DJIBOUTI
Republic of Djibouti
Republique de Djibouti/Jumhuriyat Jibuti
Joined United Nations:  20 September 1977
Human Rights as assured by their constitution
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Updated 06/24/10
CAPITAL
POPULATION
CHIEF OF STATE
SELECTION PROCESS
Djibouti
740,528 (July 2010 est.)
Ismail Omar Guelleh
President since 8 May 1999
U.S. State Department
President elected by popular vote for a six-year term (eligible
for a second term); election last held 8 April 2005

Next scheduled election: April 2011
HEAD OF GOVERNMENT
United Nations Human
Rights Council
SELECTION PROCESS
Mohamed Dileita Dileita
Prime Minister since 4 March 2001
Amnesty International
Prime minister appointed by the president
DECLARATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS
Human Rights Watch
ETHNIC GROUPS
Somali 60%, Afar 35%, French, Arab, Ethiopian, and Italian 5%
Freedom House
RELIGIONS
Muslim 94%, Christian 6%
GOVERNMENT
STRUCTURE
Republic comprised of 6 districts (cercles, singular - cercle). Legal system is based on French civil law system, traditional
practices, and Islamic law;  has not accepted compulsory ICJ jurisdiction
Executive: President elected by popular vote for a six-year term (eligible for a second term); Prime minister appointed by
the president; election last held 8 April 2005 (next to be held by April 2011)
Legislative: Unicameral Chamber of Deputies or Chambre des Deputes (65 seats; members elected by popular vote for
five-year terms)
elections: last held 8 February 2008 (next to be held 2013)
Judicial: Supreme Court or Cour Supreme
LANGUAGES
French (official), Arabic (official), Somali, Afar
Ligue Djiboutienne des
Droits Humains
BRIEF HISTORY
The Republic of Djibouti gained its independence on June 27, 1977. It is the successor to French Somaliland (later called
the French Territory of the Afars and Issas), which was created in the first half of the 19th century as a result of French
interest in the Horn of Africa. However, the history of Djibouti, recorded in poetry and songs of its nomadic peoples, goes
back thousands of years to a time when Djiboutians traded hides and skins for the perfumes and spices of ancient Egypt,
India, and China. Through close contacts with the Arabian peninsula for more than 1,000 years, the Somali and Afar tribes
in this region became among the first on the African continent to adopt Islam. It was Rochet d'Hericourt's exploration into
Shoa (1839-42) that marked the beginning of French interest in the African shores of the Red Sea. Further exploration by
Henri Lambert, French Consular Agent at Aden, and Captain Fleuriot de Langle led to a treaty of friendship and assistance
between France and the sultans of Raheita, Tadjoura, and Gobaad, from whom the French purchased the anchorage of
Obock in 1862. Growing French interest in the area took place against a backdrop of British activity in Egypt and the
opening of the Suez Canal in 1869. In 1884-85, France expanded its protectorate to include the shores of the Gulf of
Tadjoura and the Somaliland, installing Léonce Lagarde as governor of this protectorate. Boundaries of the protectorate,
marked out in 1897 by France and Emperor Menelik II of Ethiopia, were reaffirmed by agreements with Emperor Haile
Selassie I of Ethiopia in 1945 and 1954. The administrative capital was moved from Obock to Djibouti in 1896. Djibouti,
which has a good natural harbor and ready access to the Ethiopian highlands, attracted trade caravans crossing East Africa
as well as Somali settlers from the south. The Franco-Ethiopian railway, linking Djibouti to the heart of Ethiopia, was begun
in 1897 and reached Addis Ababa in June 1917, increasing the volume of trade passing through the port. During the Italian
invasion and occupation of Ethiopia in the 1930s and during World War II, constant border skirmishes occurred between
French and Italian forces. The area was ruled by the Vichy (French) government from the fall of France until December
1942, and fell under British blockade during that period. Free French and the Allied forces recaptured Djibouti at the end of
1942. A local battalion from Djibouti participated in the liberation of France in 1944. On July 22, 1957, the colony was
reorganized to give the people considerable self-government. On the same day, a decree applying the Overseas Reform Act
(Loi Cadre) of June 23, 1956, established a territorial assembly that elected eight of its members to an executive council.
Members of the executive council were responsible for one or more of the territorial services and carried the title of minister.
The council advised the French-appointed governor general. In a September 1958 constitutional referendum, French
Somaliland opted to join the French community as an overseas territory. This act entitled the region to representation by one
deputy and one senator in the French Parliament, and one counselor in the French Union Assembly. The first elections to the
territorial assembly were held on November 23, 1958, under a system of proportional representation. In the next assembly
elections (1963), a new electoral law was enacted. Representation was abolished in exchange for a system of straight
