| KOSOVO Republic of Kosovo Republika e Kosoves/Republika Kosova United Nations Special Administrative Region since 10 June 1999 Human Rights as assured by their constitution Click here Updated 03/01/10 |
| CAPITAL |
| POPULATION |
| CHIEF OF STATE |
| SELECTION PROCESS |
Pristina (Prishtine)
1,804,838 (July 2009 est.)
Hashim Thaci
Prime Minister since 9 January 2008
Prime Minister since 9 January 2008
The president is elected for a 5-year term by the Kosovo Assembly;
election last held 9 January 2008
Next scheduled election: 2013
election last held 9 January 2008
Next scheduled election: 2013
HEAD OF GOVERNMENT
SELECTION PROCESS
The prime minister is elected by the Kosovo Assembly Elections
last held on 17 November 2007
Next scheduled election: 2011
last held on 17 November 2007
Next scheduled election: 2011
| DECLARATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS |
| ETHNIC GROUPS |
Albanians 88%, Serbs 7%, other 5% (Bosniak, Gorani, Roma, Turk, Ashkali, Egyptian)
| RELIGIONS |
Muslim, Serbian Orthodox, Roman Catholic
| GOVERNMENT STRUCTURE |
Republic with 30 municipalities (komunat, singular - komuna in Albanian; opstine, singular - opstina in Serbian)
Executive: The president is elected for a 5-year term by the Kosovo Assembly; election last held 9 January 2008 (next to be held by NA
2013); the prime minister is elected by the Kosovo Assembly
Legislative: Unicameral Kosovo Assembly of the Provisional Government (120 seats; 100 seats directly elected, 10 seats for
Serbs, 10 seats for other minorities; to serve three-year terms)
elections: last held 17 November 2007 (next to be held NA 2011)
Judicial: Supreme Court judges are appointed by the Special Representative of the Secretary-General (SRSG); district courts
judges are appointed by the SRSG; municipal courts judges are appointed by the SRSG
note: after the termination of UNMIK's mandate, the Kosovo Judicial Council (KJC) will propose to the president candidates for
appointment or reappointment as judges and prosecutors; the KJC is also responsible for decisions on the promotion and transfer
of judges and disciplinary proceedings against judges; at least 15% of Supreme Court and district court judges shall be from
non-majority communities
Executive: The president is elected for a 5-year term by the Kosovo Assembly; election last held 9 January 2008 (next to be held by NA
2013); the prime minister is elected by the Kosovo Assembly
Legislative: Unicameral Kosovo Assembly of the Provisional Government (120 seats; 100 seats directly elected, 10 seats for
Serbs, 10 seats for other minorities; to serve three-year terms)
elections: last held 17 November 2007 (next to be held NA 2011)
Judicial: Supreme Court judges are appointed by the Special Representative of the Secretary-General (SRSG); district courts
judges are appointed by the SRSG; municipal courts judges are appointed by the SRSG
note: after the termination of UNMIK's mandate, the Kosovo Judicial Council (KJC) will propose to the president candidates for
appointment or reappointment as judges and prosecutors; the KJC is also responsible for decisions on the promotion and transfer
of judges and disciplinary proceedings against judges; at least 15% of Supreme Court and district court judges shall be from
non-majority communities
| LANGUAGES |
Albanian (official), Serbian (official), Bosniak, Turkish, Roma
| BRIEF HISTORY |
The area of Kosovo in the Neolithic lay within the areal of the Vinča-Turdaş culture (Western Balkanic black and grey pottery).
The Bronze Age begins in ca. the 20th century BC, and the Iron Age begins in ca. the 13th century BC. Bronze and Iron Age
tombs have been found only in Metohija, and not in Kosovo. The area comes to lie within the eastern parts of the kingdom of Illyria
in the 4th century BC, bordering on Thrace. At the time, it is inhabited by the Thraco-Illyrian tribes of the Dardani and the Thracian
tribe of the Triballi. Illyria was conquered by Rome in the 160s BC, and made the Roman province of Illyricum in 59 BC. The
Kosovo region became part of Moesia Superior in AD 87 (or alternatively was divided between Dalmatia and Moesia, a view
which is supported by some archaeological evidence). Upper Moesia was reorganized further by Diocletian (after 284) into smaller
provinces, being further divided into Dardania, Moesia Prima, Dacia Ripensis and Dacia Mediterranea. The Dardania´s capital was
Naissus. Roman province of Dardania included eastern parts of modern Kosovo, while its western part belong to newly formed
Roman province Prevalitana with capital in Doclea. Justinian I, who assumed the throne of the Byzantine Empire in 527, oversaw a
period of Byzantine expansion into former Roman territories, and re-absorbed the area of Kosovo into the empire. He is often
referred to by historians as the last "Roman" emperor because Latin was his native tongue and because he was the last emperor to
make a serious attempt to reunite the Latin-speaking West with the East. The Slavic migrations reached the Balkans in the 6th to 7th
century. The area was absorbed into the Byzantine empire in the 850s. The region was incorporated into the Bulgarian Empire
during the reign of Khan Presian (836-852). Numerous churches and monasteries were constructed after the Christianization of
Bulgaria in 864. It remained within the borders of Bulgaria for 150 years until 1018 when the country was overrun by the Byzantines
after half-century bitter struggle. Byzantine control was subsequently reasserted by the forceful emperor Basil II. Serbia at this time
was not a united empire: a number of small Serbian kingdoms lay to the north and west of Kosovo, of which Raška (central modern
Serbia) and Duklja (Montenegro) were the strongest. In the 1180s, the Serbian ruler Stefan Nemanja seized control of Duklja and
parts of Kosovo. His successor, Stefan Prvovenčani took control of the rest of Kosovo by 1216, creating a state incorporating
most of the area which is now Serbia and Montenegro. Kosovo was absorbed into Serbia in the late 12th century, and was part of
the Serbian Empire from 1346 to 1371. In 1389, in the famous Battle of Kosovo the army of the Serbian Prince Lazar Hrebljanovic
was defeated by the Ottoman Turks, who finally took control of the territory in 1455. In 1355, the Serbian state fell apart on the
death of Tsar Stefan Dušan and dissolved into squabbling fiefdoms. The timing fell perfectly within the Ottoman expansion. The
Ottoman Empire took the opportunity to exploit Serbian weakness and invaded. The First Battle of Kosovo occurred on the field of
Kosovo Polje on June 28, 1389, when the ruling knez (prince) of Serbia, Lazar Hrebeljanović, marshalled a coalition of Christian
soldiers, made up of Serbs, but also of Bosnian Serbs, Magyars and a troop of Saxon mercenaries. Although the battle has been
mythologised as a great Serbian defeat, at the time opinion was divided as to whether it was a Serbian defeat, a stalemate or
possibly even a Serbian victory. Serbia maintained its independence and sporadic control of Kosovo until a final defeat in 1455,
following which Serbia became part of the Ottoman Empire. The Second Battle of Kosovo was fought over the course of a two-
day period in October 1448, between a Hungarian force lead by John Hunyadi and an Ottoman army lead by Murad II. The
Ottomans brought Islam with them and later also created the Vilayet of Kosovo as one of the Ottoman territorial entities. Ottoman
rule lasted for about 500 years, in which time the Ottomans were the absolute paramount power in the region. Many Slavs accepted
Islam and served under Ottomans. Kosovo was taken temporarily by the Austrian forces during the War of 1683–1699 with help
of Serbs but were defeated and retreated shortly thereafter. In 1690, the Serbian Patriarch of Peć Arsenije III, who previously
escaped a certain death, led 37,000 families from Kosovo, to evade Ottoman wrath since Kosovo had just been retaken by the
Ottomans. The people that followed him were mostly Serbs. Due to the oppression from the Ottomans, other migrations of
Orthodox people from the Kosovo area continued throughout the 18th century. It is also noted that many Albanians adopted Islam,
whilst only a very small minority of Serbs did so. In 1766, the Ottomans abolished the Patriarchate of Peć and the position of
Christians in Kosovo was greatly reduced. All previous privileges were lost, and the Christian population had to suffer the full weight
of the Empire's extensive and losing wars, even having blame forced upon them for the losses. During the 1877–1878 Russo-
Turkish war, the Serbian troops invaded the northeastern part of the province of Kosovo deporting 160,000 ethnic Albanians from
640 localities. Following the First Balkan War of 1912, Kosovo was internationally recognised as a part of Serbia and northern
Metohija as a part of Montenegro at the Treaty of London in May 1913. In 1918, Serbia became a part of the newly-formed
Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. The partition of Yugoslavia by the Axis Powers from 1941 and 1945 awarded most of
the territory to the Italian-occupied Greater Albania, and a smaller part of it to German-occupied Serbia and Greater Bulgaria.
