;
- rape of civilians;
- life-threatening prison and detention center conditions;
- impunity;
- arbitrary arrest and detention;
- denial of fair public trial;
- arbitrary interference with privacy, family, and home;
- use of excessive force and other abuses in internal conflicts;
- restrictions on freedom of movement;
- corruption and extortion;
- discrimination and violence against women, including FGM;
- child abuse and exploitation.
18 October 2006
HUMAN RIGHTS COUNCIL
Fourth session, Item 2 of the provisional agenda
IMPLEMENTATION OF GENERAL ASSEMBLY RESOLUTION 60/251 OF 15 MARCH 2006 ENTITLED “HUMAN RIGHTS
COUNCIL”
Report of the Representative of the Secretary-General on the human rights of internally displaced persons, Walter Kälin
MISSION TO CÔTE D’IVOIRE*
Summary
The Representative of the Secretary-General on the human rights of internally displaced persons, Walter Kälin, visited Côte d’Ivoire from
17 to 24 April 2006 at the invitation of the Ivorian authorities.
The main purpose of the mission was to gain a better understanding of the situation of internally displaced persons in that country with a
view to improving the protection of their human rights. During his stay, the Representative of the Secretary-General met with the
President, the Minister of National Reconciliation and Relations with Institutions, the Minister for Foreign Affairs, the Minister of
Solidarity and War Victims, and the Minister of Reconstruction and Reintegration. He also met with representatives of specialized
agencies and other bodies of the United Nations system and with those of many other organizations working with internally displaced
persons. The Representative of the Secretary-General visited Yamoussoukro, Guiglo, Daloa, San-Pédro, Tabou and Bouaké.
The main causes of population displacements in Côte d’Ivoire today are related to the conflict that broke out in September 2002. The
population not only fled the areas of conflict but also fled from inter-community conflicts, mostly in the “zone of confidence”. In
addition to a general sense of insecurity in relation to political developments, fear of reprisals from one of the two parties to the conflict,
the dismantling of the public administration and the destruction of infrastructure in the area controlled by the Forces Nouvelles and in the
zone of confidence, the economic consequences of the conflict have also led to displacement. The Representative of the Secretary-
General was told about displacements that took place between October 2002 and March 2003 in Abidjan following the destruction of
some poor districts. He is concerned about the continuing displacement of people in the west and south of Côte d’Ivoire as a result of
persisting conflicts over land.
The Representative of the Secretary-General estimates the number of internally displaced persons at between half a million and 1 million
people. It is interesting to note that only a small number of displaced persons are housed in camps or shelters: most of them have been
taken in by families, which shows the generosity and solidarity of the Ivorian people.
The Representative of the Secretary-General welcomes the fact that the authorities are taking the plight of internally displaced persons
seriously, but notes that the protection of the human rights of this particularly vulnerable group in Côte d’Ivoire is in crisis. Everyone he
met described the dire poverty in which they were living.
Click here to read more »
HUMAN RIGHTS COUNCIL
Fourth session, Item 2 of the provisional agenda
IMPLEMENTATION OF GENERAL ASSEMBLY RESOLUTION 60/251 OF 15 MARCH 2006 ENTITLED “HUMAN RIGHTS
COUNCIL”
Report of the Representative of the Secretary-General on the human rights of internally displaced persons, Walter Kälin
MISSION TO CÔTE D’IVOIRE*
Summary
The Representative of the Secretary-General on the human rights of internally displaced persons, Walter Kälin, visited Côte d’Ivoire from
17 to 24 April 2006 at the invitation of the Ivorian authorities.
The main purpose of the mission was to gain a better understanding of the situation of internally displaced persons in that country with a
view to improving the protection of their human rights. During his stay, the Representative of the Secretary-General met with the
President, the Minister of National Reconciliation and Relations with Institutions, the Minister for Foreign Affairs, the Minister of
Solidarity and War Victims, and the Minister of Reconstruction and Reintegration. He also met with representatives of specialized
agencies and other bodies of the United Nations system and with those of many other organizations working with internally displaced
persons. The Representative of the Secretary-General visited Yamoussoukro, Guiglo, Daloa, San-Pédro, Tabou and Bouaké.