plurality vote based on lists submitted by political parties in seven designated districts. Ali Aref Bourhan, allegedly of Turkish
origin, was selected to be the president of the executive council. French President Charles de Gaulle's August 1966 visit to
Djibouti was marked by 2 days of public demonstrations by Somalis demanding independence. On September 21, 1966,
Louis Saget, appointed governor general of the territory after the demonstrations, announced the French Government's
decision to hold a referendum to determine whether the people would remain within the French Republic or become
independent. In March 1967, 60% chose to continue the territory's association with France. In July of that year, a directive
from Paris formally changed the name of the region to the French Territory of the Afars and Issas. The directive also
reorganized the governmental structure of the territory, making the senior French representative, formerly the governor
general, a high commissioner. In addition, the executive council was redesignated as the council of government, with nine
members.In 1975, the French Government began to accommodate increasingly insistent demands for independence. In June
1976, the territory's citizenship law, which favored the Afar minority, was revised to reflect more closely the weight of the
Issa Somali. The electorate voted for independence in a May 1977 referendum, and the Republic of Djibouti was
established June that same year. Hassan Gouled Aptidon became the country's first president. In 1981, Aptidon turned the
country into a one party state by declaring that his party, the Rassemblement Populaire pour le Progrès (RPP) (People's
Rally for Progress), was the sole legal one. A civil war broke out in 1991, between the government and a predominantly
Afar rebel group, the Front for the Restoration of Unity and Democracy (FRUD). The FRUD signed a peace accord with
the government in December 1994, ending the conflict. Two FRUD members were made cabinet members, and in the
presidential elections of 1999 the FRUD campaigned in support of the RPP. Aptidon resigned as president 1999, at the age
of 83, after being elected to a fifth term in 1997. His successor was his nephew, Ismail Omar Guelleh. On May 12, 2001,
President Ismail Omar Guelleh presided over the signing of what is termed the final peace accord officially ending the
decade-long civil war between the government and the armed faction of the FRUD. The peace accord successfully
completed the peace process begun on February 7, 2000 in Paris. Ahmed Dini Ahmed represented the FRUD.
Sources: Wikipedia History of Djibouti
ECONOMIC OVERVIEW
The economy is based on service activities connected with the country's strategic location and status as a free trade zone in
the Horn of Africa. Two-thirds of Djibouti's inhabitants live in the capital city; the remainder are mostly nomadic herders.
Scanty rainfall limits crop production to fruits and vegetables, and most food must be imported. Djibouti provides services as
both a transit port for the region and an international transshipment and refueling center. Imports and exports from
landlocked neighbor Ethiopia represent 70% of port activity at Djibouti's container terminal. Djibouti has few natural
resources and little industry. The nation is, therefore, heavily dependent on foreign assistance to help support its balance of
payments and to finance development projects. An unemployment rate of nearly 60% in urban areas continues to be a major
problem. While inflation is not a concern, due to the fixed tie of the Djiboutian franc to the US dollar, the artificially high
value of the Djiboutian franc adversely affects Djibouti's balance of payments. Per capita consumption dropped an estimated
35% between 1999 and 2006 because of recession, civil war, and a high population growth rate (including immigrants and
refugees). Djibouti has experienced relatively minimal impact from the global economic downturn, but its reliance on
diesel-generated electricity and imported food leave average consumers vulnerable to global price shocks.
Source: CIA World Factbook (select Djibouti)
POLITICAL CLIMATE
FREEDOM HOUSE
Currently, political power is shared by a Somali president and an Afar prime minister, with cabinet posts roughly divided.
However, it is the Issas who presently dominate the government, civil service, and the ruling party, a situation that has bred
resentment and political competition between the Somali Issas and the Afars. In early November 1991, civil war erupted in
Djibouti between the government and a predominantly Afar rebel group, the Front for the Restoration of Unity and
Democracy (FRUD). The FRUD signed a peace accord with the government in December 1994, ending the conflict. Two
FRUD members were made cabinet members, and in the presidential elections of 1999 the FRUD campaigned in support of
the RPP. In February 2000, another branch of FRUD signed a peace accord with the government. On 12 May 2001,
President Ismail Omar Guelleh presided over the signing of what is termed the final peace accord officially ending the
decade-long civil war between the government and the armed faction of the FRUD. The peace accord successfully
completed the peace process begun on 7 February 2000 in Paris. Ahmed Dini Ahmed represented the FRUD.