Following the end of the war and the establishment of Tito's Communist regime, Kosovo was granted the status of an autonomous
region of Serbia in 1946 and became an autonomous province in 1963. With the passing of the 1974 Yugoslavia constitution,
Kosovo gained virtual self-government. Throughout the 1980s tensions between the Albanian and Serb communities in the province
escalated. The Albanian community favoured greater autonomy for Kosovo, whilst Serbs favored closer ties with the rest of Serbia.
Serbs living in Kosovo were discriminated by the provincial government (the term "ethnic cleansing" was coined to denote these
actions), notably by the local law enforcement authorities failing to punish reported crimes against Serbs. In 1989, the autonomy of
Kosovo and the northern province of Vojvodina was drastically reduced by a Serbia-wide referendum. The referendum
implemented a new constitution which allowed a multi-party system, introduced freedom of speech and promoted human rights.
After the constitutional changes, the parliaments of all Yugoslavian republics and provinces, which until then had MPs only from the
Communist Party of Yugoslavia, were dissolved and multi-party elections were held for them. Kosovo Albanians refused to
participate in the elections and held their own, unsanctioned elections instead. Albanian opposition to sovereignty of Yugoslavia and
especially Serbia had surfaced in rioting (1968 and March 1981) in the capital Priština. Ibrahim Rugova initially advocated non-
violent resistance, but later opposition took the form of separatist agitation by opposition political groups and armed action from
1996 by the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA). In March 1998, Yugoslav army units joined Serbian police to fight the separatists,
using military force. In the months that followed, thousands of Albanian civilians were killed and more than 500,000 fled their
homes; most of these people were Albanian. Following the breakdown of negotiations between Serbian and Albanian
representatives, under North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) auspices, NATO intervened on March 24, 1999 without United
Nations authority. The war ended on June 10, 1999 with the Serbian and Yugoslav governments signing the Kumanovo agreement
which agreed to transfer governance of the province to the United Nations. Since the end of the war, Kosovo has been a major
source and destination country in the trafficking of women, women forced into prostitution and sexual slavery. The growth in the sex
trade industry has been fuelled by NATO forces in Kosovo. On Feb 17th 2008 2008 Kosovo's Parliament declared independence,
to mixed international reactions.
Source: Wikipedia: History of Kosovo
The Bronze Age begins in ca. the 20th century BC, and the Iron Age begins in ca. the 13th century BC. Bronze and Iron Age
tombs have been found only in Metohija, and not in Kosovo. The area comes to lie within the eastern parts of the kingdom of Illyria
in the 4th century BC, bordering on Thrace. At the time, it is inhabited by the Thraco-Illyrian tribes of the Dardani and the Thracian
tribe of the Triballi. Illyria was conquered by Rome in the 160s BC, and made the Roman province of Illyricum in 59 BC. The
Kosovo region became part of Moesia Superior in AD 87 (or alternatively was divided between Dalmatia and Moesia, a view
which is supported by some archaeological evidence). Upper Moesia was reorganized further by Diocletian (after 284) into smaller
provinces, being further divided into Dardania, Moesia Prima, Dacia Ripensis and Dacia Mediterranea. The Dardania´s capital was
Naissus. Roman province of Dardania included eastern parts of modern Kosovo, while its western part belong to newly formed
Roman province Prevalitana with capital in Doclea. Justinian I, who assumed the throne of the Byzantine Empire in 527, oversaw a
period of Byzantine expansion into former Roman territories, and re-absorbed the area of Kosovo into the empire. He is often
referred to by historians as the last "Roman" emperor because Latin was his native tongue and because he was the last emperor to
make a serious attempt to reunite the Latin-speaking West with the East. The Slavic migrations reached the Balkans in the 6th to 7th
century. The area was absorbed into the Byzantine empire in the 850s. The region was incorporated into the Bulgarian Empire
during the reign of Khan Presian (836-852). Numerous churches and monasteries were constructed after the Christianization of
Bulgaria in 864. It remained within the borders of Bulgaria for 150 years until 1018 when the country was overrun by the Byzantines
after half-century bitter struggle. Byzantine control was subsequently reasserted by the forceful emperor Basil II. Serbia at this time
was not a united empire: a number of small Serbian kingdoms lay to the north and west of Kosovo, of which Raška (central modern
Serbia) and Duklja (Montenegro) were the strongest. In the 1180s, the Serbian ruler Stefan Nemanja seized control of Duklja and
parts of Kosovo. His successor, Stefan Prvovenčani took control of the rest of Kosovo by 1216, creating a state incorporating
most of the area which is now Serbia and Montenegro. Kosovo was absorbed into Serbia in the late 12th century, and was part of
the Serbian Empire from 1346 to 1371. In 1389, in the famous Battle of Kosovo the army of the Serbian Prince Lazar Hrebljanovic
was defeated by the Ottoman Turks, who finally took control of the territory in 1455. In 1355, the Serbian state fell apart on the
death of Tsar Stefan Dušan and dissolved into squabbling fiefdoms. The timing fell perfectly within the Ottoman expansion. The
Ottoman Empire took the opportunity to exploit Serbian weakness and invaded. The First Battle of Kosovo occurred on the field of
Kosovo Polje on June 28, 1389, when the ruling knez (prince) of Serbia, Lazar Hrebeljanović, marshalled a coalition of Christian
soldiers, made up of Serbs, but also of Bosnian Serbs, Magyars and a troop of Saxon mercenaries. Although the battle has been
mythologised as a great Serbian defeat, at the time opinion was divided as to whether it was a Serbian defeat, a stalemate or
possibly even a Serbian victory. Serbia maintained its independence and sporadic control of Kosovo until a final defeat in 1455,
following which Serbia became part of the Ottoman Empire. The Second Battle of Kosovo was fought over the course of a two-
day period in October 1448, between a Hungarian force lead by John Hunyadi and an Ottoman army lead by Murad II. The
Ottomans brought Islam with them and later also created the Vilayet of Kosovo as one of the Ottoman territorial entities. Ottoman
rule lasted for about 500 years, in which time the Ottomans were the absolute paramount power in the region. Many Slavs accepted
Islam and served under Ottomans. Kosovo was taken temporarily by the Austrian forces during the War of 1683–1699 with help
of Serbs but were defeated and retreated shortly thereafter. In 1690, the Serbian Patriarch of Peć Arsenije III, who previously
escaped a certain death, led 37,000 families from Kosovo, to evade Ottoman wrath since Kosovo had just been retaken by the
Ottomans. The people that followed him were mostly Serbs. Due to the oppression from the Ottomans, other migrations of
Orthodox people from the Kosovo area continued throughout the 18th century. It is also noted that many Albanians adopted Islam,
whilst only a very small minority of Serbs did so. In 1766, the Ottomans abolished the Patriarchate of Peć and the position of
Christians in Kosovo was greatly reduced. All previous privileges were lost, and the Christian population had to suffer the full weight
of the Empire's extensive and losing wars, even having blame forced upon them for the losses. During the 1877–1878 Russo-
Turkish war, the Serbian troops invaded the northeastern part of the province of Kosovo deporting 160,000 ethnic Albanians from
640 localities. Following the First Balkan War of 1912, Kosovo was internationally recognised as a part of Serbia and northern
Metohija as a part of Montenegro at the Treaty of London in May 1913. In 1918, Serbia became a part of the newly-formed
Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. The partition of Yugoslavia by the Axis Powers from 1941 and 1945 awarded most of
the territory to the Italian-occupied Greater Albania, and a smaller part of it to German-occupied Serbia and Greater Bulgaria.