The main causes of population displacements in Côte d’Ivoire today are related to the conflict that broke out in September 2002. The
population not only fled the areas of conflict but also fled from inter-community conflicts, mostly in the “zone of confidence”. In
addition to a general sense of insecurity in relation to political developments, fear of reprisals from one of the two parties to the conflict,
the dismantling of the public administration and the destruction of infrastructure in the area controlled by the Forces Nouvelles and in the
zone of confidence, the economic consequences of the conflict have also led to displacement. The Representative of the Secretary-
General was told about displacements that took place between October 2002 and March 2003 in Abidjan following the destruction of
some poor districts. He is concerned about the continuing displacement of people in the west and south of Côte d’Ivoire as a result of
persisting conflicts over land.
The Representative of the Secretary-General estimates the number of internally displaced persons at between half a million and 1 million
people. It is interesting to note that only a small number of displaced persons are housed in camps or shelters: most of them have been
taken in by families, which shows the generosity and solidarity of the Ivorian people.
The Representative of the Secretary-General welcomes the fact that the authorities are taking the plight of internally displaced persons
seriously, but notes that the protection of the human rights of this particularly vulnerable group in Côte d’Ivoire is in crisis. Everyone he
met described the dire poverty in which they were living.
Click here to read more »
Freedom In The World 2010 Report
Political Rights Score: 6
Civil Liberties Score: 5
Status: Not Free
Overview
Long-delayed national elections, required under a 2007 peace accord signed by President Laurent Gbagbo and rebel leader Guillaume
Soro, were again postponed in 2009. Progress had stalled on voter registration, militia disarmament, the integration of rebel fighters into
the military, and the restoration of government institutions in the rebel-held north, and both sides appeared to lack the political will to
change the status quo.
In 2008, notable progress was made in identifying voters; 600,000 new birth certificates were reportedly distributed by the middle of the
year. Yet the process for formally registering voters was badly organized and cumbersome, involving five separate bodies with
overlapping responsibilities. While the electoral commission announced in June 2009 that over 6 million voters had been successfully
enrolled (short of the anticipated 8.6 million), the official registry had yet to be approved by all political parties at year’s end.
The disarmament of both rebel and progovernment militias and the integration of rebel troops into the military have proven to be more
problematic than the voter registration process. The United Nations reported that 7,704 former rebels had joined the reintegration
program as of September 2009—a notable increase over the 2008 figure of 2,600. However, the program had found new civilian roles
for only 675 of them, and the government estimated that over 18,000 formal rebel troops and over 20,000 progovernment and rebel-
aligned militiamen had not yet disarmed. The government has also proven unwilling to provide the $1,000 in assistance promised to each
former combatant under the APO, or the estimated $87 million it would cost to create a joint police force. Most parties have now
accepted that the planned integration of 5,000 rebel soldiers into the military will not take place until after an election.
Rebel military leaders in the north handed over nominal administrative authority to government officials in May 2009. However, it
remained unclear at year’s endhow much power was actually relinquished. The rebels retained their military structures and appeared to
continue collecting taxes, while the new government administrators lacked even basic office supplies.
Cote d’Ivoire is not an electoral democracy. The constitution provides for the popular election of a president and a 225-seat unicameral
National Assembly for five-year terms. However, the last legislative and presidential elections were held in 2000, and new voting has
been repeatedly postponed; elections were most recently scheduled for November 2009, but they were pushed back indefinitely during
the year. The president traditionally appoints the prime minister; in 2007, President Laurent Gbagbo replaced UN-backed prime minister
Charles Konan Banny with rebel leader Guillaume Soro in keeping with the 2007 APO. The president’s party, the FPI, dominates the
legislature. Other major parties include the PDCI-RDA and the Rally of Republicans (RDR), led by Alassane Ouattara.