Djibouti has its own armed forces, including a small army, which has grown significantly since the start of the civil war. In
recent years the armed force has downsized and with the peace accord with the FRUD in 2001, the armed forces are
expected to continue its downsizing. The country's security also is supplemented by a special security arrangement with the
Government of France. France maintains one of its largest military bases outside France in Djibouti. There are some 2,600
French troops, which includes a unit of the French Foreign Legion, the 13th Foreign Legion Demi-Brigade, stationed in
Djibouti.

The right to own property is respected in Djibouti. The government has reorganized the labor unions. While there have been
open elections of union leaders, the Government of Djibouti is working with the ILO to hold new elections.

Although women in Djibouti enjoy a higher public status than in many other Islamic countries, women's rights and family
planning face difficult challenges, many stemming from poverty. Few women hold senior positions. Education of girls still lags
behind boys and, because of the high unemployment rate, employment opportunities are better for male applicants.
Sources: Wikipedia Politics of Djibouti
Freedom In The World 2010 Report
Political Rights Score: 5
Civil Liberties Score: 5
Status: Partly Free

Overview
Following clashes at the border in June 2008, Eritrean troops continued to occupy disputed territory in 2009, in defiance of a UN
Security Council resolution. Also during the year, renewed violence by ethnic Afar rebels ended several years of relative calm, and
drought and food insecurity remained significant hardships for much of the population.

Legislative elections took place in March 2008, but the main opposition parties did not participate, citing government abuses
including the house arrest of opposition leaders and manipulation of the electoral process. In June of that year, an Eritrean military
incursion along the disputed border resulted in the deaths of a number of Djiboutian soldiers. Eritrea ignored a UN Security Council
resolution calling for a withdrawal, and the standoff continued through 2009.

Also in 2009, renewed clashes took place between government forces and elements of the FRUD, which accused the president of
persecuting the Afar people and failing to hold transparent elections.

A severe drought affecting the entire Horn of Africa posed serious hardships for the majority of the population, more than 40
percent of which lives under the poverty line. Moreover, the country’s dependence on imported food meant that persistently high
global food prices in 2009 had a profound impact on the poor. UNICEF warned that malnutrition was becoming a serious problem
in and around the capital, home to two-thirds of the population.

Djibouti is not an electoral democracy. The formal structures of representative government and electoral processes have little
relevance to the real distribution and exercise of power. The ruling party has traditionally used state resources to maintain itself in
government.