Following the end of the war and the establishment of Tito's Communist regime, Kosovo was granted the status of an autonomous
region of Serbia in 1946 and became an autonomous province in 1963. With the passing of the 1974 Yugoslavia constitution,
Kosovo gained virtual self-government. Throughout the 1980s tensions between the Albanian and Serb communities in the province
escalated. The Albanian community favoured greater autonomy for Kosovo, whilst Serbs favored closer ties with the rest of Serbia.
Serbs living in Kosovo were discriminated by the provincial government (the term "ethnic cleansing" was coined to denote these
actions), notably by the local law enforcement authorities failing to punish reported crimes against Serbs. In 1989, the autonomy of
Kosovo and the northern province of Vojvodina was drastically reduced by a Serbia-wide referendum. The referendum
implemented a new constitution which allowed a multi-party system, introduced freedom of speech and promoted human rights.
After the constitutional changes, the parliaments of all Yugoslavian republics and provinces, which until then had MPs only from the
Communist Party of Yugoslavia, were dissolved and multi-party elections were held for them. Kosovo Albanians refused to
participate in the elections and held their own, unsanctioned elections instead. Albanian opposition to sovereignty of Yugoslavia and
especially Serbia had surfaced in rioting (1968 and March 1981) in the capital Priština. Ibrahim Rugova initially advocated non-
violent resistance, but later opposition took the form of separatist agitation by opposition political groups and armed action from
1996 by the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA). In March 1998, Yugoslav army units joined Serbian police to fight the separatists,
using military force. In the months that followed, thousands of Albanian civilians were killed and more than 500,000 fled their
homes; most of these people were Albanian. Following the breakdown of negotiations between Serbian and Albanian
representatives, under North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) auspices, NATO intervened on March 24, 1999 without United
Nations authority. The war ended on June 10, 1999 with the Serbian and Yugoslav governments signing the Kumanovo agreement
which agreed to transfer governance of the province to the United Nations. Since the end of the war, Kosovo has been a major
source and destination country in the trafficking of women, women forced into prostitution and sexual slavery. The growth in the sex
trade industry has been fuelled by NATO forces in Kosovo. On Feb 17th 2008 2008 Kosovo's Parliament declared independence,
to mixed international reactions.
Source: Wikipedia: History of Kosovo
| ECONOMIC OVERVIEW |
Over the past few years Kosovo's economy has shown significant progress in transitioning to a market-based system and
maintaining macroeconomic stability, but it is still highly dependent on the international community and the diaspora for financial and
technical assistance. Remittances from the diaspora - located mainly in Germany and Switzerland - are estimated to account for
about 15% of GDP, and donor-financed activities and aid for another 15%. Kosovo's citizens are the poorest in Europe with an
average annual per capita income of only $2,500. Unemployment, around 40% of the population, is a significant problem that
encourages outward migration and black market activity. Most of Kosovo's population lives in rural towns outside of the capital,
Pristina. Inefficient, near-subsistence farming is common - the result of small plots, limited mechanization, and lack of technical
expertise. With international assistance, Kosovo has been able to privatize 50% of its state-owned enterprises (SOEs) by number,
and over 90% of SOEs by value. Minerals and metals - including lignite, lead, zinc, nickel, chrome, aluminum, magnesium, and a
wide variety of construction materials - once formed the backbone of industry, but output has declined because of ageing equipment
and insufficient investment. A limited and unreliable electricity supply due to technical and financial problems is a major impediment
to economic development. Kosovo's Ministry of Energy and Mining has solicited expressions of interest from private investors to
develop a new power plant in order to address Kosovo and the region's unmet and growing demands for power. The official
currency of Kosovo is the euro, but the Serbian dinar is also used in Serb enclaves. Kosovo's tie to the euro has helped keep core
inflation low. Kosovo has one of the most open economies in the region, and continues to work with the international community on
measures to improve the business environment and attract foreign investment.
Source: CIA World Factbook (select Kosovo)
maintaining macroeconomic stability, but it is still highly dependent on the international community and the diaspora for financial and
technical assistance. Remittances from the diaspora - located mainly in Germany and Switzerland - are estimated to account for
about 15% of GDP, and donor-financed activities and aid for another 15%. Kosovo's citizens are the poorest in Europe with an
average annual per capita income of only $2,500. Unemployment, around 40% of the population, is a significant problem that
encourages outward migration and black market activity. Most of Kosovo's population lives in rural towns outside of the capital,
Pristina. Inefficient, near-subsistence farming is common - the result of small plots, limited mechanization, and lack of technical
expertise. With international assistance, Kosovo has been able to privatize 50% of its state-owned enterprises (SOEs) by number,
and over 90% of SOEs by value. Minerals and metals - including lignite, lead, zinc, nickel, chrome, aluminum, magnesium, and a
wide variety of construction materials - once formed the backbone of industry, but output has declined because of ageing equipment
and insufficient investment. A limited and unreliable electricity supply due to technical and financial problems is a major impediment
to economic development. Kosovo's Ministry of Energy and Mining has solicited expressions of interest from private investors to
develop a new power plant in order to address Kosovo and the region's unmet and growing demands for power. The official
currency of Kosovo is the euro, but the Serbian dinar is also used in Serb enclaves. Kosovo's tie to the euro has helped keep core
inflation low. Kosovo has one of the most open economies in the region, and continues to work with the international community on
measures to improve the business environment and attract foreign investment.