Corruption is a serious problem. Earnings from informal taxes and the sale of cocoa, cotton, and weapons have given many of those in
power—including members of the military and rebel forces—an incentive to obstruct peace and political normalization. In the only
successful high-profile corruption case of 2009, Gbagbo’s secretary was convicted of extorting roughly $150,000 from the president of
a telecommunications company. She was sentenced to five years in prison, stripped of her civil rights, and ordered to pay some $600 in
damages directly to Gbagbo for dishonoring the presidency.
Click here to read more »
Political Rights Score: 6
Civil Liberties Score: 5
Status: Not Free
Overview
Long-delayed national elections, required under a 2007 peace accord signed by President Laurent Gbagbo and rebel leader Guillaume
Soro, were again postponed in 2009. Progress had stalled on voter registration, militia disarmament, the integration of rebel fighters into
the military, and the restoration of government institutions in the rebel-held north, and both sides appeared to lack the political will to
change the status quo.
In 2008, notable progress was made in identifying voters; 600,000 new birth certificates were reportedly distributed by the middle of the
year. Yet the process for formally registering voters was badly organized and cumbersome, involving five separate bodies with
overlapping responsibilities. While the electoral commission announced in June 2009 that over 6 million voters had been successfully
enrolled (short of the anticipated 8.6 million), the official registry had yet to be approved by all political parties at year’s end.
The disarmament of both rebel and progovernment militias and the integration of rebel troops into the military have proven to be more
problematic than the voter registration process. The United Nations reported that 7,704 former rebels had joined the reintegration
program as of September 2009—a notable increase over the 2008 figure of 2,600. However, the program had found new civilian roles
for only 675 of them, and the government estimated that over 18,000 formal rebel troops and over 20,000 progovernment and rebel-
aligned militiamen had not yet disarmed. The government has also proven unwilling to provide the $1,000 in assistance promised to each
former combatant under the APO, or the estimated $87 million it would cost to create a joint police force. Most parties have now
accepted that the planned integration of 5,000 rebel soldiers into the military will not take place until after an election.
Rebel military leaders in the north handed over nominal administrative authority to government officials in May 2009. However, it
remained unclear at year’s endhow much power was actually relinquished. The rebels retained their military structures and appeared to
continue collecting taxes, while the new government administrators lacked even basic office supplies.
Cote d’Ivoire is not an electoral democracy. The constitution provides for the popular election of a president and a 225-seat unicameral
National Assembly for five-year terms. However, the last legislative and presidential elections were held in 2000, and new voting has
been repeatedly postponed; elections were most recently scheduled for November 2009, but they were pushed back indefinitely during
the year. The president traditionally appoints the prime minister; in 2007, President Laurent Gbagbo replaced UN-backed prime minister
Charles Konan Banny with rebel leader Guillaume Soro in keeping with the 2007 APO. The president’s party, the FPI, dominates the
legislature. Other major parties include the PDCI-RDA and the Rally of Republicans (RDR), led by Alassane Ouattara.
Corruption is a serious problem. Earnings from informal taxes and the sale of cocoa, cotton, and weapons have given many of those in
power—including members of the military and rebel forces—an incentive to obstruct peace and political normalization. In the only
successful high-profile corruption case of 2009, Gbagbo’s secretary was convicted of extorting roughly $150,000 from the president of
a telecommunications company. She was sentenced to five years in prison, stripped of her civil rights, and ordered to pay some $600 in
damages directly to Gbagbo for dishonoring the presidency.
Click here to read more »
PUBLIC STATEMENT
21 October 2010
Côte d'Ivoire: Thousands still waiting to receive compensation over toxic waste dumping
More than one year after reaching an out-of-court settlement with the oil-trading company Trafigura over waste dumping in Côte d’
Ivoire, thousands of victims are still waiting to receive their compensation money.