The elected president serves a maximum of two six-year terms, and the 65 members of the unicameral parliament, the National
Assembly, are directly elected for five-year terms. Opposition parties are disadvantaged by electoral rules and the government’s
abuse of the administrative apparatus. In the 2003 legislative elections, the ruling UMP coalition won 62 percent of the vote. It
captured all of the National Assembly seats, however, because the election law stipulates that the winner of the majority in each of
the country’s five electoral constituencies is awarded all seats in that district. Opposition parties boycotted the 2005 presidential
election and the 2008 parliamentary polls.
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INTERNATIONAL
DISPUTES
Djibouti maintains economic ties and border accords with "Somaliland" leadership while maintaining some political ties to
various factions in Somalia; Kuwait is chief investor in the 2008 restoration and upgrade of the Ethiopian-Djibouti rail link; in
2008, Eritrean troops move across the border on Ras Doumera peninsula and occupy Doumera Island with undefined
sovereignty in the Red Sea
REFUGEES AND
INTERNALLY
DISPLACED PERSONS
(IDP)
HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH
Refugees (country of origin): 8,642 (Somalia) (2007)
Hostile Shores
December 20, 2009
The Journey to Yemen

Nearly every day, boats overcrowded with scores of Ethiopian and Somali migrants and asylum seekers arrive at remote points
along the shores of Yemen.[22] Many of the people who make this journey suffer horribly along the way. More than a thousand
have died during the crossing since the beginning of 2008, including at least 300 people during the first nine months of 2009.[23]
Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF), which provides medical and humanitarian assistance to new arrivals along Yemen’s Arab Sea
coast, published a report in 2008 describing the plight of migrants and refugees who undertake the voyage as a “tragedy” that had
been “largely ignored by the international community and Western media.”[24] It is a tragedy that has since continued unabated and
similarly ignored.
Human Smuggling Routes to Yemen from Puntland and Djibouti

There are two primary routes used to smuggle people into Yemen by sea. The first begins on beaches around the port city of
Bosasso in Somalia’s semi-autonomous region of Puntland.[25] Boats plying this route cross the Gulf of Aden to transport their
passengers to points along Yemen’s Arab Sea coast. The second route originates around Obock, on the coast of Djibouti, and ends
along Yemen’s western, Red Sea coast.[26]

The route from Djibouti is normally the faster and safer of the two; the crossing is less than 100 miles and generally takes no more
than seven or eight hours.[27] By contrast the route from Bosasso across the Gulf of Aden typically takes between one and three
days depending on the type of boat, conditions at sea, and whether the vessels suffer engine failure or other mishaps along the way.
[28] The crews plying the Djibouti route also generally treat their passengers better than the notoriously brutal smugglers operating
out of Bosasso, and they often keep their boats in better condition.[29] Most of the worst abuses described below are endured by
passengers embarking from Bosasso.

The Djibouti route is also more expensive, however. Passage on the boats from Obock typically costs roughly US$100 to $150 per
person, and for many people travel to Djibouti is itself more expensive than travel to Bosasso.[30] The cheapest boats from
Bosasso charge only $50 to $80 per person.[31] These are large, slow boats that are extremely unsafe, overcrowded, and often
without a spare outboard motor. Faster, smaller, and better equipped boats cost considerably more—in some cases upwards of
$100 or $150 per person—but travel more quickly and safely to their destination. As one humanitarian worker based at a reception
center for arrivals from Bosasso put it, “If you don’t have $150 you will have to take the chance on the weaker boats—maybe you
will survive, maybe you will not.”[32]
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TRAFFICKING IN
PERSONS
OFFICIAL
GOVERNMENT HUMAN
RIGHTS STATEMENT
Current situation: Djibouti is a source, transit, and destination country for women and children trafficked for the purposes
of commercial sexual exploitation and domestic servitude; large numbers of voluntary economic migrants from Ethiopia and
Somalia pass illegally through Djibouti en route to Yemen and other locations in the Middle East; Djibouti's large refugee
population - comprised of Somalis, Ethiopians, and Eritreans - remains vulnerable to various forms of exploitation, including
human trafficking

Tier rating: Tier 2 Watch List - Djibouti is placed on Tier 2 Watch List because it does not fully comply with the
minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking, but it is making significant efforts to do so; the government made nascent
efforts to bring trafficking offenders and migrant smugglers to justice during the reporting period, but the government showed
only limited evidence of progress in prosecuting specific human trafficking offenses and in raising public awareness of the
crime (2009)
Djibouti President stresses importance of securing Mogadishu
19/05/2010

The only way to bring about a semblance of peace and security in Somalia is to clear Mogadishu and its surrounding of extremist
militias.