Source: CIA World Factbook (select Kosovo)
| POLITICAL CLIMATE |
On February 10, 2007, nearly 3,000 people protested against the plan by United Nations chief negotiator Martti Ahtisaari which
would in effect grant independence to the Kosovo province. Some militant ethnic Albanian groups, like Vetevendosje
(Self-determination) that led the Saturday ethnic Albanian protests in Pristina, oppose UN sponsored talks and want the Kosovo
parliament to declare independence immediately. On Tuesday February 13, 2007, Kosovo interior minister Fatmir Rexhepi
resigned after two people died of injuries suffered in clashes with police during the protest.[1]
Elections were held in Kosovo on 17 November 2007. After early results on the morning of the 18th indicating opposition leader
Hashim Thaçi was on course to gain 35 per cent of the vote, he claimed victory for PDK, the Albanian Democratic Party, and
stated his intention to declare independence. President Fatmir Sejdiu's Democratic League was in second place with 22 percent of
the vote. The turnout at the election was particularly low with most Serbs refusing to vote.[3]
On December 25th, 2007 it was announced Thaci's Democratic Party of Kosovo would form a coallition with President Fatmir
Sejdiu's Democratic League forming a slight majority of 62 seats out of 120. Thaci's government will include 7 ministers from his
party, 5 ministers from LDK and 3 ministers from non-Albanian communities.[4]
Following years of failed negotiations on the status of Kosovo in Serbia, PISG Prime Minister of Kosovo Hashim Thaçi announced
on 16 February 2008 that the Assembly of Kosovo would declare independence the following day, 17 February 2008 at 17:00h.
The independent Republic of Kosovo has since been recognised by several states.
Source: Wikipedia: Politics of Kosovo
would in effect grant independence to the Kosovo province. Some militant ethnic Albanian groups, like Vetevendosje
(Self-determination) that led the Saturday ethnic Albanian protests in Pristina, oppose UN sponsored talks and want the Kosovo
parliament to declare independence immediately. On Tuesday February 13, 2007, Kosovo interior minister Fatmir Rexhepi
resigned after two people died of injuries suffered in clashes with police during the protest.[1]
Elections were held in Kosovo on 17 November 2007. After early results on the morning of the 18th indicating opposition leader
Hashim Thaçi was on course to gain 35 per cent of the vote, he claimed victory for PDK, the Albanian Democratic Party, and
stated his intention to declare independence. President Fatmir Sejdiu's Democratic League was in second place with 22 percent of
the vote. The turnout at the election was particularly low with most Serbs refusing to vote.[3]
On December 25th, 2007 it was announced Thaci's Democratic Party of Kosovo would form a coallition with President Fatmir
Sejdiu's Democratic League forming a slight majority of 62 seats out of 120. Thaci's government will include 7 ministers from his
party, 5 ministers from LDK and 3 ministers from non-Albanian communities.[4]
Following years of failed negotiations on the status of Kosovo in Serbia, PISG Prime Minister of Kosovo Hashim Thaçi announced
on 16 February 2008 that the Assembly of Kosovo would declare independence the following day, 17 February 2008 at 17:00h.
The independent Republic of Kosovo has since been recognised by several states.
Source: Wikipedia: Politics of Kosovo
| INTERNATIONAL DISPUTES |
Serbia with several other states protest the US and other states' recognition of Kosovo's declaring itself as a sovereign and
independent state in February 2008; ethnic Serbian municipalities along Kosovo's northern border challenge final status of
Kosovo-Serbia boundary; several thousand NATO-led KFOR peacekeepers under UNMIK authority continue to keep the peace
within Kosovo between the ethnic Albanian majority and the Serb minority in Kosovo; Kosovo and Macedonia completed
demarcation of their boundary in September 2008
independent state in February 2008; ethnic Serbian municipalities along Kosovo's northern border challenge final status of
Kosovo-Serbia boundary; several thousand NATO-led KFOR peacekeepers under UNMIK authority continue to keep the peace
within Kosovo between the ethnic Albanian majority and the Serb minority in Kosovo; Kosovo and Macedonia completed
demarcation of their boundary in September 2008
| REFUGEES AND INTERNALLY DISPLACED PERSONS (IDPS) |
IDP's: 21,000
| ILLICIT DRUGS |
None reported.
| HUMAN RIGHTS STATEMENTS, ANALYSIS AND CRITIQUES |
2008 Human Rights Report: Kosovo
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
2008 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
February 25, 2009
Kosovo declared independence from Serbia on February 17. The country has a population of approximately 2.2 million. The UN Interim
Administrative Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) administered Kosovo under the authority of UN Security Council (UNSC) Resolution 1244
of 1999 until June 15, when the country's constitution entered into effect. The constitution establishes a parliamentary democracy and
incorporates international human rights conventions and treaties. Multiparty elections in November 2007 for the Assembly generally
reflected the will of the voters. Prior to February 17, Kosovo was administered under the civil authority of UNMIK, led by a special
representative of the UN secretary-general (SRSG). The government gradually assumed authority and responsibilities in most areas
during the year. With the promulgation of the constitution in June, the UNMIK role in the administration of Kosovo was supplanted by
other internationally-sponsored mechanisms envisioned under the Ahtisaari plan, including the International Civilian Office and the EU
Rule of Law Mission (EULEX), which replaced UNMIK police on December 9. The government, UNMIK international civilian
authorities, and the UN-authorized North Atlantic Treaty Organization peacekeeping force for Kosovo (KFOR) generally maintained
effective control over security forces.
The government and UNMIK generally respected the human rights of residents; however, there were problems in some areas,
particularly relating to minority communities. The most serious of these were:
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
2008 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
February 25, 2009
Kosovo declared independence from Serbia on February 17. The country has a population of approximately 2.2 million. The UN Interim
Administrative Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) administered Kosovo under the authority of UN Security Council (UNSC) Resolution 1244
of 1999 until June 15, when the country's constitution entered into effect. The constitution establishes a parliamentary democracy and
incorporates international human rights conventions and treaties. Multiparty elections in November 2007 for the Assembly generally
reflected the will of the voters. Prior to February 17, Kosovo was administered under the civil authority of UNMIK, led by a special
representative of the UN secretary-general (SRSG). The government gradually assumed authority and responsibilities in most areas
during the year. With the promulgation of the constitution in June, the UNMIK role in the administration of Kosovo was supplanted by
other internationally-sponsored mechanisms envisioned under the Ahtisaari plan, including the International Civilian Office and the EU
Rule of Law Mission (EULEX), which replaced UNMIK police on December 9. The government, UNMIK international civilian
authorities, and the UN-authorized North Atlantic Treaty Organization peacekeeping force for Kosovo (KFOR) generally maintained
effective control over security forces.
The government and UNMIK generally respected the human rights of residents; however, there were problems in some areas,
particularly relating to minority communities. The most serious of these were:
- deaths and injuries from unexploded ordnance or landmines;
- corruption and government interference in security forces and the judiciary;
- lengthy pretrial detention and lack of judicial due process;
- cases of politically and ethnically motivated violence;
- societal antipathy against Serbs and the Serbian Orthodox Church;
- lack of progress in returning internally displaced persons to their homes;
- government corruption;
- violence and discrimination against women;
- trafficking in persons, particularly girls and women for sexual exploitation;
- societal violence, abuse, and discrimination against minority communities;
- societal discrimination against persons with disabilities;
- abuse and discrimination against homosexuals;
- child labor in the informal sector.
28 March 2008
Report of the Secretary-General on the United Nations
Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo
I. Introduction
1. The present report is submitted pursuant to Security Council resolution 1244 (1999), by which the Council decided to establish the
United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) and requested the Secretary-General to report at regular intervals on
the implementation of the mandate. It covers the activities of UNMIK, and developments related thereto, from 16 December 2007 to
1 March 2008.
IX. Human rights
22. UNMIK continued its dialogue with United Nations treaty-monitoring bodies. A report was delivered to the Committee on Economic,
Social and Cultural Rights in October 2007 and will be considered later this year. An additional report to the Human Rights Committee
will be submitted by April. A report to the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women is pending.