The process to distribute the compensation to approximately 30,000 claimants has been plagued by repeated delays. In late 2009 a group
calling itself the National Coordination of Toxic Waste Victims of Côte d’Ivoire (CNVDT-CI) claimed to represent the 30,000 people
who had reached the out-of-court settlement in the UK with Trafigura. All of the claimants in the case were actually represented by a UK
law firm and under the terms of the UK settlement, endorsed by the UK High Court, only this firm - Leigh Day & Co. – had the mandate
to distribute the US$45 million compensation settlement to the claimants.
Despite this, in February 2010 a deal was agreed between Leigh Day and CNVDT-CI over distribution. Amnesty International has
repeatedly expressed serious concern about the role of CNVDT-CI, whose claim to represent the 30,000 victims involved in the UK
settlement is patently untrue. Many of the claimants have stated that CNVDT-CI does not represent them.
By July 2010, an estimated 23,000 people had received their compensation, but shortly thereafter the process was halted for reasons that
are not clear. In September 2010 CNVDT-CI began a new distribution process. However, recent reports suggest that the process has
once again ground to a halt with thousands of legitimate claimants still awaiting payment. The future of the remaining compensation
funds is not clear and Amnesty International is concerned that the delays and lack of transparency around the process may be enabling
the misappropriation of the funds.
Amnesty International is urging the government of Côte d’Ivoire to step in and ensure that all of those who are entitled to compensation
receive it in a process that is transparent and fair.
Background
In August 2006, toxic waste was brought to Abidjan on board the ship Probo Koala, which had been chartered by oil-trading company,
Trafigura. This waste was then dumped in various locations around the city, causing a human rights tragedy.
More than 100,000 people sought medical attention for a range of health problems and there were 15 reported deaths.
On 23 September 2009, the High Court of England and Wales approved a $45 million settlement between nearly 30,000 victims of the
toxic waste dumping and Trafigura.
Click here to read more »
21 October 2010
Côte d'Ivoire: Thousands still waiting to receive compensation over toxic waste dumping
More than one year after reaching an out-of-court settlement with the oil-trading company Trafigura over waste dumping in Côte d’
Ivoire, thousands of victims are still waiting to receive their compensation money.
The process to distribute the compensation to approximately 30,000 claimants has been plagued by repeated delays. In late 2009 a group
calling itself the National Coordination of Toxic Waste Victims of Côte d’Ivoire (CNVDT-CI) claimed to represent the 30,000 people
who had reached the out-of-court settlement in the UK with Trafigura. All of the claimants in the case were actually represented by a UK
law firm and under the terms of the UK settlement, endorsed by the UK High Court, only this firm - Leigh Day & Co. – had the mandate
to distribute the US$45 million compensation settlement to the claimants.
Despite this, in February 2010 a deal was agreed between Leigh Day and CNVDT-CI over distribution. Amnesty International has
repeatedly expressed serious concern about the role of CNVDT-CI, whose claim to represent the 30,000 victims involved in the UK
settlement is patently untrue. Many of the claimants have stated that CNVDT-CI does not represent them.
By July 2010, an estimated 23,000 people had received their compensation, but shortly thereafter the process was halted for reasons that
are not clear. In September 2010 CNVDT-CI began a new distribution process. However, recent reports suggest that the process has
once again ground to a halt with thousands of legitimate claimants still awaiting payment. The future of the remaining compensation
funds is not clear and Amnesty International is concerned that the delays and lack of transparency around the process may be enabling
the misappropriation of the funds.
Amnesty International is urging the government of Côte d’Ivoire to step in and ensure that all of those who are entitled to compensation
receive it in a process that is transparent and fair.
Background
In August 2006, toxic waste was brought to Abidjan on board the ship Probo Koala, which had been chartered by oil-trading company,
Trafigura. This waste was then dumped in various locations around the city, causing a human rights tragedy.
More than 100,000 people sought medical attention for a range of health problems and there were 15 reported deaths.
On 23 September 2009, the High Court of England and Wales approved a $45 million settlement between nearly 30,000 victims of the
toxic waste dumping and Trafigura.