The suggestion comes from President Ismail Omar Guelleh in a statement to the Security Council during discussion of peace and
security in Africa.

The Djibouti leader warned that the authority of the transitional federal government of Somalia is fast shrinking with the advances
being made by insurgents throughout the country.

He urged the Security Council to decide to secure Mogadishu, restore law and order and services while United Nations agencies
and non-governmental organizations begin establishing presence in the capital.

"Are you sceptical? No doubt! But let us face it, without capturing Mogadishu or having a victory in Mogadishu, I cannot see how
we can avert the possibility of Somalia's plunge into an avoidable disintegration. On the other hand, if Mogadishu is 'freed', it would
give the government a major solid ground or foothold to bring the whole country under its control."

President Guelleh said this is the most important first block in a series of building blocks to enable the government to expand its
reach and authority across Somalia.

He stressed that this requires a dynamic change in the thinking of the Security Council and the Secretariat and calls for a gigantic
shift from the status quo to one of engagement and resolute determination to resuscitate Somalia once and for all.
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U. S. STATE
DEPARTMENT
LE MEDIATEUR DE LA
REPUBLIQUE DE
DJIBOUTI
HUMAN RIGHTS STATEMENTS, ANALYSIS AND CRITIQUES
TRANSLATED FROM FRENCH BY GOOGLE TRANSLATE
HUMAN RIGHTS
REPUBLIC OF DJIBOUTI
2008

Corruption and transparency in government
The law provides criminal penalties for corruption in the public service, but despite efforts, the government does not actually the
law and officials often engaged in acts of corruption with impunity. Indicators of governance in the world of the World Bank have
revealed that there was a serious problem of corruption in government.

The authorities have continued to take measures to combat corruption. In June 2007, two judges were dismissed for corruption
after investigations by the Bureau of National Accounts. In 2006, the Director of social-welfare agency was charged with
corruption, jailed and then dismissed.

The privatization of ports, airports and customs continued to cause a significant increase in transparency and the income of the
State in one of the most important sectors of the economy. The Chamber of Accounts and Budgetary Discipline and the General
Inspectorate of the State have conducted audits of public expenditure to fight against corruption and promote transparency.
Officials are not subject to the laws of disclosure of financial information. The Inspectorate General of the State and the Chamber
of Accounts and budget discipline are organs of government in the fight against corruption.

No law provides that the public has access to information held by the state, although the laws have been made publicly available by
the online publication of the gazette and the Djiboutians have been filing requests for information or mediation with the Office of the
Ombudsman.

Section 4: Attitude of Government investigations and international NGOs on violations of human rights
Some national defense of human rights were on the whole work without restriction from the government: they have conducted
investigations and sometimes limited published findings on a number of cases relating to rights man. In general, government
officials have ignored their opinions.

Jean-Paul Noël Abdi, the chairman of the Djibouti League of Human Rights (LDDH), a local group Defense of Human Rights, was
tried for libel in 2007 after writing information on rape presumption of a young girl by a member of the Republican Guard and what
he called a mass grave containing victims of summary executions during the 1992 civil war in 2000. He was fined and imprisoned,
but was released a month later because of health problems. In December 2007, Noël Abdi accused the state of having arbitrarily
arrested and detained for questioning for more than 12 hours after he issued a press release from the LDDH criticizing the
government. Noël Abdi has appealed his conviction in 2007 and was awaiting a hearing of the Supreme Court at the end of the year.

The ICRC had a small office or work of local staff. The ICRC regional representative based in Nairobi visited the country every
month.

In April, the government established a Commission on Human Rights, whose members include technical experts and representatives
of civil society, trade unions, religious groups, the judiciary, the office of the Ombudsman and the National Assembly.