23. The overall compliance with the Prime Minister’s administrative instructions regarding the establishment of human rights units within
ministries reached approximately 70 per cent late in 2007. However, many ministries still lacked appropriate levels of human and other
resources in human rights units to ensure their effective operation. Another obstacle was the different interpretation of the mandate of
the Prime Minister’s Advisory Office on Good Governance, Human Rights, Equal Opportunity and Gender and the Prime Minister’s
Office for Gender Equality.
24. The Human Rights Advisory Panel has held three working sessions since its inaugural session in November 2007. The Panel elected
its Presiding Member, adopted its rules of procedure and continued with its examination of complaints, dealing with issues such as
property rights and access to courts. It delivered its first decision in February.
25. In March the Kosovo Assembly issued a new call for nominations for the position of Ombudsperson. This will be the third attempt
by the Assembly to appoint an Ombudsperson. An Acting Ombudsperson has been in place for more than two years. It is hoped that the
Assembly will move expeditiously to complete the appointment process, while also ensuring that the process adheres to the highest
international standards so as to maintain the independence and impartiality of the institution.
Click here to read more »
Report of the Secretary-General on the United Nations
Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo
I. Introduction
1. The present report is submitted pursuant to Security Council resolution 1244 (1999), by which the Council decided to establish the
United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) and requested the Secretary-General to report at regular intervals on
the implementation of the mandate. It covers the activities of UNMIK, and developments related thereto, from 16 December 2007 to
1 March 2008.
IX. Human rights
22. UNMIK continued its dialogue with United Nations treaty-monitoring bodies. A report was delivered to the Committee on Economic,
Social and Cultural Rights in October 2007 and will be considered later this year. An additional report to the Human Rights Committee
will be submitted by April. A report to the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women is pending.
23. The overall compliance with the Prime Minister’s administrative instructions regarding the establishment of human rights units within
ministries reached approximately 70 per cent late in 2007. However, many ministries still lacked appropriate levels of human and other
resources in human rights units to ensure their effective operation. Another obstacle was the different interpretation of the mandate of
the Prime Minister’s Advisory Office on Good Governance, Human Rights, Equal Opportunity and Gender and the Prime Minister’s
Office for Gender Equality.
24. The Human Rights Advisory Panel has held three working sessions since its inaugural session in November 2007. The Panel elected
its Presiding Member, adopted its rules of procedure and continued with its examination of complaints, dealing with issues such as
property rights and access to courts. It delivered its first decision in February.
25. In March the Kosovo Assembly issued a new call for nominations for the position of Ombudsperson. This will be the third attempt
by the Assembly to appoint an Ombudsperson. An Acting Ombudsperson has been in place for more than two years. It is hoped that the
Assembly will move expeditiously to complete the appointment process, while also ensuring that the process adheres to the highest
international standards so as to maintain the independence and impartiality of the institution.
Click here to read more »
Freedom In The World 2009 Report
Political Rights Score: 6
Civil Liberties Score: 5
Status: Not Free
Overview
In February 2008, Kosovo formally declared independence from Serbia, eventually winning recognition from the United States and most
European countries, but not from Serbia or the majority of United Nations member states. Within Kosovo, ethnic Serb enclaves refused
to accept the Albanian majority’s independence declaration, and the move did little to change Kosovo’s internal problems.
In November 2007, the PDK won 36 of 120 seats in Kosovo Assembly elections, followed by the LDK with 25, the New Kosovo
Alliance (AKR) with 13, an alliance of the Albanian Christian Democratic Party of Kosovo (PShDK) and the Democratic League of
Dardania (LDD) with 11, and the AAK with 10. Smaller factions took the remainder. The PDK and LDK formed a coalition government
in late December, with Thaci as prime minister.
The Assembly formally declared Kosovo’s independence from Serbia on February 17, 2008. It was quickly recognized by the United
States and most European Union (EU) countries. However, important countries including Russia, China, Brazil, India, and Indonesia
refused to follow suit. By year’s end, Kosovo had been recognized by less than 30 percent of the international community. Moreover,
the resistance by Russia and China ensured that Kosovo would not gain membership in the UN or other international organizations, and
UNSCR 1244, which recognized Serbia’s sovereignty in Kosovo, had not been superseded.
Complicating the picture further, Kosovo’s Serb municipalities in June formed an “Assembly of the Union of Municipalities of the
Autonomous Province of Kosovo and Metohija” that refused to recognize Pristina’s declaration of independence and affirmed its
continuing allegiance to Belgrade. In December, a deal was reached between Serbia and the UN Security Council to deploy EULEX—an
EU mission tasked with helping to develop Kosovo’s law enforcement and judicial institutions—under the mandate of UNSCR 1244, but
it was unclear whether this arrangement would work in practice. The ongoing legal uncertainty, which the independence declaration had
been designed in part to resolve, threatened to undermine Kosovo’s future economic and political development.
According to a new constitution that took effect in June 2008, indigenous political institutions such as the state presidency and the
Kosovo Assembly have governmental authority in Kosovo. However, an International Civilian Representative (ICR) will retain the
authority to override legislation and decisions deemed to be at odds with the Ahtisaari Plan, which calls for human rights and minority
protections. The ICR is selected by a steering group of countries that have recognized Kosovo’s independence, and doubles as the EU
representative in Kosovo. Members of the unicameral, 120-seat Kosovo Assembly are elected to three-year terms, and 20 seats are
reserved for ethnic minorities. The Assembly elects the president, who also serves a three-year term. The president nominates the prime
minister, who must then be approved by the Assembly.
Click here to read more »
Political Rights Score: 6
Civil Liberties Score: 5
Status: Not Free
Overview
In February 2008, Kosovo formally declared independence from Serbia, eventually winning recognition from the United States and most
European countries, but not from Serbia or the majority of United Nations member states. Within Kosovo, ethnic Serb enclaves refused
to accept the Albanian majority’s independence declaration, and the move did little to change Kosovo’s internal problems.
In November 2007, the PDK won 36 of 120 seats in Kosovo Assembly elections, followed by the LDK with 25, the New Kosovo
Alliance (AKR) with 13, an alliance of the Albanian Christian Democratic Party of Kosovo (PShDK) and the Democratic League of
Dardania (LDD) with 11, and the AAK with 10. Smaller factions took the remainder. The PDK and LDK formed a coalition government
in late December, with Thaci as prime minister.
The Assembly formally declared Kosovo’s independence from Serbia on February 17, 2008. It was quickly recognized by the United
States and most European Union (EU) countries. However, important countries including Russia, China, Brazil, India, and Indonesia
refused to follow suit. By year’s end, Kosovo had been recognized by less than 30 percent of the international community. Moreover,
the resistance by Russia and China ensured that Kosovo would not gain membership in the UN or other international organizations, and
UNSCR 1244, which recognized Serbia’s sovereignty in Kosovo, had not been superseded.
Complicating the picture further, Kosovo’s Serb municipalities in June formed an “Assembly of the Union of Municipalities of the
Autonomous Province of Kosovo and Metohija” that refused to recognize Pristina’s declaration of independence and affirmed its
continuing allegiance to Belgrade. In December, a deal was reached between Serbia and the UN Security Council to deploy EULEX—an
EU mission tasked with helping to develop Kosovo’s law enforcement and judicial institutions—under the mandate of UNSCR 1244, but
it was unclear whether this arrangement would work in practice. The ongoing legal uncertainty, which the independence declaration had
been designed in part to resolve, threatened to undermine Kosovo’s future economic and political development.