Click here to read more »
Côte d’Ivoire: Rampant Criminality, Sexual Violence in West
State Failure to Protect Residents and Punish Attackers Fuels Lawlessness
October 22, 2010
(Dakar) - Well-armed criminal gangs in western Côte d'Ivoire subject local residents to a relentless stream of abuses, including assault,
robbery, and sexual violence, Human Rights Watch said in a report released today. The Ivorian authorities, who have failed to prevent or
respond to the violence, should undertake patrols in hard-hit areas, investigate and prosecute crimes, and punish members of security
forces who have failed to protect the population.
The 72-page report, "Afraid and Forgotten: Lawlessness, Rape, and Impunity in Western Côte d'Ivoire," documents the often brutal
physical and sexual violence in the western administrative regions of Moyen Cavally and Dix-Huit Montagnes. The widespread
criminality has been fueled by the disintegration of legal institutions, a failed disarmament process that has left the region awash with
arms, and state officials' refusal to respond to attacks.
After repeated postponements in organizing presidential elections over the last five years, Ivorians are finally scheduled to go to the polls
on October 31, 2010. Presidential candidates should address how they will respond to these human rights issues and re-establish
functioning judicial institutions throughout the country, Human Rights Watch said.
"While politicians and foreign diplomats have wrangled over election preparations, residents in western Côte d'Ivoire are consumed by
fear of violent robbery or of being pulled from a bus and raped," said Corinne Dufka, senior West Africa researcher for Human Rights
Watch. "Improving this shameful state of affairs should be an urgent priority for whoever wins the election."
The report is based on interviews with more than 80 victims and witnesses of violence and extortion, as well as government officials,
law enforcement and military personnel, rebel soldiers, representatives from the United Nations and nongovernmental organizations, and
diplomats.
An armed conflict in 2002 and 2003 pitted government forces and government-supported militia - 25,000 in Moyen Cavally alone -
against the Forces Nouvelles, or New Forces, an alliance of rebel factions from the north and west. Due to the proliferation of both arms
and irregular combatants in the region, the west was the hardest hit area by the conflict.
Click here to read more »
State Failure to Protect Residents and Punish Attackers Fuels Lawlessness
October 22, 2010
(Dakar) - Well-armed criminal gangs in western Côte d'Ivoire subject local residents to a relentless stream of abuses, including assault,
robbery, and sexual violence, Human Rights Watch said in a report released today. The Ivorian authorities, who have failed to prevent or
respond to the violence, should undertake patrols in hard-hit areas, investigate and prosecute crimes, and punish members of security
forces who have failed to protect the population.
The 72-page report, "Afraid and Forgotten: Lawlessness, Rape, and Impunity in Western Côte d'Ivoire," documents the often brutal
physical and sexual violence in the western administrative regions of Moyen Cavally and Dix-Huit Montagnes. The widespread
criminality has been fueled by the disintegration of legal institutions, a failed disarmament process that has left the region awash with
arms, and state officials' refusal to respond to attacks.
After repeated postponements in organizing presidential elections over the last five years, Ivorians are finally scheduled to go to the polls
on October 31, 2010. Presidential candidates should address how they will respond to these human rights issues and re-establish
functioning judicial institutions throughout the country, Human Rights Watch said.
"While politicians and foreign diplomats have wrangled over election preparations, residents in western Côte d'Ivoire are consumed by
fear of violent robbery or of being pulled from a bus and raped," said Corinne Dufka, senior West Africa researcher for Human Rights
Watch. "Improving this shameful state of affairs should be an urgent priority for whoever wins the election."
The report is based on interviews with more than 80 victims and witnesses of violence and extortion, as well as government officials,
law enforcement and military personnel, rebel soldiers, representatives from the United Nations and nongovernmental organizations, and
diplomats.
An armed conflict in 2002 and 2003 pitted government forces and government-supported militia - 25,000 in Moyen Cavally alone -
against the Forces Nouvelles, or New Forces, an alliance of rebel factions from the north and west. Due to the proliferation of both arms
and irregular combatants in the region, the west was the hardest hit area by the conflict.