The Ombudsman was also a member of parliament and its specific responsibilities included mediation between NGOs and the state.
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2009 Human Rights Report: Djibouti
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
March 11, 2010

Djibouti is a republic with a strong elected president and a weak legislature. It has an estimated population of 660,000. In February
2008 legislative elections, President Ismail Omar Guelleh's five‑party coalition won all 65 national assembly seats. A three‑party
opposition coalition boycotted the race, which international observers from the African Union (AU) and the Arab League considered
generally free and fair. Following a June 2008 border clash, Eritrean troops continued to occupy Djiboutian territory, despite
condemnations by the United Nations, the Arab League, and the AU. Civilian authorities generally maintained effective control of the
security forces.

The government's human rights record remained poor, although there were improvements in several areas, including prison
conditions, reduced incidents of prolonged detention without charge, decreased perceptions of judicial corruption, and expanded
services for women who were victims of violence. Serious problems included:
  • corruption;
  • official impunity;
  • arbitrary arrest and detention;
  • prolonged pretrial detention;
  • interference with privacy rights;
  • restrictions on freedom of the press, assembly, and association;
  • restrictions on unions.
  • Female genital mutilation (FGM) also remained a serious problem.
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LIGUE DJIBOUTIENNE
DES DROITS HUMAINS
(LDDH)
UNITED NATIONS
HUMAN RIGHTS
COUNCIL
TRANSLATED FROM FRENCH BY GOOGLE TRANSLATE
YEREVAN, April 7, 2010
Brief review of violations of the Constitution of Djibouti. Overview of a people under the yoke of a team mafia in power
for eleven years of a rule of the dictator IOG.

This report has been submitted to Delegates of the FIDH in Yerevan.

This report is submitted on a day when all Congressmen have gone to show their compassion to the people of Armenia. We went
to show our determination to fight against all crimes of genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity and organized crimes.

Together, we gathered at the Museum of Genocide Victims of Armenians by the Ottoman Empire.

Under the Prevention of Armed Conflict in the Republic of Djibouti, as in the years 1990-2000, the Djibouti League of Human
Rights (LDDH) is concerned.

Under the Prevention of an anarchy there and dangerous for everyone, or a possible Military Coup in Niger, even as a popular
uprising in Madagascar, the Djibouti League of Human Rights (LDDH) is very, very concerned about the risks of slippage caused.

The Djiboutian Human Rights League (LDDH) asked the people of Djibouti, in the strict framework of a commitment to grassroots
mobilization, to show a fierce determination in order to block the current attempt of a coup Constitutional scheduled for 2011 in the
Republic of Djibouti. Tentative required by the Head of State to establish a monarchy and in Gabon, Congo "Democratic", but
always a false face Republic.

For this reason LDDH you submit the following:

Violation of several key articles of the Constitution.

Fact: The Constitution was adopted by referendum 4 September 1992; As Secretary Office of the National Assembly in 1992, I
was heard by the Commission for the preparation and drafting of the Constitution pursuant to Decree No. 92-0010/PRCAB of
January 21, 1992;

Learning recently established a Commission, which incidentally has just adjourns.
The decree creating the commission had not been published in the Official Gazette, one wonders, as in many cases, if the decree is
a legal secrecy and spoken.

The clauses are simply eliminating the last paragraph of Article 23 which states: "The president is elected for six years by direct
universal suffrage and majority voting in two rounds. It is re-elected only ONCE.

Recall that, in paragraph 1 of Article 4 states: "The popular legitimacy is the foundation of all power."

This very important point for the popular legitimacy requires top priority to strict observance and full implementation of Article 6:
freedom of activity for political parties in the Opposition. What has never been the case since 1992.

In fact, article 6 states: "The political parties contribute to the expression of suffrage.
They are formed and operate freely in accordance with the Constitution, respect the Constitution, the principles of national
sovereignty and democracy. "

Regret that these first two paragraphs above in Article 6 of the constitution with many other items to be taken later, once we have
the possibility to file complaints against the Head of State of Republic of Djibouti .