According to a new constitution that took effect in June 2008, indigenous political institutions such as the state presidency and the
Kosovo Assembly have governmental authority in Kosovo. However, an International Civilian Representative (ICR) will retain the
authority to override legislation and decisions deemed to be at odds with the Ahtisaari Plan, which calls for human rights and minority
protections. The ICR is selected by a steering group of countries that have recognized Kosovo’s independence, and doubles as the EU
representative in Kosovo. Members of the unicameral, 120-seat Kosovo Assembly are elected to three-year terms, and 20 seats are
reserved for ethnic minorities. The Assembly elects the president, who also serves a three-year term. The president nominates the prime
minister, who must then be approved by the Assembly.
Click here to read more »
8 February 2010
Kosovo: Justice delayed is justice denied
On the third anniversary of the unlawful killings of Mon Balaj and Arbën Xheladini and serious injury of Zenel Zeneli and Mustafë
Nerjovaj in Pristina on 10 February 2007, Amnesty International calls on the Special Representative of the UN Secretary General (SRSG)
to ensure that the families of Mon Balaj and Arbën Xheladini, and two injured men, Zenel Zeneli, Mustafë Nerjovaj are granted access to
justice, by allowing their complaint to be heard by the Human Rights Advisory Panel.
Mon Balaj and Arben Xheladini were killed during a demonstration against a proposal on the future status of Kosovo issued by UN
Special Envoy Martti Ahtisaari in the capital, Pristina. Although the demonstration was non-violent, the police of the UN Interim
Administration Mission in Kosovo (UMIK) used tear-gas to disperse the demonstrators when they refused to turn away from the Kosovo
parliament. In addition, members of a Romanian Formed Police Unit (FPU) under UNMIK control fired rubber bullets at demonstrators.
Mon Balaj and Arben Xheladini were killed, and Zenel Zeneli and Mustafë Nerjovaj and others were injured by rubber bullets.
An internal UNMIK investigation in 2007 found that the cause of death and injury was the improper use of rubber bullets by members of
the Romanian FPU. Despite an investigation by a military prosecutor in Romania the officers responsible have not been identified or
brought to justice. Nor have those who ordered, or failed to prevent, the use of rubber bullets, (found by the internal UNMIK
investigation to have been out of date and not safe for use) been held to account.
Amnesty International notes with concern that it appears increasingly unlikely that those responsible for the unlawful killings and serious
injuries will be held to account, or reparations awarded to the two injured men and the families of those killed. However, the organization
notes that criminal proceedings have been reopened against Albin Kurti, charged with organizing and participating in the Vetëvendosje!
demonstration on 10 February 2007.
Amnesty International is deeply concerned the victims of that day have not yet been granted access to justice. It is now three years since
the Balaj and Xheladini families lost their sons in tragic circumstances and Zenel Zeneli and Mustafë Nerjovaj were wounded. Amnesty
International considers their pain and suffering has been unduly prolonged as a result of UNMIK’s failure to allow them access to an
effective remedy.
A complaint was made against UNMIK by Zenel Zeneli and Mustafë Nerjovaj and the parents of the two deceased to the Human Rights
Advisory Panel (HRAP) on 19 March 2008. The HRAP was introduced by law by UNMIK in March 2006 to provide remedies for acts
and omissions by UNMIK. The HRAP does not have powers to initiate a criminal investigation, but may recommend to UNMIK that
such an investigation be initiated
Click here to read more »
Kosovo: Justice delayed is justice denied
On the third anniversary of the unlawful killings of Mon Balaj and Arbën Xheladini and serious injury of Zenel Zeneli and Mustafë
Nerjovaj in Pristina on 10 February 2007, Amnesty International calls on the Special Representative of the UN Secretary General (SRSG)
to ensure that the families of Mon Balaj and Arbën Xheladini, and two injured men, Zenel Zeneli, Mustafë Nerjovaj are granted access to
justice, by allowing their complaint to be heard by the Human Rights Advisory Panel.
Mon Balaj and Arben Xheladini were killed during a demonstration against a proposal on the future status of Kosovo issued by UN
Special Envoy Martti Ahtisaari in the capital, Pristina. Although the demonstration was non-violent, the police of the UN Interim
Administration Mission in Kosovo (UMIK) used tear-gas to disperse the demonstrators when they refused to turn away from the Kosovo
parliament. In addition, members of a Romanian Formed Police Unit (FPU) under UNMIK control fired rubber bullets at demonstrators.
Mon Balaj and Arben Xheladini were killed, and Zenel Zeneli and Mustafë Nerjovaj and others were injured by rubber bullets.
An internal UNMIK investigation in 2007 found that the cause of death and injury was the improper use of rubber bullets by members of
the Romanian FPU. Despite an investigation by a military prosecutor in Romania the officers responsible have not been identified or
brought to justice. Nor have those who ordered, or failed to prevent, the use of rubber bullets, (found by the internal UNMIK
investigation to have been out of date and not safe for use) been held to account.
Amnesty International notes with concern that it appears increasingly unlikely that those responsible for the unlawful killings and serious
injuries will be held to account, or reparations awarded to the two injured men and the families of those killed. However, the organization
notes that criminal proceedings have been reopened against Albin Kurti, charged with organizing and participating in the Vetëvendosje!
demonstration on 10 February 2007.
Amnesty International is deeply concerned the victims of that day have not yet been granted access to justice. It is now three years since
the Balaj and Xheladini families lost their sons in tragic circumstances and Zenel Zeneli and Mustafë Nerjovaj were wounded. Amnesty
International considers their pain and suffering has been unduly prolonged as a result of UNMIK’s failure to allow them access to an
effective remedy.
A complaint was made against UNMIK by Zenel Zeneli and Mustafë Nerjovaj and the parents of the two deceased to the Human Rights
Advisory Panel (HRAP) on 19 March 2008. The HRAP was introduced by law by UNMIK in March 2006 to provide remedies for acts
and omissions by UNMIK. The HRAP does not have powers to initiate a criminal investigation, but may recommend to UNMIK that
such an investigation be initiated
Click here to read more »
Slow Progress on Rights in Kosovo
by Benjamin Ward
Published in: The European Voice
February 24, 2010
When Kosovo declared independence in February 2008, there was optimism that after almost a decade of drift, greater self-government
and a newly energized international presence led by the EU might finally move it in the right direction.
Two years on, there is not much to celebrate. Despite its new authority, the government in Pristina tends either to gloss over Kosovo's
human rights failings or to blame international agencies for the problems. The rule of law remains weak, despite some efforts by the EU
police and justice mission. And the overall picture for Kosovo's already vulnerable Roma, Ashkali and Egyptian minorities seems to be
getting worse, not better.
After a slow start (complicated by wrangling with member states, Serbia and the UN alike) the EU police and justice mission (EULEX)
has made some positive steps, including setting up a mechanism to review any allegations of human rights abuse against it. EULEX has
also sent some encouraging signals on accountability for war crimes, an issue on which Kosovo lags years behind other parts of the
Balkans. It opened an investigation, for example, into the fate of 400 missing people, mostly Serbs, who were allegedly transferred in
1999 to detention facilities in Albania by the rebel Kosovo Liberation Army.
But the rule of law remains weak. The government in Pristina continues to dismiss the alleged 1999 transfers rather than investigating
them. There has been little progress in bringing to justice those most responsible for anti-minority riots in 2004, a litmus test for the
justice system. And the lack of a war crimes strategy has hampered efforts to identify the highest-priority cases among the hundreds of
files the EU inherited from the UN.