Click here to read more »
THE SITUATION IN COTE D'IVOIRE
Statement made by His Excellency Mr. Alcide DJEDJE Ambassador
Permanent Representative
New York, March 17 2010
Mr. President,
During the period under review, the situation in Cote d'ivoire has been marked by a serious crisis caused by the case of fraud on the
voters list in favor of the opposition.
The President of the Independent Electoral Commission, a member of the opposition parties had fraudulently registered more than
429,000 people on the electoral roll. This figure represents nearly 8%of the electorate.
After the discovery of the fraud, the President of the Independent Electoral Commission has refused to resign, thus creating a paralysis
of the institution and blocking the peace process.
The President of the Republic has decided to dissolve the lEe in order to replace Mr. Mambe, author of the fraud.
The Government, at the same time, was dissolved as some Ministers, obeying the slogans of their political parties, openly supported Mr.
Mambe while the Prime Minister was asking for his resignation.
Besides the list of electors, there remains another significant challenge to go to credible elections. This is the challenge of disarmament
and reunification.
Recent events have demonstrated the need to move quickly on disarmament and reunification for free elections in accordance with
criteria defined by the United Nations.
The current security apparatus in Central North and West areas controlled by the rebels has shown its limits. He failed to prevent attacks
against symbols of the state and buildings belonging in particular to members of the party of President of the Republic.
The headquarters of the Ivorian Popular Front, the party of the President of the Republic was destroyed, in Korhogo, the residences of
the National Campaign Director of the President of the Republic as well as other executives of the party were ransacked and burned, in
the same locality.
Click here to read more »
Statement made by His Excellency Mr. Alcide DJEDJE Ambassador
Permanent Representative
New York, March 17 2010
Mr. President,
During the period under review, the situation in Cote d'ivoire has been marked by a serious crisis caused by the case of fraud on the
voters list in favor of the opposition.
The President of the Independent Electoral Commission, a member of the opposition parties had fraudulently registered more than
429,000 people on the electoral roll. This figure represents nearly 8%of the electorate.
After the discovery of the fraud, the President of the Independent Electoral Commission has refused to resign, thus creating a paralysis
of the institution and blocking the peace process.
The President of the Republic has decided to dissolve the lEe in order to replace Mr. Mambe, author of the fraud.
The Government, at the same time, was dissolved as some Ministers, obeying the slogans of their political parties, openly supported Mr.
Mambe while the Prime Minister was asking for his resignation.
Besides the list of electors, there remains another significant challenge to go to credible elections. This is the challenge of disarmament
and reunification.
Recent events have demonstrated the need to move quickly on disarmament and reunification for free elections in accordance with
criteria defined by the United Nations.
The current security apparatus in Central North and West areas controlled by the rebels has shown its limits. He failed to prevent attacks
against symbols of the state and buildings belonging in particular to members of the party of President of the Republic.
The headquarters of the Ivorian Popular Front, the party of the President of the Republic was destroyed, in Korhogo, the residences of
the National Campaign Director of the President of the Republic as well as other executives of the party were ransacked and burned, in
the same locality.
Click here to read more »
TRANSLATED FROM FRENCH BY GOOGLE TRANSLATE
Presidential: LIDHO satisfied with the voting
Posted Thursday, November 4, 2010
The Ivorian League of Human Rights (LIDHO), like several structures of civil society, said he was generally satisfied with the conduct
of the poll on 31 October.
This is the information that emerges from the press conference held yesterday by Kamaté Banhouman Andre, president of the structure
at its headquarters city of the arts in Cocody. According to him, 320 observers deployed across all 19 regions have covered 1,600
polling stations. According to their reports that the election was conducted in a transparent and calm. However, next to his points of
satisfaction, observers noted some shortcomings.
Among other things, restrictions on freedom of voting, intimidation, delays in the start of voting, the absence of certain personnel,
difficulties in the delivery of the minutes, the slowness and lack of communication from the Election Commission Independent States
(CIS).