Recall that Article 8of the Constitution is one of the articles, which clearly identifies the key point for the credibility and the
existence of our Republic. Any direct or indirect modification of Article 8 endangers the survival of the republic of Djibouti.

Article 8 states: "The institutions of the republic should allow the normal and regular popular sovereignty and ensure the full
development rights and civil liberties;
Regret that, consistently with the provisions of Title I of the State and Sovereignty, and Title II of the Rights and Duties of the
individual are trampled, violated without shame or respect for the Chief Magistrate, Chief of State, Head of Government, Prime
silversmith, Chief of Army Staff, Chief of Internal and External Security.

All these acts of gross violations of the Constitution for personal as for this third term imposed, illegal and unconstitutional are
considered high treason.
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7 October 2008
COMMITTEE ON THE RIGHTS OF THE CHILD
Forty-ninth session
CONSIDERATION OF REPORTS SUBMITTED BY STATES PARTIES UNDER ARTICLE 44 OF THE CONVENTION
Concluding observations: DJIBOUTI

A. Introduction
2. The Committee welcomes the submission of the State party’s second periodic report, as well as the written replies to its list of
issues (CRC/C/DJI/Q/2/Add.1) and appreciates the frank and constructive dialogue it was able to have with the high-level and
multisectoral delegation, which provided a better insight on the situation of children in the State party.

B. Follow-up measures and progress achieved by the State party
3. The Committee welcomes the adoption of:
(a) The Outline Act on the education system in August 2000;
(b) The Family Code in January 2002;
(c) The Law on the Labour Code in January 2006;
(d) Legislation on the organization of an anti-smoking campaign in January 2007;
(e) The Law on the protection of persons living with HIV/Aids, in April 2007; and
(f) The Law against trafficking in human beings in December 2007.

C. Main areas of concern and recommendations
1. General measures of implementation (arts.4, 42 and 44, paragraph 6 of the Convention)
The Committee’s Previous Recommendations
6. The Committee notes that several of the concerns and recommendations made upon consideration of the State party’s initial
report (CRC/C/15/Add.131) have been addressed at the national level. It nevertheless regrets that some of its concerns and
recommendations, including on such issues as independent monitoring, data collection, sexual exploitation and juvenile justice, have
not been adequately addressed.
7. The Committee urges the State party to take all necessary measures to address those recommendations from the concluding
observations on the initial report that have not yet been implemented or sufficiently implemented and to provide adequate follow-up
to the recommendations contained in the present concluding observations on the second periodic report.
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AMNESTY
INTERNATIONAL
REPORT 2009 (Eritrea and Somalia)
State of the World's Human Rights

From February to April, Eritrea built up its forces in the long-disputed Ras Doumeira area along the Eritrea/Djibouti border, with
Djibouti claiming that Eritrea had encroached on its territory. Small-scale armed conflict between the two countries erupted in June.
At least 35 soldiers were reported killed and 50 injured.

Eritrea hosted the Asmara wing of the Alliance for the Re-Liberation of Somalia (ARS), which split off from a Djibouti-based ARS
wing. Eritrea provided and served as a transit point for weapons and ammunition sold in weapons markets in Somalia.

After the replacement in late 2007 of Prime Minister Mohamed Gedi by Nur Hassan Hussein and the appointment of a new UN
Special Representative to the Secretary-General, Ahmedou Ould-Abdullah, hope for progress in ending the conflict and
consolidating governance emerged, despite ongoing armed conflict. In April the TFG and ARS-Djibouti began negotiations. They
signed a formal agreement in October, which included plans for a ceasefire, power-sharing and gradual Ethiopian troop withdrawal,
which began in November. At the October meeting in Djibouti, TFG and ARS representatives also jointly called for a Commission
of Inquiry into human rights abuses in Somalia.  
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Report
ILLICIT DRUGS
None reported.