Lack of clarity about Kosovo's status has hindered progress in the justice system. The issue of witness relocation is a case in point. It is
widely acknowledged that fears of reprisals make witnesses reluctant to testify. In crimes involving attacks on minorities, political
violence or organized crime in particular, often the only way to guarantee witness security is to relocate witnesses and their families
outside the region.
Given the EU's objectives in Kosovo, relocating witnesses would seem like an obvious area for joint action, especially since individual
member states are reluctant to volunteer. Yet the lack of consensus among member states about Kosovo's status has frustrated a
common approach, undermining efforts to deliver justice for the most serious crimes.
Click here to read more »
by Benjamin Ward
Published in: The European Voice
February 24, 2010
When Kosovo declared independence in February 2008, there was optimism that after almost a decade of drift, greater self-government
and a newly energized international presence led by the EU might finally move it in the right direction.
Two years on, there is not much to celebrate. Despite its new authority, the government in Pristina tends either to gloss over Kosovo's
human rights failings or to blame international agencies for the problems. The rule of law remains weak, despite some efforts by the EU
police and justice mission. And the overall picture for Kosovo's already vulnerable Roma, Ashkali and Egyptian minorities seems to be
getting worse, not better.
After a slow start (complicated by wrangling with member states, Serbia and the UN alike) the EU police and justice mission (EULEX)
has made some positive steps, including setting up a mechanism to review any allegations of human rights abuse against it. EULEX has
also sent some encouraging signals on accountability for war crimes, an issue on which Kosovo lags years behind other parts of the
Balkans. It opened an investigation, for example, into the fate of 400 missing people, mostly Serbs, who were allegedly transferred in
1999 to detention facilities in Albania by the rebel Kosovo Liberation Army.
But the rule of law remains weak. The government in Pristina continues to dismiss the alleged 1999 transfers rather than investigating
them. There has been little progress in bringing to justice those most responsible for anti-minority riots in 2004, a litmus test for the
justice system. And the lack of a war crimes strategy has hampered efforts to identify the highest-priority cases among the hundreds of
files the EU inherited from the UN.
Lack of clarity about Kosovo's status has hindered progress in the justice system. The issue of witness relocation is a case in point. It is
widely acknowledged that fears of reprisals make witnesses reluctant to testify. In crimes involving attacks on minorities, political
violence or organized crime in particular, often the only way to guarantee witness security is to relocate witnesses and their families
outside the region.
Given the EU's objectives in Kosovo, relocating witnesses would seem like an obvious area for joint action, especially since individual
member states are reluctant to volunteer. Yet the lack of consensus among member states about Kosovo's status has frustrated a
common approach, undermining efforts to deliver justice for the most serious crimes.
Click here to read more »
01 January 2010
Interview: Dr. Fatmir Sejdiu, President of Kosovo
"Recognition and UN membership would settle down all the artificial tensions and cut Serbia's illusions of impeding the development of
Kosovo," Sejdiu said. "We can do our part [to gain more support], but so can the other countries who have already recognized Kosovo
do more to influence those who have not yet done so."
Serbia, of course, heads the list of states opposing independent Kosovo, but there are some states holding back recognition who have
little sympathy for Serbia's behavior during the last decade of the Twentieth Century. States like Spain, Ukraine, or Romania, who worry
that recognizing Kosovo will not only irritate Belgrade but encourage separatists at home. This is "very unjust," in Sejdiu's view, since the
former Yugoslavia was a federation that, once dissolved, left all constituent parts free to decide their own destiny. "The internal issues
[of other European states] cannot be compared to Kosovo and its history," he says.
As a result, the Latin legal phrase sui generis -- applied by UN mediator Martti Ahtisaari to describe Kosovo not being a precedent -- is a
constant part of President Sejdiu's vocabulary as he makes speeches before groups like the World Affairs Council of Northern California.
There are other, unfortunate, ways in which Kosovo is sui generis -- unique, or nearly so. With a presence of some 12,000 foreign
troops from NATO member states, and an EU-appointed administrator, Kosovo exercises control over only 80 percent of the goods
crossing its frontier. Corruption and crime are serious threats and, says Sejdiu, the country loses five million Euros per month from graft
and theft. "This is a lot for a country our size," he notes, in a remarkable understatement.
For all its existential problems, Kosovo is not a failed state -- not a state like Yemen or worse, Somalia -- states that have known an
existence and then fallen into disorder. In its favor: a unique and cohesive Albanian-language culture that includes strains of Islam and
Christianity (Catholicism and Orthodoxy) that co-exist in a secular state. The Serbian minority in Kosovo, apart from the area near
Mitrovica in the north, appears to have accepted Pristine-based institutions. Under the Kosovar constitution, these Serbs are guaranteed a
disproportionately high number of seats in the country's parliament and use of Serbian as an official language. No law may be passed
without the approval of two-thirds of the ethnic Serb parliamentarians.
Kosovo has to fully exist before it can be said to have failed. And for it to fully exist it will require an international community that invites
it to participate fully in international organizations such as the United Nations, the OSCE and eventually the EU.
Until then, the world's youngest state is on the sidelines, counting its supporters and counting on support. So far, the count is 65.
Click here to read more »
Interview: Dr. Fatmir Sejdiu, President of Kosovo
"Recognition and UN membership would settle down all the artificial tensions and cut Serbia's illusions of impeding the development of
Kosovo," Sejdiu said. "We can do our part [to gain more support], but so can the other countries who have already recognized Kosovo
do more to influence those who have not yet done so."
Serbia, of course, heads the list of states opposing independent Kosovo, but there are some states holding back recognition who have
little sympathy for Serbia's behavior during the last decade of the Twentieth Century. States like Spain, Ukraine, or Romania, who worry
that recognizing Kosovo will not only irritate Belgrade but encourage separatists at home. This is "very unjust," in Sejdiu's view, since the
former Yugoslavia was a federation that, once dissolved, left all constituent parts free to decide their own destiny. "The internal issues
[of other European states] cannot be compared to Kosovo and its history," he says.
As a result, the Latin legal phrase sui generis -- applied by UN mediator Martti Ahtisaari to describe Kosovo not being a precedent -- is a
constant part of President Sejdiu's vocabulary as he makes speeches before groups like the World Affairs Council of Northern California.
There are other, unfortunate, ways in which Kosovo is sui generis -- unique, or nearly so. With a presence of some 12,000 foreign
troops from NATO member states, and an EU-appointed administrator, Kosovo exercises control over only 80 percent of the goods
crossing its frontier. Corruption and crime are serious threats and, says Sejdiu, the country loses five million Euros per month from graft
and theft. "This is a lot for a country our size," he notes, in a remarkable understatement.
For all its existential problems, Kosovo is not a failed state -- not a state like Yemen or worse, Somalia -- states that have known an
existence and then fallen into disorder. In its favor: a unique and cohesive Albanian-language culture that includes strains of Islam and
Christianity (Catholicism and Orthodoxy) that co-exist in a secular state. The Serbian minority in Kosovo, apart from the area near
Mitrovica in the north, appears to have accepted Pristine-based institutions. Under the Kosovar constitution, these Serbs are guaranteed a
disproportionately high number of seats in the country's parliament and use of Serbian as an official language. No law may be passed
without the approval of two-thirds of the ethnic Serb parliamentarians.
Kosovo has to fully exist before it can be said to have failed. And for it to fully exist it will require an international community that invites
it to participate fully in international organizations such as the United Nations, the OSCE and eventually the EU.
Until then, the world's youngest state is on the sidelines, counting its supporters and counting on support. So far, the count is 65.