Moreover, the President deplored the arrest of Colonel Major Gaoudi Oulata, campaign manager of the candidate Alassane Ouattara in the
region of Bangolo. He believed that the arrest comes at a fragile political climate. For the first charge of this organization, "before any
inquiry, please ensure that the reasons for the arrest is based."
He then asked the politicians to respect the sovereign will of the people and not, in cases of disputes, as legal procedures. A population, it
recommended to receive the proclamation of the results with maturity and respect the choices of each other and avoid violence.
Finally, the defender of Human Rights has urged the Independent Electoral Commission to preserve the neutrality with which she
conducted the poll.
Click here to read more »
Presidential: LIDHO satisfied with the voting
Posted Thursday, November 4, 2010
The Ivorian League of Human Rights (LIDHO), like several structures of civil society, said he was generally satisfied with the conduct
of the poll on 31 October.
This is the information that emerges from the press conference held yesterday by Kamaté Banhouman Andre, president of the structure
at its headquarters city of the arts in Cocody. According to him, 320 observers deployed across all 19 regions have covered 1,600
polling stations. According to their reports that the election was conducted in a transparent and calm. However, next to his points of
satisfaction, observers noted some shortcomings.
Among other things, restrictions on freedom of voting, intimidation, delays in the start of voting, the absence of certain personnel,
difficulties in the delivery of the minutes, the slowness and lack of communication from the Election Commission Independent States
(CIS).
Moreover, the President deplored the arrest of Colonel Major Gaoudi Oulata, campaign manager of the candidate Alassane Ouattara in the
region of Bangolo. He believed that the arrest comes at a fragile political climate. For the first charge of this organization, "before any
inquiry, please ensure that the reasons for the arrest is based."
He then asked the politicians to respect the sovereign will of the people and not, in cases of disputes, as legal procedures. A population, it
recommended to receive the proclamation of the results with maturity and respect the choices of each other and avoid violence.
Finally, the defender of Human Rights has urged the Independent Electoral Commission to preserve the neutrality with which she
conducted the poll.
Click here to read more »
TRANSLATED FROM FRENCH BY GOOGLE TRANSLATE
Presidential Election: The Action for the Protection of Human Rights (APDH) Transparency
Written by The Editors · October 28, 2010
I. The general conditions for peaceful elections
The peaceful elections are governed not only by the transparency of the electoral process but also by responsible behavior of all actors
of that process.
1. The transparency of the electoral process
In a context of lack of public confidence in the administration responsible for electoral matters because of its lack of neutrality, Côte
d'Ivoire to the image of most African countries has created an electoral commission.
Indeed, under Article 32 paragraph 4 of the Constitution of 1 August 2000, the legislature created the Ivorian Independent Electoral
Commission said''CIS''.
This institution is in charge of organizing, supervising and controlling the conduct of all elections and referendums in compliance with
laws and regulations, should ensure fair and transparent elections.
The opacity and lack of transparency in electoral processes are the causes of electoral violence.
A reliable electoral process implies first a daily update of demographic data for a good command of the electorate, which means all those
legally able to participate in an election, according to the criteria used by each system policy, apart from considerations of social,
political, ethnic and religious groups.
Then the election campaign and the voting must take place in regular and non-discriminatory.
Finally the results declared should reflect the reality of the polls, we must exclude any hint of tampering with results.
But the existence and functioning of an electoral commission is not sufficient to ensure peaceful elections it is still necessary that all
other players in the electoral process to adopt responsible behavior.
2. The behavior of other actors in the electoral process
By other actors of the electoral process, it means the one hand the candidates and their supporters and other civil society and the press.
Political leaders and candidates for various elections must adopt a behavior that promotes violence or promote election. They must
especially respect the verdict of the polls, eschew violence and refrain from using it in all its forms and agree not to use that legal
proceedings under the law to challenge any election results.
In a code of conduct signed April 21, 2008, political parties, groups, political forces and candidates for elections in Côte d'Ivoire have
pledged to adopt responsible behavior, democratic and peaceful. It is hoped that both sides maintain their commitment and educate their
activists and supporters to do likewise.
Click here to read more>>
Presidential Election: The Action for the Protection of Human Rights (APDH) Transparency
Written by The Editors · October 28, 2010
I. The general conditions for peaceful elections
The peaceful elections are governed not only by the transparency of the electoral process but also by responsible behavior of all actors
of that process.
1. The transparency of the electoral process
In a context of lack of public confidence in the administration responsible for electoral matters because of its lack of neutrality, Côte
d'Ivoire to the image of most African countries has created an electoral commission.
Indeed, under Article 32 paragraph 4 of the Constitution of 1 August 2000, the legislature created the Ivorian Independent Electoral
Commission said''CIS''.
This institution is in charge of organizing, supervising and controlling the conduct of all elections and referendums in compliance with
laws and regulations, should ensure fair and transparent elections.
The opacity and lack of transparency in electoral processes are the causes of electoral violence.
A reliable electoral process implies first a daily update of demographic data for a good command of the electorate, which means all those
legally able to participate in an election, according to the criteria used by each system policy, apart from considerations of social,
political, ethnic and religious groups.
Then the election campaign and the voting must take place in regular and non-discriminatory.
Finally the results declared should reflect the reality of the polls, we must exclude any hint of tampering with results.
But the existence and functioning of an electoral commission is not sufficient to ensure peaceful elections it is still necessary that all
other players in the electoral process to adopt responsible behavior.
2. The behavior of other actors in the electoral process
By other actors of the electoral process, it means the one hand the candidates and their supporters and other civil society and the press.
Political leaders and candidates for various elections must adopt a behavior that promotes violence or promote election. They must
especially respect the verdict of the polls, eschew violence and refrain from using it in all its forms and agree not to use that legal
proceedings under the law to challenge any election results.
In a code of conduct signed April 21, 2008, political parties, groups, political forces and candidates for elections in Côte d'Ivoire have
pledged to adopt responsible behavior, democratic and peaceful. It is hoped that both sides maintain their commitment and educate their
activists and supporters to do likewise.
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Laurent Gbagbo
President since 26 October 2000
President since 26 October 2000
| TRAFFICKING IN PERSONS |
Current situation: Cote d'Ivoire is a source, transit, and destination country for women and children trafficked for forced labor
and commercial sexual exploitation; trafficking within the country is more prevalent than international trafficking and the majority of
victims are children; women and girls are trafficked from northern areas to southern cities for domestic servitude, restaurant labor,
and sexual exploitation; boys are trafficked internally for agricultural and service labor and transnationally for forced labor in
agriculture, mining, construction, and in the fishing industry; women and girls are trafficked to and from other West and Central
African countries for domestic servitude and forced street vending
Tier rating: Tier 2 Watch List - Cote d'Ivoire is on the Tier 2 Watch List for its failure to provide evidence of increasing efforts to
eliminate trafficking in 2007, particularly with regard to its law enforcement efforts and protection of sex trafficking victims; in
addition, Ivoirian law does not prohibit all forms of trafficking, and Cote d'Ivoire has not ratified the 2000 UN TIP Protocol (2008)
and commercial sexual exploitation; trafficking within the country is more prevalent than international trafficking and the majority of
victims are children; women and girls are trafficked from northern areas to southern cities for domestic servitude, restaurant labor,
and sexual exploitation; boys are trafficked internally for agricultural and service labor and transnationally for forced labor in
agriculture, mining, construction, and in the fishing industry; women and girls are trafficked to and from other West and Central
African countries for domestic servitude and forced street vending
Tier rating: Tier 2 Watch List - Cote d'Ivoire is on the Tier 2 Watch List for its failure to provide evidence of increasing efforts to
eliminate trafficking in 2007, particularly with regard to its law enforcement efforts and protection of sex trafficking victims; in
addition, Ivoirian law does not prohibit all forms of trafficking, and Cote d'Ivoire has not ratified the 2000 UN TIP Protocol (2008)
Guillaume Soro
Vice President since 4 April 2007
Vice President since 4 April 2007