Click here to read more »
TRANSLATED FROM ALBANIAN BY GOOGLE TRANSLATE
Ombudsman Institution
December 10, 2009, Pristina
STATEMENT Ombudsman
Mr. SAMI Kurteshi, 10 DHJETORIT- OCCASION OF INTERNATIONAL DAY FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Freedom and human rights now constitute values are universal and common human heritage. It is now indisputable human consensus.
Republic of Kosovo has pledged to accept these values by empowering the highest legal act of the country, the Constitution.
Since equal treatment constitutes the foundation stones of any democratic society, this anniversary has been declared by the UN as
non-discrimination anniversary. Now the road to building democracy, based on the principle of rule of law, all of us and each of us,
forced to respect the equality as the only perspective for a better future.
While all human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights, the purpose and primary obligation, social and institutional, should
be to promote a legal state, where all people are treated equally.
Despite the achievements, remains a challenge for all institutions of the Republic of Kosovo, not only to enjoy passive obligation, not
violated human rights and fundamental freedoms, but to prove their commitment to an active role in protecting and promoting them.
Protecting and respecting the best is when prevented by reasons they fought in genesis.
In over 60 years period from birth of the Universal Declaration, were adopted on 60 different international instruments, and delegated
state sovraniteteve part of the cause of freedom and human rights across the globe. In normative terms, the Republic of Kosovo has
embraced this philosophy without reservation. Challenge remains of their journey.
Ombudsman Institution in addition performance of its constitutional mission oversight and protection, will become wing of each
individual and collective initiative, governmental and non-governmental, which aims to promote human rights and fundamental freedoms
of conscience and growth of general. As an independent mechanism for protection of rights and freedoms will be vocal in cases of
prejudice, discrimination and violation of fundamental rights and freedoms. We need help and cooperation of each and everyone. Only
when all of us and each of us performs his duty, may make changes. And Kosovo needs change, even great, in the field of human rights.
Click here to read more »
Ombudsman Institution
December 10, 2009, Pristina
STATEMENT Ombudsman
Mr. SAMI Kurteshi, 10 DHJETORIT- OCCASION OF INTERNATIONAL DAY FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Freedom and human rights now constitute values are universal and common human heritage. It is now indisputable human consensus.
Republic of Kosovo has pledged to accept these values by empowering the highest legal act of the country, the Constitution.
Since equal treatment constitutes the foundation stones of any democratic society, this anniversary has been declared by the UN as
non-discrimination anniversary. Now the road to building democracy, based on the principle of rule of law, all of us and each of us,
forced to respect the equality as the only perspective for a better future.
While all human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights, the purpose and primary obligation, social and institutional, should
be to promote a legal state, where all people are treated equally.
Despite the achievements, remains a challenge for all institutions of the Republic of Kosovo, not only to enjoy passive obligation, not
violated human rights and fundamental freedoms, but to prove their commitment to an active role in protecting and promoting them.
Protecting and respecting the best is when prevented by reasons they fought in genesis.
In over 60 years period from birth of the Universal Declaration, were adopted on 60 different international instruments, and delegated
state sovraniteteve part of the cause of freedom and human rights across the globe. In normative terms, the Republic of Kosovo has
embraced this philosophy without reservation. Challenge remains of their journey.
Ombudsman Institution in addition performance of its constitutional mission oversight and protection, will become wing of each
individual and collective initiative, governmental and non-governmental, which aims to promote human rights and fundamental freedoms
of conscience and growth of general. As an independent mechanism for protection of rights and freedoms will be vocal in cases of
prejudice, discrimination and violation of fundamental rights and freedoms. We need help and cooperation of each and everyone. Only
when all of us and each of us performs his duty, may make changes. And Kosovo needs change, even great, in the field of human rights.
Click here to read more »
Presentation of the record of killed and missing persons in the municipalities of Gnjilane/Gjilan, Viti/Viti,
Kamenica/Kamenica and Novo Brdo/Novobërde
Date:11/02/2010 11:51
On February 9th 2010, in the Gnjilane/Gjilan Municipal Assembly, the Humanitarian Law Center - Kosovo (HLC – Kosovo) presented the
interim results of the record of killed and missing Albanians in the municipalities of Gnjilane/Gjilan, Viti/Viti, Kamenica/Kamenica and
Novo Brdo/Novobërde in the period from January 1st 1998 until June 14th 2000. Seventy family members of the killed and missing,
media representatives from Serbia and Kosovo and representatives of KFOR attended the presentation.
At the beginning of the presentation Bajram Nevzat, the President of the Gnjilane/Gjilan Municipal Assembly, said the Municipal
Assembly would always support any initiative that is for the benefit of families of fallen soldiers and victims. Mr. Nevzat also thanked
HLC – Kosovo for all its efforts in gathering evidence and documentation related to killings and disappearances during the war and urged
the families of the killed and missing to help HLC Kosovo collect data.
In his opening speech Bekim Blakaj, HLC – Kosovo Head of Office, said that the killed and missing are not just numbers but have names
and surnames and they should be noted and preserved for future generations, adding "they are important for us and for our history and
our future." Bekim Blakaj then presented the interim results of the record of killed and missing that relate to the municipalities of
Gnjilane/Gjilan, Viti/Viti, Kamenica/Kamenica and Novo Brdo/Novobërde.
At the end of the presentation, family members of the victims checked the data held in the HLC – Kosovo’s database and submitted
dozens of photos of victims and relevant documents.
Click here to read more>>
Kamenica/Kamenica and Novo Brdo/Novobërde
Date:11/02/2010 11:51
On February 9th 2010, in the Gnjilane/Gjilan Municipal Assembly, the Humanitarian Law Center - Kosovo (HLC – Kosovo) presented the
interim results of the record of killed and missing Albanians in the municipalities of Gnjilane/Gjilan, Viti/Viti, Kamenica/Kamenica and
Novo Brdo/Novobërde in the period from January 1st 1998 until June 14th 2000. Seventy family members of the killed and missing,
media representatives from Serbia and Kosovo and representatives of KFOR attended the presentation.
At the beginning of the presentation Bajram Nevzat, the President of the Gnjilane/Gjilan Municipal Assembly, said the Municipal
Assembly would always support any initiative that is for the benefit of families of fallen soldiers and victims. Mr. Nevzat also thanked
HLC – Kosovo for all its efforts in gathering evidence and documentation related to killings and disappearances during the war and urged
the families of the killed and missing to help HLC Kosovo collect data.
In his opening speech Bekim Blakaj, HLC – Kosovo Head of Office, said that the killed and missing are not just numbers but have names
and surnames and they should be noted and preserved for future generations, adding "they are important for us and for our history and
our future." Bekim Blakaj then presented the interim results of the record of killed and missing that relate to the municipalities of
Gnjilane/Gjilan, Viti/Viti, Kamenica/Kamenica and Novo Brdo/Novobërde.
At the end of the presentation, family members of the victims checked the data held in the HLC – Kosovo’s database and submitted
dozens of photos of victims and relevant documents.
Click here to read more>>
| Click map for larger view |
| Click flag for Country Report |
Fatmir Sejdiu
President since 10 February 2006
President since 10 February 2006
| TRAFFICKING IN PERSONS |
Since the end of the war, Kosovo has been a major source and destination country in the trafficking of women, women forced into
prostitution and sexual slavery. The growth in the sex trade industry has been fuelled by NATO forces in Kosovo.
prostitution and sexual slavery. The growth in the sex trade industry has been fuelled by NATO forces in Kosovo.
